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Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2017  with  funding  from 
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the  soutuern  suburbs  of  fuuoi.au. 


SOCIAL  LIFE  OF  THE  CHINESE 


WITH  SOME  ACCOUNT  OF  THEIR 


RELIGIOUS,  GOVERNMENTAL,  EDUCATIONAL,  AND  BUSINESS 
CUSTOMS  AND  OPINIONS. 


WITH  SPECIAL  BUT  NOT  EXCLUSIVE  REFERENCE  TO  FUHCHAU. 


By  REV.  JUSTUS  ‘DOOLITTLE, 


FOURTEEN  TEARS  MEMBER  OF  TIIE  FUUCHAU  MISSION  OF  TIIF.  AMERICAN  BOARD. 


ober  ©tie  3I?unTi«ti  anti  JFfftg  Kllustvatfons. 


IN  TWO  VOLUMES. 

VOL.  I. 


NEW  YORK: 

HARPER  & BROTHERS,  PUBLISHERS, 

FRANKLIN  SQUARE. 


1865. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  one  thousand  eight 
hundred  and  sixty-five,  by 

HARPER  & BROTHERS, 

In  the  Clerk’s  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  Southern  District  of 
New  York. 


TO  THE 

OFFICERS  AND  PATRONS 

OF 

PROTESTANT  MISSIONARY  SOCIETIES 

ENGAGED  IN  THE  EVANGELIZATION  OP  THE  CHINESE, 

AND 

TO  THE  PERSONAL  FRIENDS 

OF 

PROTESTANT  MISSIONARIES  LABORING  IN  CIIINA, 

®l)cse  ilolumes  are  EDebicatcb  bio 


THE  AUTHOR. 


PREFACE. 


The  reader  is  invited  to  the  perusal  of  an  original  work 
on  the  inner  life  of  the  most  ancient  and  populous,  but  least 
understood  and  appreciated  of  nations.  In  it  an  attempt  is 
made  to  describe  many  of  their  singular  customs  and  opin- 
ions relating  to  almost  all  subjects  of  interest,  and  also  to 
give  their  own  explanation  of  the  origin  or  the  rationale  of 
some  of  them.  If  an  undue  coloring  or  prominence  has 
been  given  to  any  custom,  or  a false  statement  has  been 
made  in  regard  to  any  subject,  no  one  will  regret  it  more 
sincerely  than  the  author. 

Nearly  two  thirds  of  the  contents  of  these  volumes  ap- 
peared in  1861-4  in  the  China  Mail,  a newspaper  published 
at  Hong  Kong,  in  anonymous  letters,  headed  “ Jottings  about 
the  Chinese.'1'1  On  the  writer’s  temporarily  returning  to  his 
native  land  last  year,  some  of  the  oldest  and  most  intelli- 
gent residents  in  China,  both  American  and  English,  strong- 
ly recommended  the  republication  of  the  letters  they  had 
seen  in  a permanent  form,  in  order  to  supply  a manifest 
want  in  the  books  already  accessible  relating  to  the  Chi- 
nese, viz.,  DETAILED  AND  RELIABLE  INFORMATION  CON- 
CERNING THEIR  SOCIAL  AND  RELIGIOUS  PRACTICES  AND 
sentiments.  The  published  and  the  unpublished  “Jot- 
tings,” accordingly,  have  been  rearranged,  abridged,  and 
thrown  into  the  form  of  chapters.  Only  three  or  four 
chapters — those  at  the  commencement  and  the  close — have 
been  written  in  this  country.  If  circumstances  had  favor- 
ed, a more  extensive  pruning  of  words,  phrases,  and  senten- 
ces CDuld  have  been  made  to  advantage.  As  the  work  ap- 
pears, it  makes  no  pretensions  to  a high  literary  style,  but 
is  a simple  and  unpolished  account  of  some  of  the  most  sin- 
gular, interesting,  and  important  phases  of  Chinese  life  and 
manners. 

A 


'11 


PREFACE. 


Though  specially  relatiug  to  Fuhchau  and  vicinity,  the 
description  of  many  of  the  social  and  superstitious  customs 
is  generally  applicable  to  other  parts  of  the  empire.  Such 
customs  in  the  different  provinces  sometimes  vary  as  great- 
ly as  do  the  productions  of  the  soil  in  different  latitudes,  or 
the  customs  prevalent  in  different  countries  in  Europe; 
and  a book  which  is  equally  true  in  regard  to  life  and  man- 
ners in  all  parts  of  the  empire  must  deal  only  in  vague  gen- 
eralities, and  relate  to  only  a few  subjects.  One  of  the 
grave  faults  of  most  writers  on  China  is,  that  what  they  af- 
firm in  general  terms  of  the  Chinese  is  true  only  of  the  peo- 
ple living  in  the  part  of  the  country  where  they  made  their 
observations,  not  of  the  Chinese  as  a nation. 

The  illustrations  are  derived  chiefly  from  photographic 
views,  and  from  pen  and  ink  sketches  drawn  by  Chinese 
artists. 

The  spelling  of  Chinese  terms  is  principally  according  to 
the  system  adopted  at  Fuhchau  for  writing  the  local  dia- 
lect. The  tonal  marks  are  not  always  inserted ; the  Man- 
darin sound  is  given  in  a few  instances. 

These  volumes,  it  is  believed,  will  reveal  to  the  careful 
reader  many  phases  of  Chinese  life  and  manners  which  he 
will  admire  and  commend.  But  if  he  should  tire  with  the 
senseless  and  useless  opinions  cherished,  and  the  strange 
and  superstitious  customs  practiced  among  all  classes  of  so- 
ciety, let  him  reflect  that  for  over  twenty  centuries  China 
has  been  in  bondage  to  the  writings  of  Confucius  and  Men- 
cius, and,  for  nearly  the  same  period,  to  the  religions  of 
Tauism  and  Buddhism.  This  fact  satisfactorily  accounts 
for  many  of  the  absurd,  superstitious,  and  stereotyped  opin- 
ions and  customs  prevalent  in  that  empire.  Its  people 
need,  above  all  other  things,  the  peculiar  influences  which 
the  Bible — the  great  enlightener  and  enfranchiser — invari- 
ably exerts  over  those  who  make  it  their  lamp  and  their 
law.  J.  D. 

Rutland  (Middle  Road),  N.  Y.,  July  20, 1S65. 


CONTENTS  OF  THE  FIRST  VOLUME. 


INTRODUCTION. 

Location  of  Fuhchau. — Size  and  Population. — Rank. — Residence  of  high 
Officials.  — Literary  Centre.  — Foreign  Trade,  when  commenced.  — Sta- 
tistics of  Tea  Trade. — Imports. — Exports  to  Chinese  Ports. — Manchu 
Tartars,  their  Character. — Faithful  to  the  Peking  Government. — Pagoda 
Anchorage. — Scenery  of  the  Min. — Kushan,  or  Drum  Mountain. — Ap- 
proach to  Fuhchau. — Middle  Island. — Bridge  of  10,000  Ages. — Bridge  of 
the  Cloudy  Hills. — Scenery  and  Prospects. — Banian  City. — Streets  nar- 
row.— Construction  of  Shops. — Goods,  how  transported. — Hills  are  Grave- 
yards.— Horse-shoe,  or  Omega  Graves. — How  Traveling  is  performed. — 
Mission  of  American  Board. — Mission  of  Methodist  Episcopal  Church. — 
Mission  of  English  Church. — Distribution  of  Books  and  portions  of  Scrip- 
ture at  literary  Examinations. — Swedish  Mission. — Native  Mohammed- 
ans.— Roman  Catholic  Church  and  Mission. — European  Priests  former- 
ly persecuted.  — Difference  between  Romish  and  Protestant  Missionary 
Work. — Romanist  Tracts  not  circulated  in  Public. — Religion  of  Heaven’s 
Lord  different  from  the  American  Religion. — Similarities  between  Roman- 
ism and  Buddhism. — Various  Sentiments Page  17 

CHAPTER  I. 

AGRICULTURAL  AND  DOMESTIC  MATTERS. 

Characteristics  of  the  People. — Houses. — No  Glass  Windows. — Cold  and 
Heat. — Soil  fertile. — Principal  Crops. — Sorghum  not  Chinese  Sugar-cane. 
—Fruits  and  Vegetables. — Principal  Articles  of  Food. — Chinese  at  their 
Meals. — No  promiscuous  Mingling  of  the  Sexes  on  festive  Occasions. — 
Tea  the  common  Beverage. — How  prepared. — Trip  to  a Tea  Plantation. 
— Description  of  Tea  Shrub. — Transplanted. — Congo  and  Oolong  made 
from  the  same  Shrub. — Plucking  the  Leaves. — Manner  of  preparing  Con- 
go and  Oolong. — Practical  Inference. — Fields  how  cultivated. — Threshing 
Grain. — Manner  of  Hulling  Rice. — Flouring  Mills. — No  Fences. — Man- 
ner of  Irrigation. — Artificial  Ponds  for  raising  Fish. — Hatching  Duck 
Eggs  by  artificial  Heat. — Fishing  with  Cormorants. — Fuel  and  Timber. — 
Vegetable  Oils  and  Tallow. — Temples  and  Places  worth  Visiting. — Char- 
coal Birds. — Native  Poor-house. — Few  labor-saving  Machines  used. — 
Manual  Labor. — Wages  of  common  Laborers. — Employment  of  Women. 
— Block  Stereotyping  and  Printing. — A few  Words  about  the  Chinese 
Language 41 


IV 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  II. 

BETROTHAL  AND  MARRIAGE. 

Manner  of  Betrothal:  Employment  of  Gobetweens,  or  Match-makers. — The 
eight  Characters.— Eortune-teller  consulted. — Description  of  betrothal 
Cards. — Betrothal  consummated  by  exchanging  these  Cards. — Exchange 
of  Presents.  — Story  relating  to  the  Use  of  red  Silk  Threads.  — Matches 
made  in  Heaven. — Customs  observed  between  Betrothal  and  the  Day  of  Mar- 
riage: Selection  of  lucky  Days. — Wedding  Cakes. — Mutual  sending  of 
Presents. — Bride’s  Outfit  or  Dowry. — “Sifting  four  Eyes.” — Expelling 
the  Filth. — Placing  the  bridal  Bedstead  in  Position.  — Trying  on  her 
wedding  Garments. — Sending  the  bridal  Sedan  for  the  Bride. — Ceremonies 
observed  on  the  Day  of  Marriage:  The  “new  Woman”  at  Breakfast. — The 
Bride  in  her  Sedan. — The  four  Cakes  and  Bed-quilt. — Bridal  Procession. — 
“ Receiving  the  Bride.” — Ceremonies  on  Arrival  at  her  Husband’s  Home. 
— Bride  and  Bridegroom  sit  side  by  side. — Worshiping  Heaven  and  Earth. 


— Worshiping  ancestral  Tablets.  — Drinking  Wine  together. — Wedding 
Dinner.  — Guests  present  Money.  — Seeing  the  Bride  in  the  Evening. — 
Candles  in  the  bridal  Chamber  at  Night Page  G5 


CHAPTER  III. 

BETROTHAL  AND  MARRIAGE — Continued. 

Customs  observed  subsequent  to  the  Wedding-day:  “Coming  out  of  the 
Room.” — Worship  of  the  God  of  the  Kitchen. — On  the  third  Day  they 
visit  the  Bride’s  Parents. — Use  of  a.  Charm  to  ward  off  Evil  Spirits  from 
the  Bride. — Worship  of  her  Family’s  ancestral  Tablets. — Presents  from 
her  Mother  at  the  End  of  a Month. — Presents  between  the  Groom  and 
his  Parents-in-law. — Frequent  Use  of  Incense  and  Candles. — Miscella- 
neous Practices  and  Sentiments  relating  to  Betrothal  and  Marriage:  A “lit- 
tle Bride.” — Betrothal  of  unborn  Children. — Marriages  of  People  of  the 
same  Surname  interdicted. — Bridegroom  living  in  his  Father-in-law’s 
Family. — “Marrying  the  Wearer  of  a white  Skirt.” — Marrying  within  a 
hundred  Days  after  the  Death  of  a Parent. — “Asking  for  her  Shoes.” — 
“Broken  Thread.” — Bridal  Procession  in  White. — Urging  on  the  Mar- 
riage.— Kidnapping  the  Bride. — Breaking  up  the  Betrothment. — Seven 
Reasons  for  Divorcing  a Wife. — Three  Reasons  why  a Wife  may  not  be 
Divorced. — Marrying  the  Wife  of  a living  Man. — Inferior  Wives. — Chi- 
nese Sutteeism  by  Hanging. — Honorary  Portals  in  Memory  of  virtuous 
and  filial  Widows 92 


CHAPTER  IV. 

MARRIED  LIFE  AND  CHILDREN. 

Superstitious  Customs  observed  by  Mamed  Women,  or  relating  to  them  : Adopt- 
ing a Child  versus  Grafting. — Examining  the  Flower-tree. — Changing  the 
Flower-vase. — Asking  “Mother”  for  the  loan  of  a Shoe. — Begging  a 
Flower  from  “Mother.” — Ceremony  of  the  middle  Period. — Propitiating 
certain  two  female  Demons. — Methods  of  ascertaining  the  Sex  of  unborn 


contents: 


V 


Children.  — Difficult  Labor.  — Use  of  Puppets. —Turning  around  the 
“ Strait  Charm.” — Ceremony  in  case  an  apparently  lifeless  Child  is  born. 
— Singular  or  Superstitious  Customs  relating  to  Children  the  Jirst  year  of 
their  lives:  Washing  the  Child  before  image  of  “Mother.” — Binding  its 
Wrists. — Warding  off  unfavorable  Influences  into  the  Trowsers. — Thanks- 
giving to  “Mother.” — Shaving  the  Child’s  head  when  one  Month  old. — 
Child  sits  on  a Chair  when  four  Months  old. — Ceremony  of  “Grasping 
Things”  when  one  Year  old. — Singular  or  Superstitious  Customs  relating  to 
Children  after  they  are  one  Year  old:  “Burning  Paper  to  ‘Mother.’” — 
Cutting  the  Cords  of  the  Feet. — “Passing  through  the  Door.” — Letting 
the  “Peach” grow. — Burning  mock-Money  monthly. — Worshiping  “Moth- 
er” on  her  Birthday- — Praising  the  Measure  in  the  eighth  Month. — Ori- 
gin of  the  Custom. — Worship  of  Confucius  annually  by  Teacher  and  Pu- 
pils.— Worship  of  Confucius  “on  entering  School.” — “ Going  out  of  Child- 
hood.”— Becoming  of  Age. — Prosecution  of  unfilial  Children  before  Mag- 
istrates.— Punishment  of  a Parricide Page  113 

CHAPTER  V. 

SUPERSTITIOUS  TREATMENT  OP  DISEASE. 

Miscellaneous  Superstitions  to  cure  the  Sick : Death  owing  to  the  “ Reckoning 
of  Heaven.” — Propitiating  the  “ Destroying  God.” — Expelling  deadly  In- 
fluences.— Inviting  the  Mandate  of  the  “Arrow.” — Attributing  the  Dis- 
ease to  some  angry  God. — Ascribing  the  Sickness  to  the  Enmity  of  a de- 
ceased Person. — Inviting  the  God  of  Medicine  to  visit  the  Sick. — Getting 
ten  Men  to  become  Security. — Endeavoring  to  bring  back  the  Spirit  of  the 
Sick. — Following  the  Directions  of  a Book  of  Charms. — Burning  a repre- 
sentative paper  Image  of  the  Sick. — Ascending  a Ladder  of  Knives. — 
They  implore  the  Aid  of  certain  Divinities  in  curing  Small-pox  and  Measles  : 
Worship  of  the  Goddess  of  Small-pox. — Steaming  Balls  of  Yeast. — Beating 
a Drum  or  Gong  when  it  Thunders. — Roasting  black  Beans. — Presents  in- 
dicating the  Wish  that  the  Scabs  of  the  Small-pox  may  fall  off. — Thank-of- 
fering to  the  Goddess  of  Small-pox. — Worship  of  the  Goddess  of  Measles. 
— They  employ  novel  Methods  for  curing  and  preventing  Cholera  and  other 
epidemic  Diseases : Epidemics  under  control  of  the  Five  Rulers. — Idol  Pro- 
cessions.— Tall  white  Devil  and  short  black  Devil. — Paper  Boats  carried 
in  Procession,  and  burnt  at  Water’s  Edge. — An  unusual  kind  of  Idol  Pro- 
cession to  expel  unhealthy  Influences. — They  engage  in  Idol  Processions  as 
a Token  of  Gratitude  for  the  Recovery  of  their  Parents  from  Sickness,  or  to 
promote  their  Longevity:  Making  Vows  before  popular  Idols. — Kneeling 
down  in  the  Streets  before  the  Idol  in  Procession. — Wearing  Cangues  and 
Fetters. — Dressing  in  red  Coats. — Carrying  a Stick  of  lighted  Incense. — 
Ceremony  before  the  Great  King 142 

CHAPTER  VI. 

DEATH,  MOURNING,  AND  BURIAL. 

Singular  or  Superstitious  Customs  relating  to  Mourning  and  the  unburied  Dead  : 
Bidding  Farewell  at  Death. — Lighting  Candles  and  Incense. — Turning 


VI 


•CONTENTS. 


around  the  “Bridge-Ladder.” — Offering  Food  and  Wine  to  the  Dead. — 
Cash  used  before  the  Place  for  the  Spirit  of  the  Dead. — The  Burning  of 
a miniature  Paper  Sedan  for  the  Use  of  the  Dead. — Putting  “ longevity” 
Clothes  on  the  Corpse. — Placing  the  Corpse  in  the  Coffin. — Arranging  a 
Table  before  the  Place  of  the  Spirit. — The  “ longevity”  Picture. — Using 
Cash  to  inquire  of  the  Dead. — The  Servant  Devil. — Performing  the  Cer- 
emony for  the  Repose  of  the  Spirit  of  the  Dead. — Sleeping  by  the  Coffin. 
— Bringing  Water  in  the  Morning,  and  Waiting  on  the  Dead  at  Meal- 
time, and  bidding  “Good-night!” — The  Relatives  make  Presents  for  Use 
in  Sacrificing  to  the  Dead. — Worshiping  the  “longevity”  Picture. — In- 
forming the  Ten  Kings  of  Hell  of  the  Death  of  the  Individual. — Observ- 
ing a Ceremony  in  Honor  of  the  Seven  Kings. — Putting  on  Mourning  on 
the  Seventh  Day. — Celebrating  every  Seventh  Day  for  Seven  Times. — 
Ceasing  to  offer  Rice  at  Meal-time. — The  Present  received  by  the  mar- 
ried Daughter  to  dry  up  her  Tears. — Celebrating  the  Sixtieth  Day. — Ob- 
serving the  Fourteenth  and  Thirtieth  of  every  Month. — The  Celebration 
at  the  End  of  Three  Years,  and  Removing  the  Table  from  before  the 
Place  of  the  Spirit.  — Observing  the  Anniversary  of  the  Birth  and  the 
Death  of  the  Dead. — Meritorious  Ceremonies  performed  for  the  Benefit  of 
the  Dead:  Mounting  the  Platform. — Letting  go  the  Water  Lanterns. — 
Breaking  into  Hell. — Spirits  passing  over  the  Bridge. — Introductory  Serv- 
ice.— Issuing  the  Notification. — The  bright  Lantern  of  Seventeen  Buddhas. 
— Burning  a Paper  Sedan,  an  image  of  a Crane,  and  Trunks  of  mock- 
Money  and  mock-Clothing. — Sending  Money  to  pay  the  Debt  of  the  De- 
ceased, or  for  the  Use  of  the  Animal  to  which  he  belongs. — Public  Notice 
of  Meritorious  Ceremonies. — The  Water  Ceremony.— ‘Service  of  using  the 
Names  of  1000  Buddhas. — Bloody-Pond  Ceremony. — Ceremony  to  propi- 
tiate the  Ten  Kings  of  Hell Page  1G8 

CHAPTER  VII. 

death,  mourning,  and  burial — Continued. 

Singular  or  Superstitious  Customs  relating  to  Burial:  Blood  Burial. — The 
Coffin  sometimes  deposited  temporarily  in  a Dead-house. — Ceremonies 
of  Depositing  it  there. — Order  of  Funeral  Processions. — “Buying  the 
Road.” — “Gods  Opening  the  Road.” — “Arranging  a Sacrifice”  in  Honor 
of  the  Dead  in  the  Street  or  at  the  House. — Lowering  the  Coffin  into  the 
Grave. — Eating  certain  Cakes  as  an  Omen  of  Good. — Offerings  to  the 
Gods  of  the  Hills,  and  to  the  Spirits  of  Beggars  and  Lepers  in  Hell. — 
Conclusion  of  the  Ceremonies  at  the  Grave. — Tablet  of  the  Dead  carried 
Home. — The  “Dotting”  of  the  Tablet. — Miscellaneous  Practices  and  Opin- 
ions relating  to  the  Dead:  Badges  of  Mourning  worn  by  Widows  and  Wid- 
owers.— White  “Cloths  to  cry  with.” — Presents  to  counteract  unlucky 
Influences. — Grave-clothes  sometimes  only  basted  or  pasted  together. — 
Begetting  Children  during  the  Period  of  Mourning  unlawful. — Solicitude 
relating  to  Coffins. — Incidents. — Purchase  of  Coffins  during  Lifetime. — 
Preparing  for  Death. — The  golden  Lad  and  the  gemmeous  Lass. — Use 
of  a white  Cock  on  the  Coffin 198 


CONTENTS. 


YU 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

ANCESTRAL  TABLETS  AND  ANCESTRAL  HALLS. 

The  ancestral  Tablet  used  in  private  Houses : Two  Accounts  of  the  Origin  of 
the  ancestral  Tablet. — Size  and  Appearance  of  the  Tablet  erected  by  the 
eldest  Son. — Daughters  not  permitted  to  erect  a Tablet. — Description  of 
general  Tablet  erected  by  any  Son  but  the  Eldest. — Worshiped  for  three 
or  five  Generations. — Fixed  Times  for  worshiping  the  Tablet. — Worship 
of  Ancestors  in  ancestral  Halls : General  and  branch  Halls. — Permanent 
Fund  for  Expenses  of  Worship. — Six  specified  Times  for  annual  Worship 
in  them. — Visit  to  an  ancestral  Hall : Description  of  the  Hall  visited. — 
Cost  of  Erection. — Manner  of  Worship  on  the  Day  of  the  autumnal  Sac- 
rifice   Page  217 


CHAPTER  IX. 

PRIESTS  OP  THE  THREE  RELIGIONS. 

Priests  of  Buddhism:  Buddhism  not  native  in  China. — Buddhist  Priests  live 
in  Monasteries  or  Temples. — Governed  by  Abbots. — Description  of  Bud- 
dhist Costume. — Monkish. — Ignore  the  common  Duties  and  Relations  of 
Life. — Brief  Description  of  Worship  at  the  Monastery  on  Drum  Mountain. 
— Animals  kept  alive  there  as  a Work  of  Merit. — Do  not  eat  animal  Food. 
— How  the  Sect  is  kept  up. — Singular  Method  of  Seclusion. — Cremation 
of  the  Corpses  of  Priests. — Worship  of  the  Three  Precious  Ones. — Priests 
of  Tauism,  or  the  Sect  of  Rationalism:  Tauism  at  Fuhchau  less  popular 
than  Buddhism. — The  Class  called  To-ing  much  like  the  Buddhist  Priests. 
— The  Class  Td-tai  much  unlike  the  Buddhist  Priests. — Tauist  Priests  eat 
Meat  as  well  as  Vegetables. — Tb-tai  much  employed  in  performing  meri- 
torious Ceremonies. — Tauist  Priests  worship  the  Three  Pure  Ones. — 
Priests  of  Confucianism,  or  the  Sect  of  the  Learned:  Professors  of  Cere- 
mony or  Politeness. — Two  Classes. — One  employed  by  Mandarins. — The 
other  employed  by  Jhe  common  People. — Brief  Notice  of  the  Doctrines  or 
Principles  of  Confucianism. — No  Nuns  at  Fuhchau 23G 

CHAPTER  X. 

POPULAR  GODS  AND  GODDESSES. 

Slang  Hiiong,  “ The  Lord  of  the  Province.” — Image  carried  forth  in  Proces- 
sion three  times  per  Year. — Ngiik  Huong  Siong  Td,  “The  Pearly  Empe- 
ror Supreme  Ruler,”  principal  God  of  the  Tauist  Sect. — Tat  Sang,  “ Great 
or  Universal  Mountain,”  much  worshiped  by  Tartars  as  well  as  Chinese. — 
Hieng  Tieng  Siong  Td,  Supreme  Ruler  of  the  Sombre  Heavens. — Huo  Sing, 
God  of  Fire. — Kuang  Ing  Huk,  Goddess  of  Mercy. — Ma  Chu,  Goddess  of 
Sailors. — Ling  ChuiNa,  commonly  called  “Mother,”  Goddess  of  Midwife- 
ry and  of  Children. — Sang  Huong,  the  three  Emperors. — Kuang  Td,  Chi- 
nese God  of  War. — Uong  Tieng  Kung,  King,  Heavenly  Prince.  — Ung 
Chiong  Td  Kung,  the  God  of  Literature. — Nguong  Saui,  a God  of  Play- 
acting, Wrestling,  and  Music.  — Tu  Te  Kung  and  Chai  Sing,  Gods  of 


Vlll 


CONTENTS. 


Wealth. — Lu  Pang,  Patron  Deity  of  those  who  use  the  Chisel  and  the 
Saw. — Til  KSk  Sai,  God  of  Swine. — Tu  Chieng  Kui,  a God  of  Gam- 
blers   Page  255 


CHAPTER  XI. 

POPULAR  gods  and  goddesses — Continued. 

Ngu  Hieng  Kung,  God  of  Thieves. — Iiih  Uong  Chu  Sii,  the  God  of  Medicine. 
— I Kuang  Tai  Uong,  the  God  of  Surgery. — Uok  Uong,  King  of  the  Min 
Country. — Ngu  Ta,  the  Five  Rulers  or  Emperors. — What  they  represent. 
— Called  corrupt  Gods. — Titled  Marquis  by  Decree  of  Hien  Fung. — Pro- 
cessions in  Public  in  the  fifth  and  sixth  Months  very  numerous. — Unions 
or  Clubs  formed  to  honor  them.  — Preparations  for  Processions  in  their 
honor. — Paper  Boats. — Happy  Bucket. — Sailors’  Society. — Paper  Boat 
sent  out  to  Sea. — Tall  white  Devil  and  short  black  Devil. — Buffalo-head- 
ed, Horse-faced,  Cock-headed,  and  Duck-mouthed  Assistants. — Assistant 
carrying  a Cangue,  and  Assistant  carrying  a Chain  and  a Lock. — The 
“accomplishing”  and  the  “transforming”  Assistants. — Four  Assistants 
representing  the  four  Seasons. — Five  Assistants  representing  the  five  Di- 
rections.— Such  Processions  imposing. — Images  and  Pictures  of  Animals 
worshiped:  The  Monkey. — The  Fox. — The  Tiger  (worshiped  by  Gam- 
blers).— The  Tiger  (worshiped  by  Mothers  in  Behalf  of  their  sick  Chil- 
dren).— Heavenly  Dog. — A Servant  of  the  God  of  Music  represented  by  a 
Dog. — The  black  Monkey  and  the  white  Rabbit. — The  Dragon. — White 
Cock 273 

CHAPTER  XII. 

MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 

Viceroy.  — Governor.  — Treasurer.  — J udge.  — Salt  Commissioner.  — Pro- 
vision Commissioner.  — Prefect.  — Marine  Inspector.  — District  Magis- 
trates.— Literary  Chancellor. — Tartar  General. — Major  General. — Num- 
ber of  Sedan-bearers  allowed  to  Mandarins. — Umbrellas  of  State. — But- 
tons or  Balls  on  their  Caps. — Cannon  fired  in  Honor.  — Respect  paid  to 
Officers  in  the  Street.  — Retinue  of  high  Officers  in  Public.  — Lictors  of 
the  District  Magistrate. — Uniform  of  Attendants  not  in  good  Taste. — Ap- 
pointed Days  for  calling  on  the  Viceroy  and  Governor. — Same  Days  al- 
lotted for  filing  Prosecutions.  — Other  Days  for  calling  upon  subordinate 
Mandarins.  — “ Drum  Pavilion.”  — No  fixed  Charges  for  official  Aid.  — 
Bambooing. — Deception  practiced. — Official  Documents  must  be  Stamped. 
— “ Horses  of  a thousand  Li.” — Complaint  must  be  made  before  a Mur- 
derer is  arrested  and  punished. — Village  Constable. — “White”  Deeds  and 
“Red”  Deeds.  — Fruit  sent  as  Tribute  to  Peking  annually.  — Mandarins 
engage  in  saving  the  Moon  or  Sun  when  eclipsed. — Arresting  and  chain- 
ing one’s  self. — Death  by  Strangulation. — Meaning  of  a Present  of  a Silk 
Cord  from  the  Emperor. — “Searching  a Mandarin’s  House.” — Fining 
Part  of  Salary. — Degrading  from  Rank. — Removing  from  Office. — Re- 
signing Office  on  the  Death  of  one’s  Parent. — Asking  Permission  to  resign 


CONTENTS. 


IX 


Office  on  Account  of  Illness  of  a Parent. — Asking  Permission  to  resign 
Office  and  remain  with  Parents  until  they  Die. — Resigning  a high  Office 
because  a Relative  or  Friend  fills  a subordinate  Office. — Asking  for  a short 
Respite  from  the  Cares  of  Office. — Resignations  often  unaccepted. — Res- 
ignations on  account  of  old  Age  proffered. — Asking  leave  to  resign  on  Ac- 
count of  Sickness. — Setting  a Thief  to  catch  a Thief. — Civil  Thief-catch- 
er.— Military  Thief-catcher. — Once  a Thief  always  a Thief. — Universal 
Custom  of  giving  Presents  to  a Mandarin  on  his  Arrival  at  his  Mandarin- 
ate. — Mandarins  greatly  under  the  Influence  of  Subordinates. — “Great 
Sires.” — “The  Door-parcel.”— Door-keepers  of  Yamuns  bribed. — Manda- 
rin’s Adviser  or  Teacher. — Manner  of  securing  his  Services. — Six  Boards 
of  Office  in  Yamuns Page  294 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES — Continued. 

Mandarins  sometimes  popular. — “ Umbrellas  from  ten  thousand  of  the  Peo- 
ple.”— “Garments  from  ten  thousand  of  the  People.” — Sons  in  Office 
obtain  Titles  of  Rank  for  Parents  living  or  dead. — Peacock  Feathers  be- 
stowed as  Rewards. — Transference  of  Titles  of  Honor. — Policemen  con- 
nected with  Yamuns  detested. — Seizing  and  torturing  Relatives  of  Cul- 
prits.— “White  Market.” — Mandarins  held  responsible  for  large  Confla- 
grations.— Manuscript  official  daily  Gazettes. — No  Newspapers  for  the 
Million. — People  instructed  by  public  Proclamations. — Exhortations  to 
subscribe  Money  for  the  Use  of  Government. — Office  obtained  by  Purchase 
or  by  Bribery. — First  Class  literacy  Graduates  of  third  Rank  enter  on 
Office  at  once. — Legal  Modes  of  Torture  and  of  Punishment : Inferior  and 
superior  Classes. — Wearing  the  Cangue. — Beating  on  the  Cheeks. — Beat- 
ing on  the  Posteriors. — Squeezing  the  Fingers. — Squeezing  the  Ankles. — 
Imprisonment. — Beheading. — “Cutting  into  small  Pieces”  before  Decap- 
itation.— Strangulation. — Banishment  beyond  the  Frontiers. — Banishment 
three  thousand  Li  from  Home. — Banishment  one  thousand  Li. — Favors 
shown  to  Criminals  by  Grace  of  the  Emperor. — Illegal  Modes  of  Torture 
and  of  Punishment : Fastened  on  a Bedstead. — Frame  of  the  flowery  Eye- 
brow.— Monkey  holding  a Peach. — Standing  in  a Cage. — Smoking  the 
Head  in  a Tube. — A Shirt  made  of  Iron  Wire. — IIot-watQr  Snake. — Whip 
of  Hooks. — Kneeling  on  Chains  or  Bits  of  Crockery. — Common  hut  unlaw- 
ful Practices : Relating  to  Gambling. — Keeping  of  Brothels. — Private  and 
unlicensed  Pawn-shops.  — Clandestine  Manufacture  or  Sale  of  Salt.  — 
Counterfeiting  Bank-bills. — Counterfeiting  Cash  and  deteriorating  Sil- 
ver  327 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

THE  STATE  RELIGION. 

Enumeration  of  some  of  the  Objects  worshiped  by  Mandarins : What  is  meant 
by  State  Religion. — Burning  Incense  bi-monthly. — Vernal  and  autumnal 
Sacrifices. — Confucius,  or  God  of  War. — Heaven  and  Earth. — Processions 
in  honor  of  Spring  and  of  military  Utensils.  — Goddess  of  Sailors  and 

A 2 


X 


CONTENTS. 


“Mother.”  — Expense  defrayed  by  Government.  — Emperor’s  Birthdays 
and  Death  celebrated. — Worship  of  the  Flag.  — Saving  Eclipses  of  the 
Moon  or  Sun. — Seals  of  Office. — God  of  the  Gate  and  the  Fox. — This 
Worship  not  performed  because  proper. — No  Christian  can  be  a high  Offi- 
cer.— Worship  of  Confucius,  illustrating  the  State  Religion : Description  of 
prefectural  Temple  4o  Confucius  at  Fuhchau. — Its  Cost. — Size. — Tablet 
to  Confucius. — Autumnal  Sacrifice  in  1858  witnessed. — Preparatory  Re- 
hearsal.— Method  of  preparing  the  Articles  to  he  offered.- — Incident. — 
Method  of  arranging  the  Articles. — Place  assigned  by  the  Prefect. — Ar- 
rival of  Mandarins  and  Musicians. — Manner  of  Worship  and  presenting 
Food  to  Confucius. — Musicians  and  Boys  perform  with  their  Instruments. 
— Burning  of  Silk. — Articles  and  Animals  offered  annually  in  China  to 
Confucius. — Manner  of  national  Mourning  for  the  Death  of  Hien  Fung,  also 
illustrating  the  State  Religion:  Arrival  of  a Dispatch  with  the  Blue  Seal  from 
Peking. — Time  fixed  for  official  Mourning. — Shaving,  Marriages,  and 
Theatricals  forbidden  for  one  hundred  Days  from  the  Death  of  the  Em- 
peror.— Sign-boards  put  in  Mourning. — Many  Marriages  celebrated  before 
forbidden. — Official  Lamentations  witnessed. — Mandarins  in  Mourning. 
— Description  of  Arrangements. — Ceremony  of  three  Kneelings  and  nine 
Knockings  performed. — The  Mandarins  pretend  to  Cry Page  353 

CHAPTER  XY. 

COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 

Primary  Schools  and  Government  Colleges:  Primary  Schools  numerous. — 
Manner  of  Conducting  them. — Three  Colleges  connected  with  the  Gov- 
ernment at  Fuhchau. — Two  under  the  Charge  of  the  Governor. — Studies 
pursued  in  them. — Tuition  and  Room-rent  free. — Two  hundred  and  forty 
Students  selected  for  each  Annually,  after  Examination  of  competitive 
Compositions. — One  hundred  and  eighty  receive  a Monthly  Stipend. — 
Manner  of  conducting  the  Examination  of  Compositions  in  the  Colleges. — 
One  College  under  the  Charge  of  the  Prefect. — Manner  of  conducting  its 
Literary  Exercises. — Students  in  the  first  two  Colleges  may  belong  to  any 
Part  of  the  Province. — Students  in  the  other  must  live  in  the  Prefecture. 
— Examination  of  Undergraduates  before  the  District  Magistrate  and  the 
Prefect:  Foul* Classes  may  not  compete  at  the  Examinations. — Students 
in  Mourning  for  a Parent  may  not  compete. — Notification  given  by  the 
Literary  Chancellor  of  the  time  of  his  Examinations. — Manner  of  enter- 
ing Names  of  Students  as  Competitors. — Manner  of  Competition. — The 
Numbers  of  the  Candidates  placarded  in  Public. — Examination  of  Under- 
graduates before  the  Literary  Chancellor  for  the  First  Degree,  and  of  Grad- 
uates of  the  First  Degree  before  him  preparatory  to  Competition  for  the  Sec- 
ond Degree:  Privileged  Classes.  — Manner  of  Competition. — Rewriting 
from  Memory  the  Sacred  Edict. — Best  Competitors,  to  a certain  Number, 
become  Bachelors  of  Arts. — They  come  under  the  Jurisdiction  of  their 
Literary  Chiefs. — Bachelorship  may  be  bought. — Privileges  of  a class  of 
Scholars  next  best  to  the  Graduates. — Graduates  expected  to  make  Pres- 
ents to  their  Securities. — Extra  Examination  every  twelve  Years. — Chiefs 


CONTENTS. 


XI 


of  Graduates  receive  their  Appointment  from  Peking. — Method  of  con- 
ducting Examinations  of  Graduates  preparatory  to  Competition  for  Sec- 
ond Degree.  — Supplementary  Examinations.  — Salutes  and  Music  in 
Honor  of  the  three  Companies  which  come  out  of  the  Examinations 
first Page  376 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS — Continued. 

Examination  of  Graduates  of  the  first  Degree  before  the  Imperial  Commission- 
ers for  the  second  Degree : Description  of  the  Provincial  Examination  Hall. 
— The  Commissioners  “Wash  their  Hearts”  at  the  Temple  of  Perfect 
Justice. — Time  of  entering  the  Hall. — Its  Regulations. — Order  of  Proce- 
dure within. — Three  Sessions  of  two  Days  each. — Names  of  successful 
Competitors  placarded  on  the  Drum  Tower  in  the  City.  — Their  orig- 
inal Compositions,  after  “washing  and  repairing,”  are  sent  to  Peking. — 
If  a Student  dies  in  the  Hall,  the  Corpse  is  taken  out  over  the  Wall. — 
Graduates  of  the  second  Degree  go  to  Peking  to  compete  for  the  third  De- 
gree.— Rejoicing,  Festivities,  and  Honors  in  View  of  successful  Competition: 
Lists  of  Graduates  hawked  about  for  Sale. — Messengers  “carry  the  In- 
formation” to  their  Families. — Graduation  celebrated  by  a Feast. — Wor- 
ship of  Heaven  and  Earth  and  ancestral  Tablets. — Graduates  of  the  first 
Degree  visit  the  literary  Chancellor  and  kneel  before  him. — They  Call  upon 
their  Relations  and  Friends. — Graduates  of  the  second  Degree  are  invited 
to  a Feast  at  the  Governor's  Yamun. — After  bowing  before  him,  they  Call 
upon  their  Relations  and  Friends. — Description  of  the  Graduates’  Proces- 
sion in  making  Calls. — If  engaged  or  married,  they  are  invited  to  a Feast 
at  their  Father-in-law’s  House. — Description  of  the  honorary  Tablets 
erected  by  Graduates  of  the  second  Degree. — Graduates  of  the  third  De- 
gree erect  other  honorary  Tablets. — Special  Honors  conferred  by  the  Em- 
peror on  certain  Classes  of  aged  Graduates 401 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

competitive  literary  examinations — Continued. 

Just  and  legal  Measures  used  to  prevent  Deception : Some  of  the  Rules  to  be 
observed. — Use  of  a Stamp  an  Hour  or  two  after  Themes  are  given  out. 
— An  Examination  of  the  Number  of  the  Seat  occupied  by  each  is  made. 
— Some  Competitors  invited  to  sit  near  the  Literary  Chancellor. — Unjust 
and  unlawful  Expedients  xised  by  Examiners : Graduation  occasionally  is  a 
matter  of  Favor. — Private  Marks  or  Characters  sometimes  given  certain 
Competitors  by  which  their  Compositions  can  be  recognized! — Examiners 
often  bribed. — Graduation  of  certain  Persons  frequently  urged  for  Friend- 
ship’s Sake. — Assistants  of  the  Examiners  sometimes  strongly  recommend 
the  Essays  of  certain  Candidates. — Unjust  and  unlawful  Expedients  to  suc- 
ceed used  by  Competitors : An  able  Writer  is  hired  to  go  into  the  Arena  un- 
der the  Name  of  his  Employer. — Clerks  are  bribed  to  aid  in  various  Ways. 
— “Exchanging  Rolls.” — Two  Friends  try  to  sit  near  each  other  by  ex- 


CONTENTS. 


xii 

changing  Seats  with  others.  — Many  Competitors  enroll  their  Names  in 
two  or  more  Districts.  — Some  “ride  Horses.”  — Essays  sometimes  are 
Written  outside,  and  smuggled  into  the  Hall  in  small  Wax  Balls  or  by 
underground  Tunnels. — Sometimes  Written  outside,  and  afterward  by  a 
bribed  Clerk  mingled  among  those  Written  inside. — Sum  to  be  paid  for 
literary  Help  definitely  agreed  upon. — Military  competitive  Examinations  : 
Skill  in  Archery  and  great  physical  Strength  of  paramount  Importance. 
— Examination  of  military  Undergraduates  before  the  District  Magistrate, 
Prefect,  and  Literary  Chancellor  described.  — Examination  of  Graduates 
of  the  first  military  Degree  before  the  Governor  for  the  second  Degree. — 
Successful  Competitors  call  upon  Eriends  and  Relatives  with  a Band  of 
Music  and  great  Pomp. — Bribery  less  frequent  than  in  literary  Competi- 
tions.— Graduates  of  the  second  Degree  go  to  Peking  to  compete  for  the 
third Page  421 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

CHINESE  ANECDOTES. 

Precocious  Youth. — Indigent  Students. — Filial  and  Dutiful  Children 444 


ILLUSTRATIONS  IN  YOL,  I, 


Scenery  of  the  Min,  West  of  the  Southern.  Suburbs  of  Fuhchau...  Frontispiece. 

Bridge  of  the  Cloudy  Hills Page  26 

View  of  the  Southern  Suburbs  of  Fuhchau 29 

Gentleman  riding  in  a Sedan,  with  a Servant  on  Foot 32 

Pagoda 35 

Plowing  with  the  domesticated  Buffalo 50 

Carrying  Bundles  of  Grain 51 

Threshing  Grain 51 

Hulling  Rice 52 

Irrigation  by  means  of  an  Endless  Chain-pump 54 

Fishing  with  Cormorants 56 

Country  Scene  near  Fuhchau 64 

Bridal  Sedan 78 

Part  of  a Bridal  Procession  en  route  to  the  House  of  the  Bridegroom  on 

the  Wedding-day 81 

Bride  and  Bridegroom  worshiping  the  Tablets  of  his  deceased  Ancestors  85 

Bride  and  Bridegroom  drinking  Samshu  together 87 

Bride  and  Bridegroom  taking  their  Wedding  Dinner 89 

Charm  to  ward  off  Evil  Spirits  from  a Bride 95 

Honorary  Stone  Portal  to  the  Memory  of  Virtuous  and  Filial  Widows...  Ill 

Shaving  a Child’s  Head  when  one  Month  Old 123 

Child  sitting  on  a Chair  when  four  Months  Old 124 

Grasping  Playthings  when  one  Year  Old 125 

Father  teaching  his  Child  to  Worship 126 

Passing  through  the  Door  128 

Bringing  back  the  Soul  of  the  Sick  into  his  Clothes  on  the  Bamboo 150 

Priest  ascending  a Ladder  of  Knives 153 

Goddess  of  Small-pox 154 

Tall  White  Devil 158 

Short  Black  Devil 158 

Worshiping  with  Incense  and  Stool 163 

Wearing  the  Cangue  as  a token  of  Gratitude 165 

Turning  around  the  Bridge-ladder 171 

Eldest  Son  dressed  in  Mourning  and  carrying  the  Filial  Staff 184 

Part  of  a Funeral  Procession ...  201 

White  Cock  on  a Coffin  luring  Home  one  of  the  Spirits  of  the  Dead....  214 

Ancestral  Tablet  representing  one  Person 219 

Worshiping  the  Ancestral  Tablet  in  its  Niche 223 


xiv  ILLUSTRATIONS  IN  VOL.  I. 

Censer V Page  223 

Distant  View  of  Kushan,  i.  e.,  Drum  Mountain 238 

Buddhist  Priest 240 

The  Three  Precious  Ones 245 

The  Three  Pure  Ones 249 

Professor  of  Ceremony 251 

Buddhist  Nun  with  Cap  and  Rosary 254 

Ma  Chu,  the  Goddess  of  Sailors,  and  her  two  Assistants 2G2 

Kuang  Ta,  Chinese  God  of  War 267 

Kue  Sing,  a God  of  Literature 268 

God  of  Thieves 274 

Boat  carried  in  Procession  on  Men’s  Shoulders 281 

Carrying  the  Happy  Buckets 282 

Carrying  Instruments  of  Punishment  and  of  Torture 282 

Buffalo-headed  Assistant 285 

Horse-faced  Assistant 285 

Tiger  grasping  a large  Cash : a God  of  Gambling 289 

Goddess  of  Midwifery  and  Children  sitting  on  a Tiger 290 

One  of  the  Nine  Genii  shooting  a Dog  in  the  Heavens 291 

Mandarin  and  his  Wife  in  Robes  of  State 296 

Lictor  with  Whip  in  Hand 299 

Bearer  of  Fan  of  State 300 

Bearer  of  Umbrella  of  State 301 

Lictor  dragging  along  the  half  of  a Bamboo 301 

Executioner 302 

Mandarin  saving  the  Sun  when  Eclipsed 309 

Squeezing  the  Fingers 336 

Squeezing  the  Ankles 337 

Carrying  forth  to  the  Place  of  Execution 33S 

Just  before  Decapitation 338 

Fastened  on  a Bedstead 341 

Three  Kinds  of  Tortures  (taken  from  Canton  pith-paper  pictures) 342 

Monkey  grasping  a Peach  (culprit  suspended  by  the  arm-pit) 343 

Standing  on  Tiptoe  in  a Cage 344 

Hot-water  Snake 345 

Flag-bearer,  or  God  of  the  Flag 356 

Traditional  Likeness  of  Confucius 360 

Traditional  Likeness  of  Mencius 361 

Traditional  Likeness  of  Chufutze 361 

Chinese  Gentleman,  or  One  of  the  Gentry ■ 369 

School-boy  with  Fan  and  Parcel  of  Books 377 

Pupil  “Backing  his  Book,’’  i.  e.,  Reciting  his  Lesson 377 

Literary  Undergraduate  or  Student 385 

A Kojin,  or  Literary  Graduate  of  the  Second  Degree 415 

Military  Candidates  competing  with  the  Bow  and  Arrow 440 


EXPLANATION  OF  TERMS. 


Cangue. — A heavy  wooden  collar,  three  or  four  feet  in  diameter,  put  upon 
the  neck  of  a culprit  for  a specified  time,  and  thus  exposed  in  the  street  as  a 
punishment. 

Cash. — The  only  Chinese  coin  in  use,  made  of  copper  or  brass.  Modern 
cash  have  four  Chinese  characters  upon  the  obverse.  Two  of  these  are  the 
title  of  the  emperor  during  whose  reign  it  was  coined.  The  other  charac- 
ters imply  that  the  coin  is  current  every  where.  It  has  a square  hole  in  the 
centre,  used  for  stringing  it.  Coins  of  the  present  dynasty  have  the  name 
of  the  mint  where  they  were  coined  in  Manchu  characters  on  the  reverse. 

Censer. — Utensil  used  for  holding  incense  while  burning  before  the  object 
of  worship,  generally  made  of  brass,  iron,  or  earthenware. 

Chopsticks  — Small  pieces  of  bamboo,  six  or  eight  inches  long,  and  as  large 
as  a penholder,  usually  square,  painted  or  unpainted,  used  in  eating  instead 
of  knives  and  forks.  Sometimes  they  are  made  of  ivory  or  bone.  They  are 
held  in  the  right  hand  between  thumb  and  forefinger. 

Classics. — Term  applied  to  the  writings  of  Confucius,  Mencius,  and  other 
ancient  Chinese.  Also  applied  to  the  formulas  and  contents  of  Buddhist 
and  Tauist  books. 

Compradore. — Chinese  head  manager  Steward  for  household  matters. 

Congee. — Rice  porridge,  or  thick  gruel  made  by  boiling  rice  soft  in  water. 

Coolie. — Common  house  laborer,  porter,  or  sedan-bearer.  One  who  does 
coarse  and  heavy  work. 

Cue  — Braided  tress  of  long  hair,  growing  from  the  crown  of  the  head,  and 
dangling  down  the  back. 

Gobetween. — Agent  or  middle  person,  either  male  or  female,  employed  in 
the  transaction  of  important  business. 

Godown. — Usually  a one-storied  building  where  goods  are  kept.  A ware- 
house. 

Hong. — The  building  used  for  offices  or  counting-rooms,  or  where  sales 
and  purchases  are  made.  Sometimes  goods  are  stored  in  them.  The  term 
is  occasionally  applied  to  dwelling-houses. 

Li. — Chinese  mile,  equal  to  about  one  third  of  an  English  mile. 

Mandarin. — Common  name  among  foreigners  for  Chinese  officers.  A 
word  of  Portuguese  origin. 

Mock  Clothing. — Sheets  of  paper  on  which  rude  pictures  of  various  kinds 
of  clothing  have  been  stamped.  Also  sheets  of  paper  of  various  colors,  rep- 
resenting materials  for  clothing,  as  pieces  of  silk,  satins,  and  cotton  goods. 
By  the  potency  of  a charm  this  paper  is  believed  to  become  clothing,  or  ma- 
terials for  clothing,  and  may  be  used  by  those  for  whom  it  is  designed  in 
the  world  of  spirits. 


XVI 


EXPLANATION  OF  TERMS. 


Mock  Money. — Sheets  of  paper  of  various  sizes,  having  tinfoil  pasted  upon 
them.  If  the  tinfoil  is  colored  yellow,  it  represents  gold  ; if  uncolored,  sil- 
ver. Coarse  paper,  having  holes  in  it,  represents  cash.  Pieces  of  paste- 
board, in  size  and  appearance  like  Carolus  dollars,  with  tinfoil  on  their  sides, 
represent  silver  dollars.  These  are  believed  to  become,  when  burned  in 
idolatrous  worship,  silver,  gold,  cash,  or  dollars,  according  to  color  and  shape, 
which  may  be  used  by  the  divinity  or  the  deceased  person  for  whom  they  are 
designed. 

Samshu,  or  Chinese  Wine. — Common  name  for  Chinese  distilled  spirits  or 
whisky,  made  usually  out  of  rice,  millet,  or  potatoes.  The  word  wine  is  fre- 
quently used  in  speaking  of  this  whisky. 

Sedan. — A portable  chair  or  seat,  usually  covered,  and  borne  on  the  shoul- 
ders of  two  or  more  men  by  means  of  poles  fastened  to  the  sides. 

Sycee. — Lumps  or  ingots  of  silver,  weighing  five,  ten,  twenty-five,  or  fifty 
taels,  more  or  less. 

Tablet. — Wooden  or  stone  representative  of  the  dead.  An  ancestral  tablet 
represents  one  or  more  ancestors,  according  to  its  inscription  and  shape,  and 
is  made  of  wood. 

Tael. — An  ounce  and  a third  of  silver,  value  about  one  dollar  and  one 
third. 

Tepaou. — A village  or  neighborhood  officer,  performing,  in  part,  the  du- 
ties of  a policeman. 

Tiffin. — Lunch,  or  slight  repast  between  breakfast  and  dinner. 

Yamun. — The  official  residence  of  mandarins. 


SOCIAL  LIFE  OF  THE  CHINESE. 


INTRODUCTION. 

Location  of  Fuhchau. — Size  and  Population. — Rank. — Residence  of  high 
Officials.  — Literary  Centre.  — Foreign  Trade,  when  commenced.  — Sta- 
tistics of  Tea  Trade. — Imports. — Exports  to  Chinese  Ports. — Manchu 
Tartars,  their  Character. — Faithful  to  the  Peking  Government. — Pagoda 
Anchorage. — Scenery  of  the  Min. — Kushan,  or  Drum  Mountain. — Ap- 
proach to  Fuhchau. — Middle  Island. — Bridge  of  10,000  Ages. — Bridge  of 
the  Cloudy  Hills. — Scenery  and  Prospects. — Banian  City. — Streets  nar- 
row.— Construction  of  Shops. — Goods,  how  transported. — Hills  are  Grave- 
yards.— Horse-shoe,  or  Omega  Graves. — How  Traveling  is  performed. — 
Mission  of  American  Board. — Mission  of  Methodist  Episcopal  Church. — 
Mission  of  English  Church. — Distribution  of  Books  and  portions  of  Scrip- 
ture at  literary  Examinations. — Swedish  Mission. — Native  Mohammed- 
ans.— Roman  Catholic  Church  and  Mission. — European  Priests  former- 
ly persecuted. — Difference  between  Romish  and  Protestant  Missionary 
Work. — Romanist  Tracts  not  circulated  in  Public. — Religion  of  Heaven’s 
Lord  different  from  the  American  Religion. — Similarities  between  Roman- 
ism and  Buddhism. — Various  Sentiments. 

Fuhchau,  as  the  name  of  the  city  is  known  among  for- 
eigners, being  according  to  the  Mandarin  pronunciation  ; Hok- 
chiu,  as  known  to  its  inhabitants,  according  to  the  local  pro- 
nunciation— the  “ Happy  Region” — is  the  capital  of  the  prov- 
ince of  Fnh-kien.  It  is  situated  about  thirty-five  miles  from 
the  mouth  of  the  River  Min,  and  two  and  a half  miles  from 
its  northern  bank,  in  a valley  fifteen  miles  in  diameter  from 
north  to  south.  Its  longitude  is  119°  20'  East,  and  latitude 
26°  05'  North,  a little  farther  south  than  the  most  southern 
point  of  Florida.  Of  the  five  poi-ts  opened  to  foreign  trade 
and  residence  at  the  close  of  the  Opium  War,  by  treaties  made 
in  1842-’44  between  China  and  England,  France,  and  the 
United  States,  Fuhchau  occupies  the  central  position,  being 


18 


INTRODUCTION. 


situated  between  Amoy  on  the  south  and  Ningpo  on  the 
north,  and  about  equally  distant  from  Canton  and  Shanghai. 

Fuhchau  is  a walled  city,  having  seven  massive  gates,  which 
are  shut  at  nightfall  and  opened  at  daybreak.  Over  each  of 
the  gates  are  high  towers,  overlooking  and  commanding  the 
approach  to  them.  At  intervals  on  the  walls  are  built  small 
guard-houses.  The  walls  are  from  twenty  to  twenty-five  feet 
high,  and  from  twelve  to  twenty  feet  wide,  composed  of  earth 
and  stones.  The  inner  and  outer  surfaces  are  faced  with  stone 
or  brick,  and  the  top  is  paved  with  granite  flag-stones.  The 
circuit  of  the  walls  is  about  seven  miles,  and  can  be  traversed 
on  the  top  on  foot,  or  in  sedan-chairs,  affording  a variety  of 
novel  and  interesting  views  in  quick  succession.  Outside  of 
each  gate  are  suburbs.  The  southern  suburb,  known  to  the 
Chinese  under  the  general  name  of  Nantai,  extends  south- 
ward toward  Amoy  nearly  four  miles.  Outside  of  the  east, 
west,  and  southwestern  gates  there  are  also  extensive  suburbs. 
The  suburbs  outside  of  the  three  most  northern  gates,  two  of 
which  lie  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  city,  are  far  less  extensive 
and  important  than  the  other  four. 

The  population  of  the  city  and  suburbs  has  never  been  ac- 
curately, and  therefore  satisfactorily  ascertained.  The  inhab- 
itants of  the  seven  suburbs  are  believed  to  be  as  numerous  as 
the  inhabitants  of  the  city  itself.  The  population  of  both  has 
been  estimated  by  residents  and  visitors  at  all  figures,  from 
600,000  to  1,250,000.  Including  the  people  dwelling  in  boats, 
who  are  quite  numerous,  it  probably  would  not  be  far  out  of 
the  way  to  say  that  the  population  amounts  to  1,000,000.  A 
few  years  ago  it  was  reported  at  Fuhchau  that  a certain  man- 
darin had  informed  the  English  consul  that  the  people  within 
the  city  walls  numbered  500,000. 

Like  Canton,  Fuhchau  is  a city  of  the  first  rank,  being  not 
only  the  capital  of  Fuh-kien  province  and  the  residence  of  its 
governor,  but  also  the  official  and  actual  residence  of  a vice- 
roy, or  governor  general,  whose  jurisdiction  extends  over  Fuh- 
kien  and  Chekiang,  its  adjacent  northern. province.  The  word 
fu,  sometimes  affixed  to  its  name,  as  Fuhchau-fu,  indicates  that 
it  is  the  chief  city  of  a prefecture  or  department,  and,  so  con- 
sidered, it  has  the  same  rank  as  Ningpo.  It  is  also  the  resi- 
dence of  two  district  magistrates,  the  boundary-line  of  whose 


FOREIGN  TRADE  AT  FUHCHAU. 


19 


districts  passes  through  the  city  from  north  to  south.  Be- 
sides, it  is  the  residence  of  a large  number  of  civil  and  military 
officers  of  high  grade.  Among  them  are  the  Tartar  general, 
who  is  of  the  same  rank  as  the  viceroy,  the  provincial  criminal 
judge,  the  provincial  treasurer,  the  commissioners  of  the  salt 
and  the  provision  departments  for  the  whole  province,  and 
the  literary  chancellor.  It  is  the  political,  literary,  and  com- 
mercial centre  of  a province,  wThose  area  is  over  53,000  square 
miles,  and  whose  population,  according  to  the  census  taken  in 
1812,  was  then  more  than  14,500,000.  A census  taken  in  1842 
makes  its  population  over  25,000,000.  There  are  always  at 
this  city  a large  number  of  expectants  of  office  of  high  grade 
awaiting  their  actual  appointments.  Numerous  gentry  reside 
here,  who  have  retired  from  office  in  other  parts  of  the  em- 
pire. 

It  is  a great  literary  centre,  not  simjdy  because  it  is  the  offi- 
cial residence  of  the  imperial  commissioner,  the  literary  chan- 
cellor, but  because  there  are  many  men  living  here  of  high  lit- 
erary attainments  in  a Chinese  sense,  and  also  because  all  of 
the  literary  graduates  of  the  first  degree  over  the  province 
of  Fuh-kien,  which  includes  the  large  island  of  Formosa,  must 
appear  at  Fuhcbau  twice  every  five  years  to  compete  in  the 
provincial  examination  hall  for  the  second  degree,  if  they  de- 
sire to  compete  for  that  degree  at  all.  Usually  six  or  eight 
thousand  of  the  educated  talent  of  the  whole  province  assem- 
ble here  on  these  interesting  and  exciting  occasions. 

Legitimate  foreign  trade  at  Fuhchau  was  insignificant  until 
1S53.  The  opium  trade  had  been  extensively  carried  on  for 
several  years  previous  to  that  period  by  means  of  receiving- 
ships  stationed  near  the  mouth  of  the  Min.  In  1853,  Fuh- 
chau came  suddenly  into  importance  as  a market  for  black 
teas,  mainly  through  the  enterprise  of  Messrs.  Russell  & Co., 
an  American  firm.  Previous  to  this  year  no  teas  were  shipped 
directly  from  this  port  to  any  foreign  country.  In  the  spring 
of  that  year  the  American  firm  mentioned  sent  from  Shang- 
hai their  Chinese  agents  into  the  tea  districts  lying  near  the 
western  and  northwestern  borders  of  this  province,  and  bought 
up  large  quantities  of  tea,  and  had  it  transported  in  small  boats 
down  the  River  Min  to  this  city.  By  the  time  it  was  ready 
for  shipment  foreign  vessels  arrived,  according  to  agreement, 


20 


INTRODUCTION. 


and  took  the  tea  direct  to  foreign  countries.  In  that  year 
fourteen  foreign  vessels  arrived  at  Fuhchau,  and  in  1856  one 
hundred  and  forty-eight  vessels. 

A few  statistics  will  show  the  i-apid  growth  of  the  tea  trade 
at  this  place.  The  exports  of  tea  to  foreign  countries  in  the 
year  1856-’57,  from  April  30th,  from  Canton,  Avas  21,359,865 
lbs.;  from  Shanghai , 36,919,064  lbs.;  and  from  Fuhchau, 

34.019.000  lbs. ; and  that  only  three  years  after  the  trade  was 
commenced  at  the  latter  port.  During  the  tea  season,  be- 
ginning with  July,  1859,  the  exports  of  tea  from  Canton  to 
the  United  States  amounted  to  3,558,424  lbs. ; from  Amoy, 
5,265,100  lbs.;  from  Shanghai,  6,893,900  lbs.;  and  from  Fuh- 
chau, 11,293,600  lbs.;  the  quantity  sent  from  Fuhchau  being 
nearly  one  million  pounds  more  than  the  combined  amount 
sent  from  Canton  and  Shanghai.  During  the  same  period 
Canton  sent  to  Great  Britain  41,586,000  lbs.;  Shanghai  sent 

12.331.000  lbs.;  Fuhchau  sent  36,085,000  lbs.,  or  about  two 
thirds  as  much  as  both  Shanghai  and  Canton.  In  the  tea  sea- 
son, 1863-’64,  ending  with  May  31st,  Fuhchau  sent  to  Great 
Britain  43,500,000  lbs. ; to  Australia,  8,300,000  lbs. ; and  to 
the  United  States,  7,000,000  lbs. ; in  all  amounting  to  more 
than  fifty-eight  millions  of  pounds.  From  these  data  the  rel- 
ative commercial  importance  of  Fuhchau  is  easily  seen.  It  has 
become  by  rapid  strides  one  of  the  most  important  of  the  con- 
sular ports  in  China  for  the  purchase  of  black  teas.  It  was 
currently  reported  in  1850-’51  that  the  English  government 
seriously  contemplated  giving  it  up,  or  at  least  exchanging  it 
for  some  other  port  whenever  an  opportunity  should  occur, 
because  it  had  no  commercial  importance. 

In  exchange  for  its  tea,  which  is  the  principal  export  from 
Fuhchau,  to  foreign  countries,  it  receives  opium,  cotton  and 
woolen  goods,  silver,  and  a few  unimportant  articles.  In  the 
year  ending  December  31st,  1863,  the  imports  into  Fuhchau 
from  foreign  lands  amounted  to  over  ten  and  a half  millions 
of  dollars.  Of  this  sum,  the  value  of  the  opium  imported  was 
over  five  millions.  Unlike  Shanghai  and  Canton,  it  furnishes 
no  silk  for  exportation. 

It  has  a large  trade  with  other  ports  on  the  sea-coast  by 
means  of  native  craft,  as  well  as  in  foreign  vessels,  giving  and 
receiving  some  of  the  luxuries  and  the  necessaries  of  life.  Frc- 


CONCEKNING  THE  MANCHU  POPULATION. 


21 


quently  rice  is  imported  in  large  quantities  from  Formosa 
and  from  Siam.  An  immense  amount  of  timber  and  paper  is 
brought  down  the  Min  from  the  upper  or  western  portions  of 
the  province,  and  taken  to  various  ports  north  and  south.  It 
annually  exports  large  quantities  of  dried  and  preserved  fruits. 
Twelve  and  fifteen  years  ago,  not  unfrequently  there  were  sev- 
eral hundred  Chinese  junks  in  the  harbor  at  the  same  time, 
discharging  and  receiving  cargo.  Of  late  years,  many  Chinese 
merchants  charter  foreign  ships  to  carry  away  and  bring  back 
produce  and  merchandise,  on  account  of  their  increased  speed 
and  safety  compared  with  Chinese  crafts.  Native  junks  al- 
most always  come  up  the  river  and  anchor  opposite  the  city. 

While  the  high  native  officials,  civil  and  military,  live  within 
the  city,  the  foreign  consuls,  vice-consuls,  and  interpreters  re- 
side two  and  a half  miles  outside  the  city,  on  the  hill  near  the 
south  bank  of  the  Min.  No  foreign,  merchant  lives  in  the  city, 
nor  is  there  any  foreign  hong  or  store  inside  the  Avails.  The 
principal  native  Avholesale  merchants  do  their  business  in  the 
immense  suburbs  surrounding  the  Great  Temple  Hill.  The 
principal  native  banks  are  also  in  the  southern  suburbs. 

A part  of  the  eastern  and  southern  sections  of  the  city  is 
devoted,  though  not  exclusively,  to  the  residence  of  Manchu 
Tartars.  They  are  subject,  not  to  Chinese,  but  to  Tartar  offi- 
cers. There  is  no  Avail  dividing  them  from  the  Chinese,  as  has 
been  sometimes  represented.  A few  Chinese  live  scattered 
about  in  the  sections  originally  given  up  to  the  Tartar  popula- 
tion. The  Manchus  number  at  present  probably  betAveen  ten 
and  fifteen  thousand.  All  of  the  males  professedly  belong  to 
the  army,  though  the  number  of  those  who  actually  receive  pay 
in  money,  and  rations  in  rice  monthly,  as  soldiers,  is  said  to  be 
limited  to  one  thousand.  When  any  of  their  number  dies, 
another  Tartar  takes  his  place  on  the  roll  of  soldiers,  and  suc- 
ceeds to  his  salary  and  perquisites.  These  soldiers  are  not 
called  away  from  Fuhchau  to  serve  in  the  army,  but  remain  at 
home,  assisting  when  called  upon  to  guard  and  keep  the  city. 
They  spend  their  time  principally  in  the  practice  of  archery, 
horsemanship,  and  shooting  at  a mark  with  matchlock  guns. 
Until  late  years  none  of  them  engaged  in  any  business  for  the 
sake  of  gain.  But  poverty  has  driven  a few  to  open  shops, 
where  some  of  the  commonest  articles  are  offered  for  sale. 


22 


INTRODUCTION. 


They  generally  speak  among  themselves  the  Mandarin  or  court 
dialect,  though  some  understand  the  Manchu  language.  Most 
or  all  are  able  to  speak  the  colloquial  dialect.  They  are  not 
noted  for  their  knowledge  of  Chinese  literature.  Within  a 
few  years,  more  have  applied  themselves  to  the  study  of  Chi- 
nese books  than  formerly.  As  a class,  they  are  indolent,  ig- 
norant, and  proud. 

They  have  the  reputation  of  being  overbearing  and  insolent 
toward  the  Chinese — a natural  and  almost  inevitable  conse- 
quence of  their  relative  positions.  They  are  the  masters  and 
the  lords ; the  Chinese  are  subjects.  The  Manchu  and  the 
Chinese  men  shave  their  heads  and  braid  their  cues  alike ; the 
former  having  obliged  the  latter  nearly  two  hundred  years 
ago  to  adopt  the  Manchurian  national  costume  of  dressing 
their  hair.  The  Manchu  ladies  do  not  compress  their  feet  as 
do  the  upper  class  of  Chinese  ladies  at  this  place,  and  in  this 
respect  compare  favorably  with  them.  They  are  of  a large 
frame,  more  noble  in  appearance,  and  more  independent  in  ac- 
tion, than  are  the  Chinese  females.  The  same  remark  is  true 
of  the  Manchu  men  compared  with  the  Chinese  men.  The 
two  races  are  not  allowed  to  intermarry. 

The  Tartars  here  are  descendants  of  a colony  of  Tartars 
who  came  from  Peking  by  the  will  of  the  emperor  in  the  early 
part  of  the  present  dynasty.  They  regard  themselves  as  dis- 
tantly related  to  the  imperial  family,  and  all  owe  their  support 
to  the  favor  of  the  government.  They  may  be  always  relied 
upon  by  the  Peking  government  as  faithful  to  it  under  all  cir- 
cumstances. In  the  result  of  a successful  rebellion  against  the 
government,  in  case  they  should  not  be  able  to  make  their  es- 
cape to  the  land  of  their  forefathers,  an  extremely  doubtful 
event,  they  would  all  lose  not  only  their  salaries  and  their 
property,  but  also  their  heads ; for  no  successful  rebel  emperor 
would  allow  any  of  the  Tartars  to  live  in  the  country. 

Foreign  vessels  of  large  tonnage  anchor  about  ten  miles  be- 
low the  city  of  Fuhchau,  at  Pagoda  Anchorage,  so  called  on 
account  of  a pagoda  built  on  a hill  on  an  island  in  the  vicinity. 
Above  that  anchorage  the  water  is  too  shallow  for  large  ves- 
sels to  endeavor  to  proceed  with  safety.  Here  the  mail  steam- 
ers, which  arrive  usually  at  least  once  in  two  weeks,  come  to 
anchor,  sending  the  mails  up  to  town  in  a small  but  well- 


SCENERY  ON  THE  BANKS  OF  THE  MIN. 


23 


manned  boat.  Not  unfrequently  are  there  twenty-five  or 
thirty  sailing  vessels  and  steamers  of  several  different  nation- 
alities to  be  found  at  Pagoda  Anchorage,  dischai-ging  and  re- 
ceiving their  cargoes,  where  thirteen  years  ago  there  was  not 
one  foreign  vessel.  The  vessels  lie  in  the  middle  of  the  Min, 
and  their  cargoes  are  transferred  into  lighters,  which  ply  be- 
tween the  town  and  the  anchorage. 

The  entrance  to  the  river  is  marked  by  bold  peaks  and  high 
land  — unlike  the  entrance  to  the  Yang-tse-Kiang,  en  route  to 
Shanghai  from  the  China  Sea,  or  the  entrance  of  the  White 
River  at  Taku,  en  route  to  Tientsin  and  Peking  from  the  Gulf 
of  Pechele.  Foreign  pilots  usually  take  the  charge  of  vessels 
until  they  have  fairly  entered  the  river,  when  they  yield  to 
native  pilots,  who  navigate  them  until  they  reach  Pagoda 
Anchorage.  The  banks  of  the  Min  are  lined  by  lofty  hills,  gen- 
erally destitute  of  thrifty  trees.  Many  of  the  hills  are  terraced 
and  cultivated  to  their  tops,  presenting  in  the  spring  and  sum- 
mer an  interesting  and  unique  appearance.  The  foreign  vis- 
itor never  fails  to  admire  the  charming  and  romantic  scenery 
lying  between  the  mouth  of  the  Min  and  the  anchorage.  It 
has  been  thought  by  some  European  travelers  to  resemble  the 
scenery  of  Switzerland  in  its  picturesqueness  and  grandeur. 
Americans  are  more  frequently  reminded  by  it  of  the  High- 
lands of  the  Hudson. 

The  Min  having  separated  into  two  parts  six  or  eight  miles 
above  Fuhchau,  the  branches  unite  not  far  above  the  anchor- 
age, and  their'  waters  flow  together  into  the  ocean.  The  city 
of  Fuhchau  lies  to  the  north  of  the  northern  branch.  The 
southern  branch  passes  nearly  parallel  with  the  northern,  the 
two  forming  a narrow  and  fertile  island,  fifteen  or  sixteen 
miles  in  length,  and  three  or  four  miles  in  width  in  its  broad- 
est part. 

Following  up  the  northern  branch  of  the  river  from  the 
Pagoda  Anchorage,  about  half  way  to  Fuhchau,  on  the  right 
hand,  is  the  mountain  called  Kushan,  or  Drum  Mountain.  Its 
peak  is  about  half  a mile  high.  A large  and  celebrated  Bud- 
dhist monastery  is  situated  half  way  up  the  mountain,  a favor- 
ite place  of  resort  with  some  foreigners  and  Chinese  in  the  hot 
summer  months.  The  temperature  at  the  monastery  is  some- 
times eight  or  ten  degrees  lower  than  in  the  city  in  the  valley 


24 


INTRODUCTION. 


below.  The  monastery  takes  its  name,  the  “ Bubbling  Fount- 
ain,”  from  a spring  of  clear  cold  water  in  its  vicinity.  Several 
score  of  Buddhist  priests  are  usually  found  at  the  monastery, 
where  they  spend  their  time  in  studying  the  rituals  of  then- 
order,  and  in  the  performance  of  the  regular  religious  rites 
and  ceremonies.  The  landscape  of  the  valley  of  the  Min, 
viewed  on  a clear  summer’s  day  from  the  top  of  the  mountain 
or  from  its  side,  is  very  fine,  consisting  of  numerous  small 
streams  and  canals  running  in  all  directions,  several  scores  of 
hamlets  dotting  the  country,  and  rice-fields  in  a high  state  of 
cultivation.  These,  once  seen,  are  not  soon  forgotten. 

Soon  after  passing  Kushan,  proceeding  up  the  river,  two 
lofty  pagodas  become  visible,  three  or  four  miles  distant,  sit- 
uated on  the  right  hand,  and  inside  the  city,  near  the  south- 
ern gate.  A lofty  watch-tower  marks  the  extreme  northern 
angle  of  the  city.  The  foreign  hongs  and  the  flag-staffs  of  the 
English,  American,  and  other  consuls,  gradually  become  more 
and  more  distinct,  lying  principally  on  the  left  hand,  on  the 
southern  bank  of  the  Min.  The  hongs  and  residences  of  for- 
eign merchants,  missionaries,  and  officials,  being  built  in  for- 
eign style,  afford  a pleasing  and  striking  contrast  to  the  shops 
and  houses  of  the  Chinese.  From  some  parts  of  the  river  op- 
posite the  city,  the  brick  chapel  belonging  to  the  Methodist 
Mission,  and  the  stone  church  where  a chaplain  of  the  Church 
of  England  officiates,  both  located  on  the  hill  near  the  south- 
ern bank  of  the  river,  can  be  readily  recognized  by  their  bel- 
fries. 

In  the  Min,  abreast  of  the  city,  is  a small,  densely-populated 
island,  called  Chung  Chau  by  foreign  merchants,  and  Tong 
Chiu  by  the  natives,  i.e.,  '■'•Middle  Island It  is  connected 
with  the  northern  bank  of  the  river  by  the  celebrated  “ Bridge 
of  10,000  Agesf  or  the  Big  Bridge.  This  bridge  is  reported 
to  have  been  built  eight  hundred  years  ago,  and  is  about  one 
quarter  of  a mile  long,  and  thirteen  or  fourteen  feet  wide.  It 
has  nearly  forty  solid  buttresses,  situated  at  unequal  distances 
from  each  other,  shaped  like  a wedge  at  the  upper  and  lower 
ends,  and  built  of  hewn  granite.  Immense  stones,  some  of 
them  nearly  three  feet  square,  and  forty-five  feet  long,  extend 
from  buttress  to  buttress,  acting  as  sleepers.  Above  these 
stone  sleepers  a granite  platform  is  made.  On  the  sides  of 


V 


BRIDGE  OF  TUB  CLOUDY  HILLS, 

seven  miles  northwest  of  the  Bridge  of  10,000  Ages. 


STONE  BRIDGES  AT  FUHCHAU. 


27 


the  bridge  are  strong  stone  railings,  the  stone  rails  being  mor- 
ticed into  large  stone  pillars  or  posts.  Until  eight  or  nine 
years  ago  the  top  of  the  bridge  was  partly  taken  up  with 
shops.  Now  the  whole  of  the  bridge  is  devoted  to  the  use 
of  passengers,  and  the  conveyance  of  merchandise  to  and  fro. 
The  bridge  connecting  Middle  Island  with  the  south  bank  of 
the  river,  called  the  “ Bridge  in  front  of  the  (salt)  Granaries,” 
is  built  in  a similar  manner,  but  is  only  about  one  fourth  as 
long  as  the  Big  Bridge.  Lighters  and  other  boats  which 
have  movable  masts  pass  under  the  Big  Bridge,  but  the  junks 
from  Ningpo,  Amoy,  and  other  places,  which  come  up  the 
river,  anchor  below  these  bridges  and  Middle  Island.  There 
are  no  ferry-boats  which  ply  regularly  between  the  north  and 
south  banks  of  the  Min,  though  there  are  numerous  boats 
which  can  be  hired  for  a few  cents  whenever  necessary  to 
cross  the  river  above  and  below  the  bridges.  From  early 
dawn  until  nightfall  these  bridges  are  usually  thronged  by 
travelers  on  foot  or  in  sedans,  and  by  coolies  carrying  prod- 
uce and  merchandise  back  and  forth. 

To  the  northwest,  and  distant  six  or  seven  miles  across  the 
Min,  is  another  celebrated  stone  bridge,  called  sometimes  the 
“ Bridge  of  the  Cloudy  Hills.”  That  and  the  Big  Bridge  are 
built  in  a similar  manner.  The  scenery  in  its  vicinity  is 
mountainous  and  interesting. 

The  foreign  residents  live  principally  on  the  hill  near  the 
southern  bank  of  the  Min.  Standing  on  that  hill,  and  looking 
toward  the  east,  north,  and  west,  the  scenery  is  beautiful.  To 
the  eastward,  looming  up  five  or  six  miles  distant,  is  “ Drum 
Mountain.”  Nearer  is  the  river,  with  its  multitude  of  junks 
and  boats.  As  one  glances  in  a more  northern  direction,  parts 
of  the  city  come  within  range.  In  it  the  white  pagoda  and 
the  watch-tower  are  prominent  objects.  Between  the  city 
and  the  river,  apparently  about  midway,  may  be  seen  the  roof 
and  belfry  of  a brick  church  belonging  to  the  Mission  of  the 
American  Board.  In  the  city  Black  Rock  Hill  is  conspicu- 
ous, and  nearer,  in  the  suburbs,  are  seen  Great  Temple  Hill  and 
several  spacious  foreign  hongs.  To  the  northwest  and  the 
west  the  numerous  boats  on  the  river  and  the  distant  hills 
present  a diversified  and  striking  appearance. 

From  the  top  of  the  Great  Temple  Hill,  looking  toward  the 


28 


INTRODUCTION. 


south,  the  prospect  is  also  fine.  Probably  there  is  not  a bet- 
ter stand-point  in  the  suburbs  than  that  hill  for  taking  a view 
of  the  most  prominent  objects  to  be  seen  in  the  valley  of  the 
Min.  The  river,  spread  out  to  the  west,  south,  and  east,  cov- 
ered with  its  countless  boats,  the  bridges  on  each  side  of  Mid- 
dle Island,  with  their  passing  throng,  foreign  hongs,  the  Brit- 
ish consulate,  flag-statfs  and  flags  of  various  nationalities,  etc., 
always  interest  the  beholder.  In  the  distance  to  the  south- 
ward, the  hills  called  the  Five  Tigers,  and  other  ranges,  add  va- 
riety and  jncturesqueness  to  the  scenery.  To  the  east  and  to 
the  west  are  highly-cultivated  plains,  villages,  canals,  etc.  On 
the  north  the  city  is  seen  much  more  distinctly  than  from  the 
hill  on  the  southern  bank  of  the  river. 

Fuhchau  contains  within  its  Avails  three  principal  hills,  two 
in  its  southern  and  one  in  its  northern  quarter.  On  account 
of  these  hills  it  is  sometimes  called  in  Avriting  and  in  books 
the  Three  Hills.  It  is  also  frequently  styled  the  City  of  Ban- 
ians, or  the  Banian  City,  on  account  of  the  great  number  of 
mock  banian-trees  Avhich  are  growing  every  where  in  the  city 
and  vicinity.  The  branches  of  this  species  of  banian  seldom 
extend  to  the  ground  and  take  root,  like  the  Indian  banian, 
though  they  sometimes  thus  take  root.  The  pendent  branches 
look  so  much  like  whiskers  that  the  common  name  for  them 
among  the  Chinese  is  the  whiskers  of  the  banian.  They 
hang  doAvn  several  feet  from  the  main  horizontal  branches, 
and  swing  back  and  forth  in  the  breeze.  A single  tree  Avith 
its  outstretched  branches  sometimes  shades  a space  of  ground 
from  one  hundred  to  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet  in  diameter. 

The  streets  of  the  suburbs  and  the  city  are  narrow  and 
filthy.  They  oftentimes  are  not  as  Avide  as  a medium-sized 
side-Avalk  in  cities  in  Western  lands.  Some  of  the  principal 
streets  in  places  are  so  narrow  that  two  sedans  can  not  pass 
each  other.  One  must  seek  a Avide  spot  and  stop  while  the 
other  passes  along.  Shop-keepers  are  in  the  practice  of  taking 
uf)  part  of  the  street  in  front  of  their  establishments  Avith  their 
movable  sign-boards,  which  are  over  a foot  wide,  placed  in  a 
perpendicular  position,  making  the  street  actually  allotted  to 
the  public  so  much  the  narrower.  The  eaves  of  the  stores 
and  native  hongs  are  so  arranged  that,  in  case  of  rain,  the  Ava- 
ter  falls  doAvn  into  the  middle  of  the  street.  There  are  no 


from  a bill  on  the  southern  bank  of  the  river. 


MANNER  OF  CARRYING  MERCHANDISE. 


31 


eave-troughs  in  use.  It  is  impossible  in  a hard  shower  for 
one  to  pass  through  the  streets,  even  with  an  umbrella,  and 
escape  a thorough  wetting. 

There  are  no  glass  windows  in  the  fronts  or  sides  of  shops 
and  stores  in  Fuhchau.  The  front  part  of  stores,  etc.,  is  con- 
structed of  upright  movable  boards  fitted  into  grooves  in  two 
pieces  of  timber,  one  fastened  on  or  near  the  door-sill,  and  one 
put  at  the  top  of  the  front  of  the  room.  These  boards  are 
numbered,  and  may  be  taken  down  and  put  up  again  expedi- 
tiously. At  night  they  are  slipped  into  the  grooves,  and  fast- 
ened securely  on  the  inside.  In  the  morning  they  are  taken 
down,  letting  the  passer-by  see  all  that  is  transacted  in  the 
store,  atid  furnishing  all  the  light  that  is  needed.  In  storms 
the  wind  oftentimes  blows  the  rain  into  the  establishment;  in 
cold  weather  the  clerks  and  customers  are  exposed  to  chilling 
draughts  of  wind.  Usually  the  whole  front  sides  of  the  shops, 
facing  the  street,  except  a passage-way  to  the  back,  is  occu- 
pied by  a counter  about  four  feet  high. 

The  streets  are  paved  with  granite  flag-stones.  In  case  of 
a hill  occurring  in  the  street,  it  is  ascended  and  descended  by 
means  of  a flight  of  stone  steps.  On  this  account,  even  if  the 
streets  were  wide  enough,  no  wheeled  vehicle  could  be  used 
in  them.  Merchandise,  furniture,  etc.,  are  carried  to  and  fro 
through  the  streets  by  coolies.  If  the  load  is  about  a hundred 
pounds’  weight,  or  less,  and  can  be  divided  into  two  equal 
parts,  not  too  bulky,  each  part  is  slung  by  means  of  ropes  on 
the  ends  of  a carrying-pole,  four  or  five  feet  long,  which  is 
placed  across  the  shoulder  of  the  coolie.  It  is  thus  carried  to 
its  destination,  one  part  coming  before  and  the  other  part 
coming  behind  the  bearer.  It  can  not  be  carried  crosswise 
or  at  right  angles  to  the  street,  for  that  course  would  prevent 
oftentimes  any  one  passing  from  an  opposite  direction ; it 
would  generally  occupy  nearly  all  the  street.  Bulky  and 
heavy  articles,  too  bulky  and  too  heavy  to  be  thus  carried  by 
one  man,  are  slung  upon  the  centre  of  a strong  carrying-pole, 
six  or  more  feet  in  length.  The  ends  of  the  pole  are  placed 
upon  the  shoulders  of  two  or  more  men,  and  the  load  carried 
between  them.  Sometimes  eight,  or  sixteen,  or  a greater 
number  of  persons  are  required  to  carry  heavy  articles  in  this 
manner.  Occasionally  a load  is  carried  on  the  shoulder  or 
the  back,  steadied  by  the  hands  of  its  bearer. 


32 


INTRODUCTION. 


cers  of  a certain  grade  may  have  four  bearers.  Those  of  the 
highest  rank  may  have  eight  bearers.  Military  officers  of  a 
low  rank,  and  a class  of  interpreters  or  assistants  of  high  civil 
mandarins,  sometimes  ride  through  the  streets  on  ponies,  but 
the  common  people  never  ride  on  horseback.  In  case  a horse 
is  rode  through  the  crowded  streets,  a boy  or  the  groom  pre- 
cedes, crying  out  “ Horse !”  “ horse !”  and  clears  the  way,  else 
various  accidents  would  often  occur. 

The  hills  in  the  vicinity  of  the  city  and  suburbs  of  Fuhchau 
are  devoted  principally  to  burying  the  dead,  the  valleys  and 


The  roads  in  the  country  are  narrow,  and  not  adapted  to 
traveling  or  transporting  merchandise  in  carts  or  wagons. 
Oftentimes  they  are  paved  with  granite,  and  only  wide  enough 
for  two  to  walk  abreast  with  ease  and  safety.  Every  five  or 
ten  li,  on  the  most  traveled  roads,  there  are  rest-houses,  where 
the  tired  traveler  or  coolie  may  stop  and  refresh  himself. 
There  are  no  toll-gates  in  this  section  of  the  empire. 

Traveling  on  land  is  performed  on  foot  or  by  sedan-chairs, 
carried,  in  the  case  of  a civilian,  by  two  or  three  men.  Offi- 


GENTLEMAN  RIDING  IN  A 6EDAN,  WITH  A SERVANT  ON  FOOT. 


MISSION  OF  THE  AMERICAN  BOARD. 


33 


the  level  land  to  the  residences  of  the  living.  While  foreign- 
ers prefer  to  reside  in  elevated  and  airy  positions,  as  on  the 
sides  or  the  summits  of  hills,  the  Chinese  reserve  these  situa- 
tions for  the  sepulchres  of  their  honored  dead.  The  graves 
of  the  poor  Chinese  are  made  much  at  random  on  the  hills,  on 
spots  where  they  succeed  in  securing  the  privilege  of  digging 
them  ; while  the  sites  for  the  graves  of  the  wealthy  are  de- 
termined by  the  nice  rules  of  the  art  of  Geomancy,  d la  Chi- 
nois,  having  especial  reference  to  the  future  good  fortunes  of 
the  families  of  the  living.  No  dead  body  may  be  buried  in- 
side the  city,  nor  may  a corpse  be  carried  into  any  of  the  gates 
of  the  city.  It  may  not  enter  the  city  on  any  consideration, 
no  matter  how  high  the  rank  of  the  deceased,  or  how  influen- 
tial and  respected  his  family.  The  most  fashionable  form  for 
a grave  and  its  surroundings,  considered  as  a whole,  is  what 
by  foreigners  is  usually  called  the  horse-shoe  pattern,  from  its 
general  resemblance  to  a horse-shoe.  It  is  also  called  some- 
times the  Omega  grave,  from  its  resemblance  to  the  Greek 
letter  Omega.  The  rich  spend  a large  sum  of  money  in  erect- 
ing the  grave-stones,  and  in  embellishing  the  sides  and  the 
front  of  the  grave.  In  the  case  of  high  officers,  there  are 
often  large  granite  images  of  a pair  of  horses,  sheep,  and  other 
animals,  arranged  some  distance  in  front  of  the  spot  on  which 
the  corpse  is  buried.  One  of  each  kind  of  animal  is  placed  on 
the  right  and  left  hand  sides,  corresponding  to  each  other. 
Occasionally  there  are  two  granite  images  or  statues  of  men, 
arranged  in  like  manner.  These  granite  images,  some  of 
which  are  larger  than  life,  seem  to  take  the  place  of  pillars 
and  monuments,  so  common  at  the  West,  in  connection  with 
the  tombs  of  the  distinguished  dead. 

The  first  Protestant  Mission  at  Fuhchau  was  established  by 
a missionary  of  the  American  Board  of  Commissioners  for 
Foreign  Missions  in  January,  1847.  The  Mission  has  aver- 
aged three  or  four  families  since  its  commencement.  In 
April,  1856,  occurred  the  first  baptism  of  a Chinaman  at  this 
city  in  connection  with  Protestant  Missions.  In  May,  1857,  a 
brick  church,  called  the  “ Church  of  the  Savior,”  built  on  the 
main  street  in  the  southern  suburbs,  and  about  one  mile  from 
the  Big  Bridge,  was  dedicated  to  the  worship  of  God.  Its 
first  native  church,  consisting  of  four  members,  was  organ- 

B 2 


34 


INTRODUCTION. 


ized  in  October  of  the  same  year.  In  May,  1863,  a church  of 
seven  members  was  formed  at  Chang-loh,  distant  seventeen 
miles  from  the  city.  In  June  of  the  same  year  a church  of 
nine  members  was  organized  in  the  city  of  Fuhchau,  having 
been  dismissed  from  the  church  in  the  suburbs  to  form  the 
church  in  the  city.  For  the  first  ten  years  of  this  Mission’s 
existence  only  one  was  baptized.  During  the  next  five  years 
twenty-two  members  were  received  into  the  first  church 
formed.  During  the  next  two  years  twenty-three  persons 
were  baptized.  Between  1853  and  1858  a small  boarding- 
school,  i.  e.,  a school  where  the  pupils  were  boarded,  clothed, 
and  educated  at  the  expense  of  the  Mission,  was  sustained  in 
this  Mission.  Among  the  pupils  were  four  or  five  young 
men,  who  are  now  employed  as  native  helpers,  and  three  girls, 
all  of  whom  became  church  members,  and  two  of  whom  are 
wives  of  two  of  the  native  helpers.  There  are  at  present  a 
training-school  for  native  helpers,  and  a small  boarding-school 
for  boys,  and  a small  boarding-school  for  girls  connected  with 
the  Mission.  It  employs  six  or  seven  native  helpers,  and 
three  or  four  country  stations  are  occupied  by  it.  Part  of 
the  members  of  this  Mission  live  at  Ponasang,  not  far  from 
the  Church  of  the  Savior,  and  part  live  in  the  city,  on  a hill 
not  far  from  the  White  Pagoda,  in  houses  built  and  owned  by 
the  American  Board. 

The  Mission  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  was  estab- 
lished in  the  fall  of  1847.  It  has  had  an  average  number  of 
four  or  five  families.  In  1857  it  baptized  the  first  convert  in 
connection  with  its  labors.  In  August,  1856,  a brick  church, 
called  the  “ Church  of  the  True  God,”  the  first  substantial 
church  building  erected  at  Fuhchau  by  Protestant  Missions, 
was  dedicated  to  the  worship  of  God.  It  is  located  near 
Tating,  on  the  main  street,  in  the  southern  suburbs,  about  two 
thirds  the  way  between  the  Big  Bridge  and  the  city.  In  the 
winter  of  the  same  year  another  brick  church,  located  on  the 
hill  in  the  suburbs  on  the  south  bank  of  the  Min,  was  finished 
and  dedicated,  called  the  “ Church  of  Heavenly  Rest.”  In 
the  fall  of  1S64  this  Mission  erected  a commodious  brick 
church  on  East  Street,  in  the  city.  Its  members  reside  prin- 
cipally on  the  hill  on  which  the  Church  of  Heavenly  Rest  is 
built.  One  family  lives  at  a country  station  ten  or  twelve 


METHODIST  MISSION. 


35 


PAGODA. 

miles  from  Fuhchau.  This  Mission  has  received  great  and 
signal  encouragement  in  several  country  villages  and  farming 
districts,  as  well  as  in  the  city  and  suburbs.  It  has  some 
eight  or  ten  country  stations,  which  are  more  or  less  regularly 
visited  by  the  foreign  missionaries,  and  where  native  helpers 
are  appointed  to  preach  regularly.  It  has  a flourishing  boys’ 
boarding-school,  and  a flourishing  girls’  boarding-school,  and 
a printing-press.  At  the  close  of  1863  there  were  twenty-six 
probationary  members  of  its  native  churches,  and  ninety-nine 
in  full  communion.  It  employs  ten  or  twelve  native  helpers. 
It  has  established  a system  of  regular  quarterly  meetings  and 
an  annual  confei’ence  in  conformity  with  the  discipline  of  the 
Methodist  Episcopal  Church. 

The  English  Church  Missionary  Society  established  a Mis- 
sion at  Fuhchau  in  the  spring  of  1850.  It  has  met  with  many 


36 


INTRODUCTION. 


reverses,  and  has  not  averaged  two  families.  Its  members 
have  always  resided  within  the  city  on  Black  Rock  Hill.  It 
has  two  large  chapels,  located  on  South  and  on  Back  Streets, 
two  of  the  most  important  streets  in  the  city.  It  employs  two 
or  three  native  helpers,  and  has  ten  or  fifteen  baptized  Chinese 
under  its  care  and  instruction.  , 

■ Many  of  the  small  chapels,  and  some  of  the  large  church 
buildings,  in  connection  with  these  three  Missions,  whether  in 
the  city,  or  in  the  suburbs,  or  at  the  country  stations,  are  open- 
ed daily  for  preaching  in  Chinese.  All  who  please  to  come  in 
are  welcomed. 

All  these  Missions  have  in  former  years  distributed,  in  large 
numbers,  tracts  and  parts  of  the  Scriptures  prepared  in  the 
general  language  of  the  country.  A considerable  number, 
prepared  in  the  local  dialect,  have  also  been  published.  The 
Methodist  Mission  in  1864  completed  the  translation  aud  pub- 
lication of  the  New  Testament  in  the  local. dialect. 

In  some  years,  at  the  regular  literary  examinations  of  can- 
didates for  the  first  and  for  the  second  degree  at  Fuhchau,  the 
opportunity  has  been  embraced  to  distribute  large  numbers 
of  volumes  and  tracts  among  the  competitors — e.  g.,  in  1859, 
about  nine  thousand  graduates  of  the  first  degree,  from  all  parts 
of  the  province,  including  the  island  of  Formosa,  assembled 
at  this  place  to  compete  for  the  second  degree.  The  English 
and  some  of  the  American  missionaries  availed  themselves  of 
the  occasion  to  distribute  to  the  competitors  about  seven  thou- 
sand tracts  and  volumes,  besides  two  thousaud  copies  of  por- 
tions of  the  Bible.  The  plan  was  to  stand  near  the  outside 
door,  and  give  to  the  candidates  as  they  came  out  of  the  places 
where  the  examinations  had  been  held.  Most  of  the  volumes 
were  distributed  at  the  residence  of  the  literary  chancellor  at 
the  close  of  the  supplementary  examinations  of  some  of  the 
candidates  preparatory  to  competition  for  the  second  degree. 
The  rest  were  given  away  to  them  as  they  came  out  of  the 
Provincial  Examination  Hall  at  the  termination  of  their  last 
general  examination  before  the  imperial  commissioners.  Only 
a few  out  of  this  immense  crowd  refused  to  accept  the  books ; 
the  vast  majority  seemed  glad  to  obtain  them. 

In  1850,  two  missionaries,  sent  by  the  Swedish  Missionary 
Society,  arrived  at  this  place,  intending  to  establish  a Mission  ; 


MOHAMMEDANS  AND  KOMAN  CATHOLICS. 


37 


but  the  untimely  death  of  one,  the  result  of  an  attack  by  pi- 
rates on  the  Min,  near  Kinpai  Pass,  in  the  fall  of  the  same  year, 
frustrated  the  enterprise.  In  1852  his  associate  left  China  for 
his  native  land. 

There  is  a small  community  of  native  Mohammedans  at  Fuh- 
chau.  In  the  western  and  northwestern  parts  of  the  empire 
they  are  very  numerous  and  powerful.  The  resident  priest, 
who  lives  on  the  premises  on  which  the  mosque  is  built,  is  re- 
ported to  come  from  the  western  portion  of  China.  These 
premises  are  on  the  west  side  of  the  main  street  in  the  city, 
running  north  and  south,  not  far  from  the  South  Gate.  On 
tablets  put  over  the  principal  door  and  posts  of  the  mosque  are 
gilt  inscriptions  in  Arabic.  The  Calendar,  or  list  of  days  when 
fasts  are  observed  or  worship  is  performed,  usually  contain 
a few  sentences  in  Chinese,  which  speak  of  several  worthies 
mentioned  in  the  Old  Testament.  Very  little  is  known  by  the 
common  people  about  the  Mohammedans  and  their  worship 
or  creed.  The  Mohammedans  are  exceedingly  uncommunica- 
tive on  subjects  relating  to  themselves. 

Near  the  South  Gate,  outside  the  city,  is  a Roman  Catholic 
church,  built,  according  to  report,  since  the  treaties  opening 
this  port  to  foreign  residence  and  tolerating  Romanism  in 
China  were  formed.  The  number  of  native  converts  to  Ro- 
manism living  in  the  city  and  suburbs  is  not  known,  but  it  has 
been  vaguely  estimated  at  several  thousand.  Some  of  the 
boat  population  are  Roman  Catholics.  Masses  are  said  regu- 
larly every  morning  and  evening  during  the  wTeek ; occasion- 
ally other  religious  services  are  held  on  week  days.  Worship 
is  also  conducted  statedly  on  the  Sabbath.  The  Sabbath  is 
not  observed  as  a day  of  rest  from  labor,  and  there  is  nothing- 
in  the  general  conduct  of  the  Chinese  Catholics  which  distin- 
guishes them  from  the  pagans  among  whom  they  live.  They 
do  not  worship  the  ancestral  tablets  in  their  houses. 

Usually  one  or  more  European  priests  reside  on  the  prem- 
ises connected  with  the  church.  They  dress  in  Chinese  cos- 
tume, shaving  the  head  and  braiding  the  cue.  The  priests 
and  the  Chinese  Catholics  shun  the  acquaintance  of  Protestant 
missionaries  and  converts  connected  with  Protestant  Missions, 
and  are  very  wary  and  silent  in  regard  to  matters  which  con- 
cern the  Roman  Catholic  Mission.  A boarding-school  for  boys 


38 


INTRODUCTION. 


is  sustained  on  the  Mission  premises.  Some  or  all  of  the  pu- 
pils are  trained  thoroughly  in  the  doctrines  and  practices  of 
the  Roman  Church  preparatory  to  entering  on  the  functions 
of  the  Romish  priesthood.  Near  the  church  is  a new  and  con- 
venient building,  erected  expressly,  a few  years  ago,  for  the 
purpose  of  saving  alive  and  bringing  up  the  little  girls  found 
deserted  by  their  parents,  or  who  should  be  brought  there  by 
them.  There  is  a very  appropriate  inscription,  in  large  Chi- 
nese characters,  over  the  front  door  of  this  asylum,  saying, 
“ When  thy  father  and  thy  mother  forsake  thee , the  Lord  will 
take  thee  up .”  This  institution  is  under  the  oversight  of  sev- 
eral nuns,  or  Sisters  of  Mercy,  from  Manilla.  It  is  reported  as 
being  in  a flourishing  state. 

The  church  is  well  built.  It  has  an  inscription  in  large  gilt 
characters  upon  its  front,  implying  that  it  is  erected  in  accord- 
ance with  the  especial  permission  of  the  emperor.  Upon  its 
roof  is  a large  cross,  which  may  be  seen  from  a considerable 
distance.  No  seats  are  provided  in  the  church  for  the  wor- 
shipers, but  mats  on  which  they  kneel.  The  men  use  one  side 
of  the  church  and  women  the  other.  Near  the  pulpit  or  altar 
is  an  image  or  picture  of  Mary,  and  an  image  of  the  Savior  on 
the  Cross,  and  on  the  walls  are  numerous  pictures  of  Romish 
saints.  A tablet  to  the  emperor,  having  upon  it  the  usual  in- 
scription which  is  applied  only  to  him,  several  years  ago  was 
to  be  seen  near  the  altar,  in  such  a position  that  when  the  wor- 
shipers bowed  toward  the  altar,  and  the  images  and  pictures 
near  it,  they  necessarily  also  bowed  toward  the  tablet. 

The  Roman  Catholic  priests  here  operate  secretly.  Per- 
haps they  labor  principally  among  the  descendants  of  Roman 
Catholics  of  former  generations.  During  about  two  hundred 
years  there  have  been  native  Romanists  at  this  place.  Some- 
times they  have  been  severely  persecuted  by  the  government, 
and  some  have  remained  faithful  to  their  professions  through 
all  their  trials,  and  have  brought  up  their  children  in  the 
Romish  faith. 

The  doors  of  the  church  are  not  open  to  all  Chinese  who 
desire  to  attend  the  worship,  as  all  the  Protestant  missionaries 
open  the  doors  of  their  chapels  and  churches  to.  the  public. 
Only  members  of  the  Romish  community,  or  those  who  are 
properly  introduced,  are  permitted  to  enter  the  church  and  re- 


ROMANISM  DIFFERENT  FROM  PROTESTANTISM.  39 


main  during  service.  The  foreign  priests  or  their  native  as- 
sistants hold  no  public  preaching  service  where  their  doctrines 
are  explained  and  enforced.  Here,  as  elsewhere,  Romanism  is 
evasive,  and  screens  itself  from  observation,  working  in  the 
dark  and  secretly.  Protestantism  boldly  and  openly  solicits 
examination.  Romish  missionaries  to  the  Chinese  shut  the 
door  against  all  except  the  initiated  and  the  well-disposed. 
Protestant  missionaries  throw  open  the  churches  and  chapels 
to  all,  whether  friendly,  inimical,  or  indifferent,  whether  stran- 
gers or  acquaintances. 

The  Romanists  do  not  distribute  the  Bible,  or  even  religious 
tracts,  to  the  public  nowadays.  It  is  doubtful  whether  they 
have  made  into  Chinese  a complete  translation  of  the  Bible 
for  the  study  of  the  native  priests  or  for  their  own  use.  They 
have  a large  variety  of  tracts  and  books,  which  may  be  obtain- 
ed by  proper  persons  by  applying  at  the  proper  quarters. 
Some  of  them  were  prepared  over  two  hundred  years  ago  by 
converts  in  high  stations  at  court.  The  Catechisms  and  books 
used  in  schools  by  their  catechumens  and  converts  are  intense- 
ly characteristic  — e.  g.,  in  a certain  Catechism,  the  second 
commandment  is  expunged  from  the  Decalogue,  in  accordance 
with  the  practice  in  Western  lands,  and,  to  make  up  the  requi- 
site number,  the  tenth  is  divided  into  two. 

Only  one  public  distribution  of  Roman  Catholic  books  is 
known  as  having  occurred  at  this  place  between  1850  and 
1863.  Among  the  books  which  were  given  away  on  that  oc- 
casion was  one  which  had  a singular  stamp  or  imprint  of  six 
Chinese  characters  in  red  ink.  These  characters,  taken  in  con- 
nection with  other  characters  in  red  ink  also  stamped  upon 
the  book,  informed  the  reader  that  the  religion  of  the  Lord  of 
Heaven  teas  different  from  the  religion  of  the  kingdom  of  the 
Flowery  Flag.  It  is  necessary  to  explain  that  the  distinctive 
name  in  China  for  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  is  the  “ religion 
of  the  Lord  of  Heaven  f while  the  common  name  for  the 
United  States  of  America  is  the  '■'■kingdom  of  the  Flowery 
Flagf  a term  derived  doubtless  from  the  unique  appearance 
of  the  stars  and  stripes  of  the  national  flag.  The  meaning  in- 
tended to  be  conveyed  by  the  imprints  was  that  Romanism 
was  different  from  Protestantism.  It  would  seem  that  the 
Romanists  had  been  aroused,  by  the  zeal  of  Protestant  mis- 


40 


INTRODUCTION. 


sionaries  in  distributing  books,  to  an  unwonted  exhibition  of 
zeal  in  the  distribution  of  Roman  Catholic  books.  But,  in  or- 
der to  protest  against  Protestantism,  and  not  knowing  any  bet- 
ter name  to  give  it  than  the  name  denoting  the  nationality  of 
the  greatest  number  of  Protestant  missionaries  at  Fuhchau, 
they  caused  some  or  all  of  the  books  given  away  on  the  occa- 
sion referred  to,  to  be  stamped  in  a prominent  place  and  in  a 
color  which  would  attract  attention,  with  a sentence  meaning 
that  the  religion  of  Heaven's  Lord  was  not  the  same  as  the 
American  religion  ! 

There  are  many  points  of  similarity  between  Roman  Cathol- 
icism and  Chinese  Buddhism.  The  common  people  here  do 
not  discover  many  points  of  dissimilarity  between  the  lives  of 
the  converts  to  Romanism  and  the  native  adherents  of  Bud- 
dhism. The  prominent  points  of  similarity  are  the  vow  of  cel- 
ibacy, monastic  seclusion,  monastic  habit,  holy  water,  count- 
ing beads,  fasting,  forbidden  meats,  masses  for  the  dead,  wor- 
ship of  relics,  canonization  of  saints,  use  of  incense  and  candles, 
bell  and  book,  purgatory — from  which  prayers  and  ceremonies 
deliver — use  of  a dead  language,  and  pretension  to  miracles. 

Hue,  the  Lazarist,  seems  pleased  with  this  striking  similar- 
ity, and  says,  Luddhism  has  an  admixture  of  truth  with  holy 
Church. 

Premare,  another  distinguished  Romanist,  says,  the  devil  has 
imitated  Mother  Church  to  scandalize  her. 

Protestants  ask,  Has  not  Romanism  borrowed  from  pagan- 
ism ? 


CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  PEOPLE. 


41 


CHAPTER  I. 

AGRICULTURAL  AND  DOMESTIC  MATTERS. 

Characteristics  of  the  People. — Houses. — No  Glass  Windows. — Cold  and 
Heat. — Soil  fertile. — Principal  Crops. — Sorghum  not  Chinese  Sugar-cane. 
— Fruits  and  Vegetables. — Principal  Articles  of  Food. — Chinese  at  their 
Meals. — No  promiscuous  Mingling  of  the  Sexes  on  festive  Occasions. — 
Tea  the  common  Beverage. — How  prepared. — Trip  to  a Tea  Plantation. 
— Description  of  Tea  Shrub. — Transplanted. — Congo  and  Oolong  made 
from  the  same  Shrub. — Plucking  the  Leaves. — Manner  of  preparing  Con- 
go and  Oolong. — Practical  Inference. — Fields  how  cultivated. — Threshing 
Grain. — Manner  of  Hulling  Rice. — Flouring  Mills. — No  Fences. — Man- 
ner of  Irrigation. — Artificial  Ponds  for  raising  Fish. — Hatching  Duck 
Eggs  by  artificial  Heat.-— Fishing  with  Cormorants. — Fuel  and  Timber. — 
Vegetable  Oils  and  Tallow. — Temples  and  Places  worth  Visiting. — Char- 
coal Birds.  — Native  Poor-house.  — Few  labor-saving  Machines  used. — 
Manual  Labor. — Wages  of  common  Laborers. — Employment  of  Women. 
— Block  Stereotyping  and  Printing. — A few  Words  about  the  Chinese 
Language. 

The  Chinese  at  Fuhchau  are  shorter  than  the  generality  of 
foreigners,  mild  in  character,  and  timid  in  appearance.  They 
are  not  as  turbulent,  bloodthirsty,  and  daring  as  are  the  Chi- 
nese of  some  of  the  more  southern  sections  of  the  empire. 
They  indulge  oftentimes  in  angry  scolding  and  violent  quarrel- 
ing in  the  streets,  but  seldom  come  to  earnest  blows.  They  are 
proud  and  self-relying,  and  look  with  disdain,  as  do  other  Chi- 
nese, on  foreigners.  They  are  in  the  habit  of  applying  dimin- 
utive and  derogatory  exjiressions  to  them:  none  so  bad, how- 
ever, as  “fanqui” — “foreign  devil” — formerly  used  so  con- 
stantly at  Canton.  The  most  common  epithet  applied  at  Fuh- 
chau to  foreigners  is  “ Huang  kiang”  — “ foreign  children.” 
This  they  oftentimes  ring  out  in  most  derisive  and  insulting 
tones.  They,  almost  without  exception,  have  black  hair  and 
eyes;  and,  noticing  the  fact  that  most  foreigners  have  hair 
and  eyes  not  of  the  same  color,  frequently  express  this  differ- 
ence by  calling  them  red-haired  and  blue-eyed,  though  their 
hair  may  be  white  and  eyes  gray.  Foreigners  all  belong  to 


42 


AGRICULTURAL  AND  DOMESTIC  MATTERS. 


the  kingdom  of  red-haired  people,  while  the  Chinese  style 
themselves  men  of  the  “ black-haired  race.” 

The  houses  of  the  Chinese  are  usually  one  story  high,  and 
built  of  wood.  Few  substantial  brick  dwelling-houses  are 
seen.  The  covering  is  earthen  tiles  burned  in  kilns — not  shin- 
gles, or  lead,  or  zinc.  The  flooring  of  most  houses  among  the 
poorer  classes  is  made  of  a cement  composed  of  clay,  sand,  and 
lime,  and  is  hard  and  smooth  when  properly  prepared,  or  it  is 
simply  the  earth  pounded  down.  The  wooden  floors,  even  in 
the  better  kind  of  houses,  are  very  poor,  uneven,  and  unplaned. 
No  carpets  are  used,  and  seldom  is  matting  spread  upon  the 
flooring.  Oftentimes  there  is  no  ceiling  over  h.ead,  the  room 
extending  to  the  roof.  A large  number  of  families  live  in 
boats  about  twenty  or  twenty-five  feet  long,  and  about  six  or 
eight  feet  wide.  Here  children  are  born,  brought  up,  marry, 
and  die. 

Dwelling-houses  usually  have  wooden  windows,  no  glass  be- 
ing used  even  in  wealthy  families.  Sometimes  windows  hav- 
ing a kind  of  semi-transparent  shell  ingeniously  arranged  in 
rows  are  found.  When  light  is  needed,  the  wooden  windows 
are  opened  either  partially  or  wholly.  They  are  also  opened 
for  purposes  of  ventilation  in  the  summer  season. 

The  houses  have  no  apparatus  for  heating  them  in  the  win- 
ter, like  the  fireplaces,  furnaces,  and  stoves  of  Western  lands. 
The  doors  and  windows  are  poorly  adapted  to  cold  weather, 
not  being  fitted  tightly.  The  Chinese  at  Fuhchau  simply  put 
on  more  garments  than  usual  in  the  winter,  the  number  being 
graduated  by  the  intensity  of  the  cold.  In  the  absence  of  ar- 
tificial means  for  heating  their  rooms,  the  people  frequently 
carry  around  with  them  a portable  furnace,  containing  embers 
or  coals,  with  which  they  warm  themselves  from  time  to  time. 

At  Fuhchau  ice  is  very  rarely  seen,  even  as  thin  as  a knife- 
blade.  Frosty  mornings  seldom  occur.  Snow-storms  are  ex- 
ceedingly uncommon.  In  February,  1864,  snow  fell  two  or 
three  inches  deep,  and  remained  on  the  surrounding  hills  for 
several  days,  an  event  which  had  not  taken  place  before,  it 
was  said,  for  thirty-eight  years.  Hail-storms  are  not  so  un- 
common as  snow-storms.  The  heat,  in  the  shade,  in  the  hot- 
test months  of  summer,  seldom  exceeds  96°  Fahrenheit.  Au- 
gust and  September  are  oftentimes  felt  to  be  the  most  oppress- 


PRINCIPAL  CROPS. 


43 


ive  months,  on  account  of  the  long-continued  heat  previously 
experienced.  Rain  falls  in  all  seasons  of  the  year,  though 
more  falls  in  the  spring  than  fall.  Usually  in  April  or  May 
there  is  a freshet,  covering  the  rice-fields  in  the  vicinity,  and 
flooding  the  ground  on  which  many  houses  are  built.  Very 
few  years  pass  when  there  is  not  such  a freshet.  When  it 
comes  late  in  the  season  it  is  apt  to  damage  or  destroy  the 
rice  crop,  causing  much  suffering  among  the  poor. 

The  soil  of  the  valley  of  the  Min  is  very  fertile,  and  is  kept 
in  a state  of  excellent  tillage.  Night-soil  is  hoarded  in  the 
city  and  suburbs  by  the  Chinese  with  the  greatest  care.  It 
is  sold  to  persons  who  transport  it  into  the  surrounding  coun- 
try for  use  as  manure.  On  some  low  lands  two  crops  of  rice 
and  one  of  wheat  are  annually  produced.  From  other  fields 
only  one  crop  of  rice  and  one  crop  of  wheat  are  raised.  From 
many  gardens  at  least  six  or  eight  crops  of  vegetables  are 
grown  year  after  year.  Two  crops  of  the  Irish  or  foreign  po- 
tato, on  the  same  land,  can  be  cultivated,  one  coming  to  ma- 
turity in  December,  and  the  other  in  April. 

Rice,  of  which  there  ave  several  varieties,  wheat,  and  swreet 
potatoes,  are  the  most  common  crops.  Barley,  tobacco,  and 
beans  are  produced  in  considerable  quantities.  A kind  of 
sugar-cane,  propagated  by  slips,  and  making  inferior  brown 
sugar,  is  also  grown  extensively.  The  best  sugar  used  at 
Fuhchau  among  the  Chinese  is  brought  from  a more  southern 
section  of  the  province,  made  from  another  species  of  cane. 
What  is  called  in  the  United  States  the  Chinese  sugar-cane, 
or  sorghum,  is  not  produced  extensively  in  Southern  China, 
nor  is  it,  properly  speaking,  Chinese  sugar-cane ; for  Chinese 
sugar-cane  is  the  same  as  American  sugar-cane,  and  is  propa- 
gated by  slips  or  cuttings,  not  by  seeds.* 

* The  so-called  Chinese  sugar-cane,  or  sorghum,  is  grown  very  extensive- 
ly in  Northern  China,  and  is  known  among  foreigners  as  a kind  of  millet — 
the  Barbadoes  Millet.  The  Chinese  name  for  it  is  Kauliang.  It  is  propa- 
gated like  broom-corn,  which  it  resembles  in  some  respects — by  its  seeds, 
which  grow  on  the  top  of  its  stalks.  The  Chinese  do  not  express  the  juice 
from  its  stalks  for  the  purpose  of  manufacturing  molasses  or  sugar,  and  they 
manifest  surprise  when  informed  that  such  a use  is  made  of  it  in  the  United 
States.  They  make  a coarse  kind  of  bread  from  the  flour  of  the  seeds  of 
the  Kauliang,  eaten  principally  by  the  poorer  classes.  The  best  kind  of 
Chinese  whisky,  oftentimes  called  Chinese  wine,  is  distilled  from  the  seeds. 


44 


AGRICULTURAL  AND  DOMESTIC  MATTERS. 


Fruits  are  plenty  during  all  tlie  year,  but  they  are  picked 
before  ripe,  very  frequently  when  quite  green,  so  that,  as  a gen- 
eral remark,  they  are  not  well  flavored.  At  the  close  of  the 
season  for  each  species,  ripe  fruits  are  found  in  market.  They 
are  often  brought  on  men’s  shoulders  a great  distance  in  bas- 
kets, and  if  picked  only  when  ripe,  they  would  spoil  or  be  very 
badly  damaged  before  they  could  reach  the  market.  There 
are  no  railroads  by  which  ripe  fruit  and  other  produce  can  be 
transported  without  injury  and  with  speed ; nor  are  steamers 
available  for  transporting  fruit,  etc.,  excejit  between  a very 
few  places  along  the  sea-coast.  Junks  and  sailing  vessels  are 
usually  too  slow  and  uncertain  a mode  of  conveyance  for  fruit, 
unless  picked  before  fully  ripe.  Peaches,  plums,  pears,  and 
several  varieties  of  the  orange,  abound  in  their  season.  One 
kind  of  orange,  which  is  called  the  Mandarin  orange,  has  a 
loose  jacket  or  skin,  and  the  inside  is  divided  into  ten  or  twelve 
lobes.  There  are  no  lemons,  cherries,  or  currants  raised  at 
Fuhchau,  and  no  berries  of  any  kind,  as  strawberry,  goose- 
berry, whortleberry,  blackberry,  raspberry,  etc.  The  pine-ap- 
ple, plantain,  cocoa-nut,  mango,  and  a fine  variety  of  pumelo, 
are  brought  from  Formosa  or  Amoy  in  native  junks  or  by 
steamers.  Native  pumelos,  shaddocks,  pomegranates,  the  ar- 
butus, the  guava,  persimmon,  grapes  of  an  inferior  quality,  the 
pipa,  lichi,  the  lungan,  or  the  dragon’s  eyes,  are  abundant,  but 
no  good  apples.  Large  quantities  of  oranges,  ginger,  and  va- 
rious kinds  of  fruits  and  vegetables,  are  preserved  in  sugar, 
and  exported  to  other  parts  of  China.  Bamboo  shoots  for 
food  are  also  cured  and  sent  away.  Water-melons,  squash- 
es, onions  and  garlics,  turnips,  carrots,  cabbages,  lettuce,  cu- 
cumbers, and  a variety  of  vegetables  peculiar  to  China,  or  at 
le'ast  not  cultivated  in  the  United  States  or  in  Great  Britain, 
are  produced  in  large  quantities,  and  sold  at  reasonable  prices; 
but  no  musk-melon,  nor  beets,  nor  tomatoes  of  a large  species. 
A very  small  kind  of  tomato,  about  the  size  of  a small  cherry, 

The  stalks  are  used  for  fuel,  for  lathing  in  the  partitions  of  houses,  for  slight 
and  temporary  fences,  etc.  Numerous  and  immense  fuel-yards,  consisting 
entirely  of  the  dried  stalks  of  the  Kauliang,  are  formed  at  Tientsin  and  many 
other  cities  in  the  north  of  China.  During  a few  years  past  many  inquiries 
have  been  made  in  regard  to  the  manner  in  which  the  Chinese  manufacture 
sugar  and  molasses  out  of  the  sorghum,  but  such  information  is  vainly  sought 
of  them,  for  they  never  manufacture  such  articles  from  its  stalks. 


PKINCIPAL  KINDS  OF  FOOD. 


45 


called  “ snake’s  eggs,”  not  used  as  food  by  the  Chinese,  is 
found  growing  wild.  Ground-nuts  or  pea-nuts  are  extensively 
cultivated.  The  art  of  grafting  is  considerably  practiced,  but 
fruit  is  not  cultivated  as  carefully  as  at  the  West. 

The  Chinese  at  Fuhchau  live  principally  on  rice,  fish,  and 
vegetables.  They  never  use  bread  at  their  meals,  as  people 
do  in  Western  lands.  Wheat  flour  is  used  for  making  various 
kinds  of  luncheon  and  cakes.  The  most  common  meats  are 
pork,  the  flesh  of  the  mountain  goat,  and  the  flesh  of  the  do- 
mesticated buffalo  or  water-ox,  and  the  cow,  ducks,  geese, 
chickens,  and  fish  from  salt  and  from  fresh  water.  There 
is  never  any  veal  or  mutton  in  market.  They  never  salt 
down  beef  or  pork.  Fuhchau  bacon  and  hams  are  celebrated 
in  Eastern  and  Southern  Asia.  It  is  considered  a hardship 
and  a mark  of  excessive  poverty  to  eat  potatoes  except  as 
luncheon.  Immense  quantities  of  the  sweet  potato  are  grated 
into  coarse  slips  and  dried  in  the  sun,  for  use  as  food  among 
the  poor  in  case  rice  can  not  be  procured.  This  dried  potato 
is  called  potato-rice.  Oysters  abound  in  the  winter,  and  are 
very  cheap,  the  usual  price  of  clear  oysters  being  between  five 
and  six  cents  per  pound.  Shrimps,  crabs,  and  clams  are  plen- 
tiful. Little  wild  game  can  be  obtained  at  any  season  of  the 
year.  In  the  winter,  pheasants,  in  small  numbers,  are  brought 
from  the  country  to  sell,  having  been  shot  or  entrapped  upon 
the  hills. 

The  Chinese  at  their  meals  usually  have  several  small  dishes 
of  vegetables,  fish,  etc.,  prepared,  besides  a large  quantity  of 
boiled  or  steamed  rice  put  in  a vessel  by  itself.  Each  person 
helps  himself  to  the  rice,  putting  some,  by  means  of  a ladle  or 
large  spoon,  into  a bowl.  The  bowl,  held  in  the  left  hand,  is 
brought  near  the  chin,  whence,  by  the  use  of  a pair  of  chop- 
sticks, taken  between  the  thumb  and  fore  and  middle  fingers, 
the  rice  is  shoveled  or  pushed  into  the  mouth  from  time  to  time. 
Whenever  any  vegetable  or  fish,  etc.,  is  desired,  a morsel  is 
taken, by  a dexterous  use  of  the  chopsticks,  from  the  common 
dish  which  contains  the  article  and  conveyed  to  the  mouth. 
The  chopsticks  are  not  used  separately,  one  in  each  hand,  as 
many  suppose.  An  earthen  spoon  is  sometimes  used  to  dip 
out  the  gravy  or  liquor  from  the  dish  of  vegetables  or  fish,  but 
knives  and  forks  are  never  used  at  meal-time. 


46 


AGRICULTURAL  AND  DOMESTIC  MATTERS. 


Husband,  and  wife,  and  adult  children  oftentimes  eat  at  the 
same  table  and  at  the  same  time,  if  there  are  no  strangers  or 
guests  present;  in  such  a case, females  do  not  appear  at  the 
table  with  the  males.  On  festive  occasions,  when  friends  are 
invited  to  dinner,  the  men  eat  by  themselves,  and  the  women 
by  themselves.  Ladies  and  gentlemen,  if  unacquainted,  are 
not  formally  introduced  to  each  other  when  invited  to  a feast 
at  the  same  house,  nor  do  they  converse  or  promenade  to- 
gether, as  in  Western  lands.  The  ladies  keep  by  themselves 
in  the  inner  apartments,  while  the  gentlemen  remain  in  the  re- 
ception-room, or  public  hall,  or  library.  Persons  of  different 
sex,  even  those  who  are  acquainted  or  related,  are  not  allowed 
to  mingle  together  on  public  or  festive  occasions.  Husband 
and  wife  never  walk  side  by  side  or  arm  in  arm  in  the  streets. 
Sometimes  a small-footed  woman  is  seen  walking  in  public 
leaning  on  the  shoulder  of  her  son.  Dancing  is  unknown. 

The  common  beverage  of  the  Chinese  is  a weak  decoction 
of  black  tea.  According  to  common  fame,  they  never  use 
green  tea.  At  Fuhchau,  the  use  of  cold  water  as  a drink  is  re- 
garded by  the  natives  as  decidedly  unhealthy,  and  most  would 
prefer  to  thirst  for  a long  time  rather  than  drink  it,  though 
they  might  venture  to  rinse  their  mouth  or  wet  their  lips  with 
water.  A drink  of  hot  or  warm  water  would  be  greatly  pre- 
ferred to  a drink  of  cold  water.  The  poorest  of  the  poor  must 
have  their  tea,  regarding  it  not  so  much  a luxury  as  a neces- 
sary. They  never  use  milk  or  sugar,  but  always  take  it  clear, 
and,  if  convenient,  as  hot  as  they  can  drink  it.  They  prepare 
it,  not  by  steeping,  but  by  pouring  boiling  water,  or  water 
which  has  boiled,  upon  the  tea,  letting  it  stand  a few  minutes, 
usually  covered  over.  It  is  considered  essential,  on  receiving 
a call  from  a friend  or  stranger,  to  offer  him  some  hot  tea  as 
soon  after  he  enters  as  possible,  and  usually  he  is  also  iuvited 
to  smoke  a whiff  of  tobacco.  Unless  the  tea  should  be  forth- 
coming, the  host  would  be  regarded  as  destitute  of  good  man- 
ners, and  unaccustomed  to  the  usages  of  polite  society. 

In  May,  1861,  in  company  with  an  American  friend,  a visit 
was  made  to  some  tea  plantations  situated  twelve  or  fifteen 
miles  to  the  north  of  Fuhchau,  on  the  Piling  Hills.  The 
plantations  were  comparatively  of  recent  growth,  commenced 
mostly  since  this  port  became  a market  for  black  teas  for  ex- 


CULTIVATION  OF  THE  TEA-PLANT. 


47 


portation  to  foreign  countries.  The  tea  produced  is  compara- 
tively of  little  importance  as  far  as  amount  is  concerned,  though 
the  prospect  is  fair  that  the  production  will  be  largely  increased 
as  fast  as  time  and  the  slender  capital  of  the  people  will  admit. 
There  is  a large  tract  of  the  hilly  country  now  uncultivated, 
well  adapted,  we  were  informed,  to  the  cultivation  of  the  tea- 
shrub. 

The  tea-shrub  resembles,  in  some  respects,  the  low  species 
of  whortleberry,  being  allowed  to  grow  usually  only  about  a 
foot  and  a half  high.  Some  compare  the  tea-shrub  to  the  cur- 
rant-bush ; but  the  currant  grows  too  high  and  is  too  bushy  to 
justify  the  comparison,  according  to  our  observation.  The 
tea-shrub  would  grow  much  higher  than  what  we  saw,  if  al- 
lowed to  do  so.  It  was  kept  low  by  picking  the  higher  leaves 
and  breaking  off"  the  highest  branches.  A high  shrub  would 
be  in  danger  of  damage  from  the  heavy  storms  of  wind,  which 
are  quite  common  amid  the  hills,  and,  besides,  the  leaves  would 
not  be  as  valuable  as  the  leaves  of  a small  shrub. 

The  tea-seeds  should  be  planted  in  the  tenth  Chinese  month 
(corresponding  to  November),  and  the  plants  are  then  ready 
for  transplanting  by  the  following  autumn.  They  are  trans- 
planted from  three  to  five  together,  in  row’s  from  three  to  five 
feet  apart  each  awmy,  in  much  the  same  manner  as  Indian  corn 
is  planted  in  America.  In  about  four  years  the  plants  are 
large  enough  to  spare  some  of  their  leaves  wdthout  serious 
detriment.  The  plantations  are  not  manured,  but  are  kept 
free  from  weeds.  The  jflant  blossoms  about  the  tenth  month, 
producing  a white  flower,  in  appearance  and  size  much  like  the 
flower  of  the  orange.  The  seeds  form  in  a pod,  each  pod  con- 
taining three  tea-seeds  about  as  large  as  a small  bean. 

We  were  informed  that  only  twro  kinds  of  tea,  Congo  and 
Oolong,  were  usually  made  from  these  tea  plantations,  differ- 
ing from  each  other  only  in  consequence  of  being  manufac- 
tured in  different  ways.  We  queried  closely  and  repeatedly 
our  informants,  the  men  engaged  in  picking  and  preparing  the 
leaves,  in  regard  to  the  jwocesses  of  preparing  these  varieties. 
We  could  not  perceive  that  they  were  deceiving  us,  nor  could 
we  see  any  reason  or  cause  why  they  should  attempt  to  de- 
ceive. Of  course,  we  could  not  in  one  day,  and  that  a cloudy 
and  misty  day,  see  all  the  processes  described  ourselves,  and 


48 


GRICULTURAL  AND  DOMESTIC  MATTERS. 


gather  from  our  personal  observation  all  the  facts  mention- 
ed. 

The  leaves  of  a medium  size  are  carefully  plucked,  principal- 
ly by  women  and  children.  The  largest  leaves  are  usually  left 
on  the  shrub,  in  order  to  catch  the  dew.  If  all  were  picked  at 
once,  there  would  be  danger  of  killing  or  of  greatly  injuring 
the  shrub.  A thrifty  clump  will  annually  furnish  from  three 
to  five  ounces  of  leaves,  and  a smart  picker  can  gather  in  a day 
eight  or  ten  pounds  of  green  leaves.  There  are  three  seasons 
for  picking  the  leaves,  viz.,  in  the  third,  fifth,  and  eighth  Chi- 
nese months,  when  each  shrub  is  picked  over,  at  intervals  of 
ten  or  fifteen  days,  two  or  three  times  or  more,  according  to 
its  thriftiriess,  and  the  demand  in  market  fior  the  dried  leaf. 
If  there  is  no  prospect  of  selling  the  tea  at  a profit,  the  leaf  is 
not  picked.  A pound  of  green  leaves  makes  only  about  three 
or  four  ounces  of  tea.  The  first  picking  is  the  best,  and  com- 
mands the  highest  price. 

The  following,  we  were  informed,  is  the  method  of  prepar- 
ing Congo : 

1.  The  leaves  are  exposed  in  the  sun  or  in  an  airy  place. 
The  object  of  this  is  not  to  dry  them,  but  only  to  wilt  them 
slowly  and  thoroughly. 

2.  A quantity  of  the  leaves  thus  wilted  are  put  into  a shal- 
low vessel,  usually  made  of  the  splints  of  the  bamboo,  and 
trodden  down  together  for  a considerable  time,  until  all  the 
fibres  and  stems  of  the  leaves  are  broken.  The  object  is  sim- 
ply to  break  the  stiff  parts  or  fibres.  Men,  barefooted,  are  em- 
ployed to  do  this  work,  because  the  Chinese  do  not  appear  to 
have  found  out  a more  convenient,  expeditious,  and  effective 
method  of  attaining  the  object  in  view.  It  does  not  seem  to 
them  a filthy  and  objectionable  operation. 

3.  These  leaves  are  then  rolled  in  a particular  manner  by 
the  hands  of  the  operator.  The  object  is  solely  to  cause  them 
to  take  a round  or  spiral  form.  If  not  rolled  in  this  way  they 
would  remain  flat,  a shape  not  adapted  to  the  foreign  market. 
While  lying  on  the  vessel,  the  hands,  spread  out,  are  passed 
around  for  some  time  in  a circular  manner,  parallel  to  the  bot- 
tom of  the  vessel,  lightly  touching  the  leaves. 

4.  They  are  now  placed  in  a heap  to  heat  for  half  an  hour 
or  longer,  until  they  become  of  a reddish  appearance. 


PREPARATION  OF  CONGO  AND  OOLONG. 


49 


5.  The  leaves  are  then  spread  out  in  the  sun,  or  in  a light 
and  airy  place,  and  left  to  dry.  They  must  be  thoroughly 
dried,  else  they  would  mould,  and  become  unfit  for  the  foreign 
market. 

6.  The  leaf  is  next  sold  to  the  agents  of  foreigners  or  to  na- 
tive dealers,  who  take  it  away  and  expend  a great  deal  of  la- 
bor upon  it  before  it  is  shipped  to  foreign  countries.  It  is 
sifted  on  coarse  sieves,  and  picked  over  several  times,  in  order 
to  separate  the  different  qualities,  to  remove  the  stems,  the 
large  or  flat  leaves,  etc.  The  large  leaves  are  put  by  them- 
selves, and  the  small  by  themselves.  It  is  dried  several  times 
over  slow  fires  in  iron  pans,  in  order  to  prevent  its  spoiling 
through  moisture,  according  to  circumstances,  as  the  weather, 
length  of  time  on  hand,  etc.,  seem  to  require. 

The  process  of  preparing  Oolong  tea  differs  in  some  partic- 
ulars from  the  method  of  preparing  Congo. 

The  fresh  leaves  are  dried  for  a short  time  only,  not  until 
they  are  wilted,  but  only  until  all  the  dew,  or  water,  or  exter- 
nal dampness  is  gone. 

Instead  of  being  dried  in  the  sun,  they  are  dried  in  an  iron 
vessel  over  a small,  steady  fire.  They  are  kept  in  motion  by 
the  hand  to  prevent  any  scorching,  or  crisping,  or  burning. 
They  are  not  perfectly,  but  only  about  half  dried. 

They  are  trodden  by  barefooted  men,  rolled  with  the  hand, 
and  dried  in  the  sun  or  air,  and  afterward  sifted,  sorted,  and 
fired  in  iron  pans,  as  the  leaf  for  making  Oolong  was  served. 

In  the  suburbs  of  Fuhchau  there  are  many  establishments 
where  large  numbers  of  young  men,  women,  and  children  arc 
industriously  employed  during  the  tea  season  in  sifting  and 
sorting  the  leaves.  Women  and  children  earn  from  three  to 
six  cents  per  day,  according  to  their  skill  and  celerity,  they 
boarding  themselves ; while  the  young  men  receive  from  five 
to  eight  cents,  besides  their  board,  per  day. 

These  facts,  and  others  which  might  be  added,  show  that 
tea  can  never  be  cultivated  in  Western  countries  to  advant- 
age. The  high  rate  of  wages  in  the  United  States,  even  if  it 
would  grow  in  the  southern  part  of  the  country,  would  forbid 
the  extensive  and  profitable  cultivation  of  the  tea-shrub.  The 
same  amount  of  capital,  industry,  and  labor,  employed  in  any 
of  the  common  trades  and  occupations  in  that  land,  would  be 

Vol.  I.— C 


50 


AGRICULTURAL  AND  DOMESTIC  MATTERS. 


far  more  lucrative.  Tea  could  uot  be  afforded,  if  raised  in 
America,  at  less  than  four  or  five  times  the  cost  per  pound  at 
which  it  can  be  afforded  obtained  from  China. 

The  fields  are  cultivated  by  means  of  the  plow  and  the  har- 
row, drawn  by  the  water-ox  or  domesticated  buffalo,  and  by 


PLOWING  WITH  THE  DOMESTICATED  BUFFALO. 


the  hoe  and  light  pick-axe.  The  use  of  the  spade  and  the 
wheelbarrow  is  unknown.  Women  of  the  large  or  natural- 
footed class  and  men  work  at  farming  together.  Such  women 
also  carry  burdens  in  the  same  manner  as  men.  Only  one 
beast,  guided  by  a rope  tied  to  a ring  in  its  nose,  is  used  in 
plowing.  The  common  plow  is  simple  and  light,  turning  a 
narrow  and  shallow  furrow.  Rice,  wheat,  etc.,  are  always 
reaped  by  the  sickle  or  bill-hook.  There  are  no  cradles  or 
machines  for  cutting  grain,  nor  are  there  any  machines  used 
for  threshing  grain,  as  in  the  United  States  and  England. 

When  it  is  necessary  to  transport  the  bundles  from  one  part 
of  the  field  to  another  for  any  purpose,  they  are  carried  in  the 
usual  manner  of  carrying  other  articles,  by  a pole  laid  across 
the  shoulder,  never  on  carts  or  wagons.  Rice  and  wheat  are 
usually  threshed  by  beating  on  a frame  of  slats ; sometimes 
by  flails  on  the  hard  ground.  A man  takes  a small  quanti- 


CARRYING  AND  THRESHING  GRAIN, 


51 


ty  of  the  un threshed 
grain  in  both  hands, 
and  strikes  it  forcibly 
upon  the  slats  until 
the  grain  is  beaten 
out,  when  the  straw 
is  thrown  aside,  and 
another  quantity  is 
taken  and  beaten  in 
the  same  way.  The 
grain  is  winnowed  by 
throwing  it  up  into 
the  wind,  or  by  a 
rudely  - constructed 
fanning -mill,  worked 
by  a crank,  in  general 
appearance  very  much 
like  Western  fanning- 
mills,  minus  sieves. 
The  modern  fanning- 


THRESHING  GRAIN. 


52 


AGRICULTURAL  AND  DOMESTIC  MATTERS. 


mills  used  in  the  United  States,  undoubtedly,  are  only  im- 
proved Chinese  fanning-mills. 

The  hull  is  removed  from  rice  by  a kind  of  mill,  turned  by 
hand,  consisting  of  two  parts.  The  upper  part,  which  is  not 
very  heavy,  is  made  to  move  slowly  around  upon  the  lower  by 
a man  pushing  and  pulling  upon  the  handle.  One  end  of  the 
handle  is  suspended  by  a cord  attached  to  something  in  the 
top  of  the  room.  By  simply  pushing  and  pulling  this  handle 
in  a certain  way  the  upper  part  revolves.  The  rice,  unhulled, 


HULLING  BICE. 


is  put  upon  the  upper  part,  and  passes  through  a hole  down 
to  the  surfaces,  which  touch  and  rub  against  each  other.  The 
rice  comes  out  from  the  side  and  fills  into  a basket.  "What 
is  not  perfectly  hulled  by  this  process  is  then  pounded  in  a 
large  stone  mortar.  This  operation  always  removes  the  last 
of  the  hulls  from  the  rice. 

The  mills  for  grinding  wheat  are  very  rude  and  poor.  Some 
of  them  are  turned  by  water,  especially  in  hilly  sections  of  the 
country,  where  there  are  small  rapid  streams.  In  cities  and 


MANNER  OF  IRRIGATING  RICE-FIELDS. 


53 


villages  the  motive  power  usually  is  a blindfolded  buffalo, 
which  is  fastened  to  a pole  connecting  with  the  upper  mill- 
stone. The  animal,  by  walking  around  in  a circle,  the  centre 
of  which  is  the  mill,  causes  the  upper  stone  to  revolve.  The 
grain  requires  to  be  passed  through  the  mill  several  times  be- 
fore the  flour  is  fine  enough  for  baking  purposes.  It  is  then 
sifted  by  hand,  and  is  ready  for  use.  Oftentimes  the  flour  is 
very  gritty,  owing  to  a poor  quality  of  stones,  or  to  the  bad 
manner  in  which  they  are  repaired  or  fitted  to  each  other. 

There  are  no  fences,  or  walls,  or  hedges  dividing  the  fields. 
Boundaries  between  rice-fields  are  usually  marked  by  a small 
raised  pathway.  Cattle,  when  let  out  to  graze  on  the  hills, 
are  always  kept  from  wandering  far,  and  from  destroying  the 
crops  in  the  vicinity,  by  boys  or  girls  watching  and  tending 
them.  There  are  no  meadows  where  grass  is  cut  for  making 
hay,  and  of  course  the  scythe  is  unknown.  The  grass  is  wild. 
There  is  no  clover,  timothy  grass,  or  red-top,  or  any  of  the  va- 
rious species  of  herds’  grass  cultivated,  as  in  Western  coun- 
tries. Cattle,  in  the  winter,  are  kept  principally  on  wheat  and 
rice  straw.  Horses  are  not  kept  by  farmers  for  use  in  the 
fields,  or  for  riding  or  driving,  the  domesticated  buffalo  and  a 
smaller  kind  of  cattle  being  used  exclusively  for  tilling  the 
ground.  Only  officials  of  government  employ  horses. 

Irrigation  is  generally,  in  this  vicinity,  performed  by  means 
of  an  endless  chain-pump.  One  end  of  the  box  in  which  the 
chain,  or  rather  rope,  and  its  buckets  pass,  is  placed  at  an  an- 
gle of  forty-five  degrees,  more  or  less,  with  the  river,  canal,  or 
pond  whence  water  is  to  be  brought  upon  the  neighboring 
fields.  This  box  is  open  on  the  top  and  both  ends,  and  made 
very  strong  and  light,  one  man  carrying  the  whole  apparatus 
with  ease  on  his  shoulders.  The  chain,  with  its  buckets,  passes 
over  a horizontal  shaft,  which  is  supported  by  two  perpendic- 
ular posts.  One  or  more  persons,  steadying  themselves  by 
leaning  upon  a horizontal  pole  four  or  five  feet  higher  than  the 
shaft,  and  by  walking  or  stepping  briskly  on  short,  radiating 
arms,  cause  it  to  revolve  on  its  axis,  bringing  up  the  water, 
which  pours  out  of  the  upper  end  of  the  box.  The  faster  the 
men  walk  or  step,  the  greater  the  quantity  of  water  pumped 
up.  The  water,  in  little  streams,  is  made  to  run  wherever  de- 
sired. The  low  rice-fields  are  usually  kept  flooded  with  wa- 


54 


AGRICULTURAL  AND  DOMESTIC  MATTERS. 


IRRIGATION  BY  MEANS  OF  AN  ENDLESS  CHAIN-PUMP. 

ter  one  or  two  months  before  and  after  the  rice-plants  are 
transplanted.  The  endless  chain-pumps  are  very  numerous  in 
this  section,  and  are  of  essential  service  in  irrigating  the  land. 

Between  the  Min  and  the  city,  on  each  side  of  the  main 
street,  are  numerous  artificial  ponds,  used  as  reservoirs  of  wa- 
ter for  irrigating  purposes  and  for  raising  fresh  fish.  They 
are  not  large,  seldom  occupying  more  than 'two  or  three  acres 
of  ground  each.  The  eggs  or  spawn  are  obtained  from  Ivi- 
angsi,  the  province  joining  Fuhkien  on  the  west.  The  fish, 
when  young,  are  fed  on  a very  singular  vegetable  which  grows 
on  the  surface  of  the  water,  and  multiplies  during  the  night- 
time with  almost  incredible  rapidity.  The  large  fish  consume 
in  immense  quantities  a certain  long,  coarse  grass,  which  grows 
wild  in  wet  places  or  by  the  margin  of  the  ponds.  This  is 
thrown  into  the  ponds,  where  the  fish  eat  it  at  their  pleasure. 
The  water  is  drawn  or  pumped  off  generally  once  a year,  and 
the  fish,  when  the  water  becomes  low,  are  caught  by  nets.  At 
the  last,  when  nets  can  not  be  used,  men,  women,  and  children 


HATCHING  DUCK  EGGS  BY  ARTIFICIAL  HEAT.  55 


wade  in  the  mud  and  mire,  and  pick  out  the  balance  of  the 
fish,  large  and  small.  These  fish-ponds  are  usually  very  profit- 
able. In  some  years  the  annual  freshet  is  so  high  as  to  over- 
flow the  ponds,  when  the  fish  escape,  unless  they  are  kept  in 
by  a kind  of  wicker-work  made  of  bamboo  splints,  or  by  nets 
surrounding  the  ponds.  Many  fish  at  such  times  escape,  not- 
withstanding all  the  precautions  which  can  be  used.  Often- 
times large  quantities  of  the  rich  mud  found  in  the  ponds 
when  the  water  is  drawn  off  are  taken  and  spread  on  the 
neighboring  fields  as  manure.  The  removal  of  the  mud  serves 
to  make  the  ponds  capable  of  holding  more  water  and  raising- 
more  fish. 

In  the  suburbs  on  the  south  bank  of  the  Min,  duck  eggs 
are  hatched  by  artificial  heat,  early  in  the  spring,  in  immense 
quantities.  Ducklings  only  a few  days  old  are  hawked  about 
the  streets  for  sale.  Large  numbers  are  taken  to  the  country, 
where  they  are  tended  in  droves  by  boys  and  girls.  Often- 
times a boat,  with  several  hundred  half-grown  ducks,  is  pro- 
pelled from  spot  to  spot  along  the  banks  of  the  river,  or  the 
canals  which  intersect  the  valley  in  all  directions.  When  the 
person  in  charge  wishes  to  feed  his  ducks,  he  lets  them  out  of 
the  boat  by  means  of  a plank  extending  from  its  edge  to  the 
shore.  The  ducks  are  trained  to  walk  the  plank  to  and  from 
the  shore  at  the  will  of  their  keeper.  The  ducks  thrive  upon 
the  small,  living,  nameless  creatures  which  abound  on  the  shores 
of  creeks  and  canals,  and  which  burrow  in  the  mud,  coming 
out  at  low  water  in  immense  numbers. 

At  full  tide,  the  bridges  across  the  Min  at  Fuhchau  may 
often  be  seen  crowded  with  men  viewing  the  feats  of  the  tame 
fishing  cormorants.  These  birds  look  at  a distance  about  the 
size  of  the  goose,  and  are  of  a dark,  dirty  color.  The  fisher- 
man who  has  charge  of  them  stands  upon  a raft  about  two 
and  a half  feet  wide,  and  fifteen  or  twenty  feet  long,  made  out 
of  five  large  bamboos  of  similar  size  and  shape,  firmly  fastened 
together.  It  is  very  light,  and  is  propelled  by  a paddle.  A 
basket  is  placed  on  it  to  contain  the  fish  when  caught.  Each 
raft  has  three  or  four  cormorants  connected  with  it.  When 
not  fishing,  they  crouch  down  stupidly  on  the  raft. 

The  fisherman,  when  he  wishes  to  make  a cormorant  fish, 
pushes  or  throws  it  off  the  raft  into  the  water.  If  it  is  not 


56 


AGRICULTURAL  AND  DOMESTIC  MATTERS. 


disposed  at  once  to  dive  and  seek  for  fish,  he  heats  the  water 
with  his  paddle,  or  sometimes  strikes  the  bird,  so  that  it  is 
glad  to  dive  and  get  out  of  his  reach.  When  it  has  caught  a 
fish  it  rises  to  the  surface,  holding  it  in  its  mouth,  and  appar- 


FISIIINQ  WITH  CORMORANTS. 


ently  striving  to  swallow  it.  A string  tied  loosely  around  its 
neck,  or  a metallic  ring,  effectually  prevents  swallowing,  ex- 
cept, perhaps,  in  the  case  of  very  small  fish.  It  usually  swims 
directly  for  the  raft ; the  fisherman,  on  seeing  the  prize,  pad- 


FISHING  WITH  CORMORANTS. 


57 


dies  toward  it  with  all  speed,  lest  it  should  escape  from  the 
bird.  Sometimes  the  fish  is  a large  one,  and  there  is  evidently 
a struggle  between  it  and  the  cormorant.  The  fisherman,  when 
near  enough,  dexterously  passes  a net-like  bag,  fastened  to  the 
end  of  a pole,  over  the  two,  and  draws  them  both  on  the  raft. 
He  then  forces  the  fish  from  the  grasp  of  the  bir-d,  and,  as  if 
to  reward  the  latter  for  its  success,  gives  it  a mouthful  of  food, 
which  it  is  enabled  to  swallow  on  his  raising  the  ring  from 
the  lower  part  of  its  neck.  The  bird,  if  apparently  tired  out, 
is  allowed  to  rest  a w'hile  on  the  raft,  and  then  it  is  pushed  off 
again  into  the  water,  and  made  to  dive  and  hunt  for  fish  as 
before. 

Sometimes  the  cormorant,  from  imperfect  training,  swims 
away  from  the  raft  with  the  fish  it  has  caught.  In  such  a 
case,  the  fisherman  pursues  and  speedily  overtakes  the  truant. 
Sometimes,  it  is  reported,  two  or  three  cormorants  assist  in 
securing  a large  and  powerful  fish.  Oftentimes  two  quarrel 
together  for  the  fish  one  has  taken,  or  one  pursues  the  other 
for  the  fish  in  its  mouth.  At  such  times  the  interest  of  the 
spectators  on  the  bridge  increases  to  noisy  shouting.  The  bird 
is  provided  with  a sort  of  pouch  or  large  throat,  in  which  the 
small  fish  are  entirely  concealed,  while  the  head  or  the  tail  of 
the  larger  fish  protrudes  from  its  mouth. 

It  is  only  at  or  near  full  tide  that  these  birds  are  successful 
in  catching  fish  under  and  near  the  bridges.  Then  the  water 
is  deep  and  comparatively  still,  and  the  fish  seem  to  abound  in 
the  vicinity  more  than  at  low  tide.  At  such  times  there  are 
frequently  several  rafts  with  cormorants  fishing  near  the 
bridges.  The  skill  of  the  fisherman  in  projDelling  his  craft, 
and  the  success  of  the  bird  in  catching  the  fish,  are  attested 
by  the  delighted  curiosity  and  animated  interest  of  the  spec- 
tators. 

The  fuel  of  the  Chinese  at  Fuhchau  is  principally  a kind  of 
stunted  fir  or  pine.  It  is  brought  down  the  Min  in  boats, 
sawed  into  sticks  about  twenty  inches  long,  and  done  up  in 
small  bundles.  Charcoal  made  out  of  hard  wood  is  also 
brought  down  the  river  in  large  quantities.  An  inferior  kind 
of  stone  coal  is  also  procured  here.  The  timber  used  in  build- 
ing houses  and  junks,  a light  and  soft  wood,  somewhat  resem- 
bles fir  or  pine.  Several  kinds  of  hard  wood  are  used  in  cab- 

C 2 


58 


AGRICULTURAL  AND  DOMESTIC  MATTERS. 


inet  work.  Among  them  is  the  camphor,  but  no  maple,  wal- 
nut, beech,  or  oak. 

There  are  several  kinds  of  vegetable  oils  in  common  use, 
but  no  mineral  oil  or  gas.  A good  quality  for  burning  is  made 
out  of  pea-nuts.  Another  kind,  simply  called  “ vegetable  oil,” 
is  manufactured  from  the  seeds  of  a vegetable  having  yellow 
flowers,  much  resembling,  when  in  blossom  and  at  a short  dis- 
tance, the  common  mustard.  Another  oil,  by  foreigners  com- 
monly, but  incorrectly,  called  tea-oil,  the  best  kind  for  burning 
in  lamps,  is  made  from  the  seeds  or  kernels  which  grow  on  a 
species  of  tree.  These  three  kinds  of  oil  are  much  used  in 
cooking  by  the  people,  taking  the  place  of  butter  or  lard. 
Vegetable  tallow  is  made  from  the  seeds  or  kernels  which 
grow  in  clusters  on  another  kind  of  tree,  called  the  tallow-tree. 
The  seeds  are  gathered  in  the  fall.  This  tallow  is  found  in 
market  in  large  cakes  weighing  fifty  or  sixty  pounds,  and  looks 
much  like  animal  tallow.  The  candles  used  in  worshiping  the 
spirits  of  deceased  ancestors,  and  gods  and  goddesses,  are  all 
professedly  made  from  this  vegetable  tallow,  or  some  of  the 
vegetable  oils,  hardened  by  white  wax.  This  wax  is  a very 
hard  substance,  brought  from  the  western  or  northwestern 
provinces.  In  cold  weather,  some  of  the  vegetable  tallow  and 
some  of  the  vegetable  oils  are  mixed  together  in  order  to  make 
candles.  It  is  believed  that  the  use  of  candles  manufactured 
from  the  fat  of  the  water-ox  or  buffalo  would  be  offensive  to 
the  objects  worshiped,  because  the  buffalo  is  regarded  as  a meri- 
torious animal.  It  is  said,  also,  that  the  odor  arising  from  the 
burning  of  candles  made  of  animal  fat  would  be  repugnant  to 
the  gods.  The  milk  of  the  buffalo  is  not  used  for  making  but- 
ter or  cheese,  nor  as  an  article  of  food.  This  animal  is  raised 
solely  for  its  invaluable  services  in  plowing  and  harrowing  the 
land.  The  butter  made  from  its  milk  is  white,  and  less  pala- 
table and  rich  than  the  fresh  golden  butter  of  Western  coun- 
tries. 

Fuhchau  does  not  contain  any  great  and  elaborate  works 
of  art.  It  has  but  few  public  buildings  which  foreigners  re- 
gard as  worth  visiting,  and  these  are  mostly  temples.  The 
Prefectural  Temple  to  Confucius,  not  far  from  the  south  gate, 
in  the  city ; the  Emperor’s  Temple,  near  the  west  gate ; the 
Municipal  Temple,  not  far  from  the  centre  of  the  city,  and 


TEMPLES  AND  LOCALITIES  WORTH  VISITING.  59 


near  the  Treasurer’s  Office ; the  Tauist  temple  to  the  “ Pearly 
Emperor,  Supreme  Ruler,”  on  the  Hill  of  the  Nine  Genii,  near 
the  White  Pagoda;  a new  temple  built  by  traders  from  the 
western  part  of  the  province,  situated  a short  distance  north 
of  Great  Temple  Hill ; the  Temple  to  the  Goddess  of  Sailors, 
built  by  native  merchants  from  Ningpo,  in  the  suburbs  on  the 
south  bank  of  the  river ; and  the  celebrated  Buddhist  Monas- 
tery on  Drum  Mountain,  are  among  those  which  repay  a visit. 
In  some  of  these  are  fine  specimens  of  Chinese  carving  in 
stone,  especially  in  the  Temple  to  the  Sailors’  Goddess.  Cu- 
riosity Street,  a little  to  the  west  of  the  viceroy’s  yamun,  is 
often  visited  by  foreigners,  where  are  a large  number  of  shops 
which  have  for  sale  costly  curiosities.  Among  those  which 
foreigners  value  most  highly  are  curious  and  fantastic  objects 
cut  out  of  roots  of  trees,  and  articles  in  bronze.  A small 
quantity  of  lacquered-ware,  of  exquisite  workmanship,  and 
held  at  extremely  high  prices,  is  made  at  this  place.  Of  late 
years,  various  curiosities  or  objects  made  out  of  a kind  of  soft 
stone,  principally  of  a reddish  color,  commonly,  though  im- 
properly, called  soap-stone,  are  manufactured  and  sold  to  for- 
eigners. Among  these  may  be  mentioned  sets  of  dinner  and 
fruit  plates,  miniature  pagodas  from  one  to  several  feet  high, 
miniature  honorary  portals  to  the  memory  of  virtuous  widows, 
about  two  feet  high,  miniature  graves  of  the  horse-shoe  or 
Omega  pattern,  and  a large  variety  of  vases.  Some  thirty  or 
forty  kinds  of  charcoal  birds,  of  delicate  workmanship,  shaped 
and  painted  so  as  to  represent  living  birds,  have  a ready  sale 
among  foreign  visitors.  Great  skill  is  exhibited  in  making 
these  birds  out  of  charcoal : many  of  them  look  as  natural  as 
life.  Outside  of  one  of  the  gates  on  the  northeast  side  of  the 
city  are  a number  of  hot  springs.  Many  Chinese  resort  thith- 
er to  bathe  for  scrofulous  affections.  Private  bathing-rooms 
near  by  are  to  be  had  for  a few  cash.  In  one  of  the  springs, 
which  is  walled  up  with  stone,  are  frequently  seen  a dozen 
men  crowded  together,  the  water  coming  to  their  arm-pits. 
On  Black  Rock  Hill,  in  the  city,  and  on  Great  Temple  Hill,  in 
the  southern  suburbs,  are  altars  to  Heaven  and  Earth,  where 
high  mandarins  are  required  to  burn  incense  in  honor  of 
Heaven  and  Earth  twice  per  annum,  and  where  crowds  as- 
semble on  the  ninth  day  of  the  ninth  month  to  fly  kites.  On 


60 


AGRICULTURAL  AND  DOMESTIC  MATTERS. 


the  altar  on  the  Great  Temple  Hill  is  a stone,  in  appearance 
very  much  like  common  granite,  said  to  have  fallen  down  from 
the  skies.  It  has  several  holes  drilled  on  its  upper  surface, 
which  are  used  to  hold  incense  after  it  has  been  lighted  in 
honor  of  Heaven  and  Earth  by  the  high  officials.  If  it  is  a 
meteoric  stone,  which  is  doubtful,  its  original  shape  has  been 
changed  more  or  less,  for  it  is  now  nearly  round,  and  has  evi- 
dently been  under  the  tools  of  the  stone-cutter. 

There  are  no  asylums  for  the  lunatic,  the  deaf  and  dumb,  or 
for  the  blind,  etc.,  at  Fuhchau;  but,  according  to  the  wishes 
of  the  emperor,  who  is  regarded  as  the  father  and  mother  of 
his  subjects,  the  very  destitute  blind,  poor  and  aged  widows, 
and  the  crippled  and  the  maimed  who  are  without  means  of 
support,  are  entitled  to  a monthly  stipend  from  the  provincial 
treasury.  Such  is  said  to  be  the  theory.  In  fact,  however, 
of  late  years,  owing  to  the  emptiness  of  the  treasury,  and  the 
squeezing  customs  which  prevail  in  connection  with  the  pay- 
ment of  money  from  the  treasury,  very  little  money  actually 
reaches  those  whom  the  emperor  would  relieve  and  befriend. 
Much  trouble  and  delay  are  experienced  by  those  who  desire 
to  have  their  names  recorded  on  the  list  of  imperial  beneficia- 
ries. The  clerks  and  the  underlings  of  the  yamun  where 
they  should  apply  have  the  reputation  of  treating  applicants 
for  this  benefaction  with  such  insult  and  cruelty  that  few 
nowadays  apply  for  the  purpose  of  having  their  names  record- 
ed there.  In  the  summer  of  1861  it  was  reported  that  over 
three  hundred  blind,  crippled,  and  aged  persons,  in  connection 
with  a kind  of  poor-house  located  in  the  northern  part  of  the 
city,  received  every  one  or  two  months  five  hundred  cash  each 
from  government,  and  a smaller  number  received  a less 
amount. 

Very  little  machinery  is  used  in  the  manufacture  of  articles. 
There  are  no  saw-mills,  nor  printing-presses,  nor  factories 
where  cloth  is  made.  There  are  a few  founderies  where  plow- 
shares and  the  common  vessels  for  cooking  are  cast.  Almost 
every  thing  is  done  by  manual  labor.  Copper  or  iron  wire  is 
drawn  by  hand  ; needles  are  made  by  hand  out  of  wire ; logs 
are  sawn  into  boards  by  cross-cut  saws  propelled  back  and 
forth  in  a horizontal  direction  by  men  ; the  dust  out  of  which 
incense  is  prepared,  used  in  immense  quantities  annually,  is 


KATE  OF  WAGES  FOR  LABOR. 


61 


filed  or  rasped  off  from  blocks  of  fragrant  wood  by  hand. 
Paper,  made  out  of  the  pulp  of  tender  young  bamboos,  is 
manufactured  by  manual  labor.  Excepting  some  coarse  kinds, 
the  fine  bamboo  paper  found  in  market  here  is  prepared  in 
the  country,  one  and  two  hundred  miles  to  the  westward  of 
Fuhchau.  Iron  nails,  and  brass  or  copper  utensils,  axes,  chis- 
els, etc.,  are  beaten  out  by  hand.  Notwithstanding  the  un- 
couth and  unpolished  appearance  their  tools  present  when 
compared  with  tools  from  Western  countries,  many  of  them 
are  of  excellent  quality. 

The  wages  of  the  common  people  are  low.  Carpenters  and 
masons  obtain  from  twenty  to  thirty  cents  per  day,  boarding 
themselves.  Hired  men  and  women,  who  do  coarse  work  in 
the  fields  or  in  houses  as  servants,  generally  receive  from  four 
to  six  dollars  per  month,  and  they  board  themselves.  If  their 
employers  board  them  they  get  from  one  to  three  dollars  per 
month.  Clerks  and  accountants  receive  from  ten  to  thirty 
dollars  per  annum,  with  their  board.  School-teachers  often 
obtain  only  from  thirty  to  sixty  dollars,  besides  small  presents 
from  their  pupils,  per  annum.  Literary  men  who  are  poor, 
and  who  fail  of  acquiring  government  employment,  are  fre- 
quently glad  to  teach  school  at  almost  a nominal  price.  Food, 
clothing,  and  rents  are  cheap,  and  yet  the  poor  of  all  classes 
and  occupations  are  enabled  to  support  themselves  only  by 
great  industry  and  frugality. 

Women  who  compress  their  feet,  if  poor,  engage  in  various 
indoor  employments  to  provide  a living.  Many  of  them  are 
employed  by  needle  manufacturers  to  drill,  file,  polish,  and 
sharpen  needles.  Others  take  in  needle-work  from  clothing 
stores.  Some  are  skillful  in  silk  embroidery.  A large  num- 
ber spend  almost  all  their  lives  in  pasting  tin-foil  upon  bam- 
boo paper  for  superstitious  uses  as  mock  money.  The  wages 
females  receive  for  work  done  at  their  homes  varies  largely, 
owing  to  different  degrees  of  skill  and  speed — from  fifty  cash 
to  one  hundred  or  one  hundred  and  fifty  per  day,  they  board- 
ing themselves. 

Handbills,  books,  etc.,  are  stereotyped  on  wood,  and  then 
printed  by  hand.  An  exact  fac-simile  of  the  sheet  or  the  page 
desired  is  first  made  on  very  thin  bamboo  paper  by  the  use 
of  the  hair  pencil  and  black  ink.  This  is  then  pasted,  with  the 


62 


AGRICULTURAL  AND  DOMESTIC  MATTERS. 


written  side  down,  on  a smooth  block  of  hard  wood.  The  pa- 
per, or  most  of-  the  paper,  is  now  carefully  rubbed  off,  having 
been  moistened,  leaving  the  characters  and  punctuation  in 
black  ink  traced  on  the  block.  This  is  a process  requiring 
considerable  skill,  lest  the  characters  should  be  partially  or 
wholly  erased.  The  space  taken  up  by  the  white  portions 
of  the  block  is  cut  out,  an  eighth  of  an  inch  deep,  by  small 
sharp  knives,  leaving  the  parts  of  the  block  occupied  by  black 
lines  or  dots.  The  printing  from  this  block  is  performed  by 
first  slightly  and  evenly  wetting  the  characters  with  Chinese 
printing-ink,  by  means  of  a damp  brush,  and  then  a sheet  of 
paper,  placed  on  the  block,  is  pressed  down  on  all  its  surface 
lightly  and  quickly  by  a dry  brush  passed  to  and  fro  several 
times.  This  sheet  is  then  removed,  and  forms  the  handbill  or 
a page  of  the  book.  Good  printing  requires  experience,  and 
care,  and  skill,  or  the  block  will  be  unevenly  inked,  in  which 
case  some  of  the  characters  on  the  page  will  be  darker  or 
blacker  than  others.  If  too  much  force  is  used,  the  paper  will 
be  torn  by  the  passage  of  the  dry  brush  over  it.  Chinese 
printing-ink  is  usually  made  out  of  common  soot  and  the  wa- 
ter in  which  rice  has  been  boiled.  Books  never  have  stiff 
pasteboard  or  leather  covers,  but  are  stitched  much  like  a 
tract  or  a pamphlet  in  Western  lands.  The  beginning  is  at 
the  right-hand  side  of  the  book,  and  the  end  comes  where  in 
an  English  book  is  the  beginning.  The  characters  are  placed 
in  columns,  and  read  from  top  to  bottom,  beginning  with  the 
right-hand  column  and  proceeding  toward  the  left.  The  pa- 
per is  printed  only  on  one  side.  The  name  of  the  book,  the 
number  of  the  section  or  chapter,  and  the  paging,  are  put  in 
the  centre  of  the  sheet,  and  come  on  the  outer  edge  of  the 
leaf,  where  the  sheet  is  folded — not  on  the  top  of  the  leaf,  as  in 
Western  books.  The  notes,  if  any,  are  placed  on  the  top  of 
the  page,  and  separated  from  the  text  by  a line — not  at  the  foot 
of  the  page.  The  title-page  usually  contains  the  number  of 
the  year  of  the  reign  of  the  emperor  when  the  book  was  pub- 
lished, marking  its  date;  e.  g.,  if  published  in  1850,  the  title- 
page  would  have  upon  it  characters  which  signify  30^/i  year 
of  Tau  Kuang. 

The  Chinese  language  is  not  alphabetical,  nor  does  the  ac- 
quisition of  one  character  afford  a reliable  clew  to  the  sound, 


PECULIARITIES  OF  THE  LANGUAGE. 


63 


use,  or  meaning  of  another.  It  is  principally  monosyllabic. 
Each  character  represents  an  idea,  or  is  the  name  of  a thing. 
The  characters  are  composed  of  a few  different-shaped  strokes, 
and  are  distinguished  by  the  relative  positions  of  these  strokes. 
These  strokes  are  not  used  in  the  composition  of  a character, 
as  letters  are  used  in  the  formation  of  an  English  word.  The 
form  of  the  characters  is  arbitrary,  and  the  number  of  charac- 
ters very  great.  A knowledge  of  three  or  four  thousand  is 
sufficient  for  the  reading  of  most  books.  The  pronunciation 
of  the  characters  is  difficult  to  foreigners,  from  the  fact  that 
certain  tones  of  voice,  and,  in  many  cases,  certain  aspirated  or 
guttural  modulations,  are  necessary  to  be  carefully  observed. 
The  tones  may  be  illustrated  thus : a character  represented  in 
English  by  the  letters  s-i-n-g , if  pronounced  in  an  even,  level, 
and  slow  tone  of  voice,  would  mean  heart ; another  character, 
represented  by  the  same  English  letters,  with  a tonal  mark,  if 
pronounced  in  a sharp,  quick,  and  angry  tone  of  voice,  would 
mean  spirit  or  god.  The  aspirated  modulations  referred  to 
may  be  illustrated  thus : a character  represented  in  English 
by  the  letters  t-i-e-n-g , if  pronounced  in  an  even  and  slow  tone 
of  voice,  would  mean  mad  or  crazy ; another  character,  repre- 
sented in  English  by  the  same  letters,  with  a mark  indicating 
that  it  should  be  aspirated,  when  pronounced  in  the  same  even 
and  slow  tone,  but  aspirated , would  mean  heaven.  The  print- 
ed or  written  language  is  intelligible  to  educated  Chinese  in 
all  parts  of  the  empire,  just  as  the  numerals  1,  2,  3,  4,  5,  etc., 
are  understood  all  over  Europe ; while  the  spoken  language 
has  many  dialects,  often  differing  widely  from  each  other,  so 
that  men  living  in  different  prefectures  of  the  same  province 
are  oftentimes  unable  to  understand  each  other  unless  they 
have  made  their  dialects  a particular  study,  just  as  the  nume- 
rals above  referred  to  are  pronounced  differently  in  different 
European  countries.  Besides  the  number  of  the  dialects, 
many  of  the  characters  have  several  different  meanings,  ac- 
cording to  the  breathing  or  the  tone  with  which  they  are  pro- 
nounced, or  the  connection  in  which  they  occur  in  a printed 
or  spoken  sentence,  just  as  the  word  p-r-e-s-e-n-t  has  two  dif- 
ferent meanings,  according  as  it  is  a noun  or  a verb.  Many 
characters,  too,  having  precisely  the  same  sound,  are  written 
differently,  and  are  very  different  in  signification,  just  as  the 


61 


AGRICULTURAL  AND  DOMESTIC  MATTERS. 


words  rite , wright,  right,  and  write  differ  in  meaning,  though 
pronounced  alike.  Many  of  the  characters  or  words,  when 
pronounced  according  to  the  hook  or  classical  style,  are  differ- 
ent from  the  pronunciation  given  by  the  people  in  conversa- 
tion : e.  g.,  the  character  for  voice,  according  to  the  classical 
style,  is  called  s-i-n-g , but  it  becomes  s-i-a-n-g  in  the  dialect  of 
the  people. 


COUNTRY  SCENE  NEAR  FUHCHAU. 


MANNER  OF  BETROTHAL. 


65 


CHAPTER  II. 

•**- 

BETROTHAL  AND  MARRIAGE. 

Manner  cf  Betrothal:  Employment  of  Gobetweens,  or  Match-makers. — The 
eight  Characters. — Fortune-teller  consulted. — Description  of  betrothal 
Cards. — Betrothal  consummated  by  exchanging  these  Cards. — Exchange 
of  Presents.  — Story  relating  to  the  Use  of  red  Silk  Threads.  — Matches 
made  in  Heaven. — Customs  observed  between  Betrothal  and  the  Day  of  Mar- 
riage: Selection  of  lucky  Days. — Wedding  Cakes. — Mutual  sending  of 
Presents. — Bride’s  Outfit  or  Dowry. — “ Sifting  four  Eyes.” — Expelling 
the  Filth. — Placing  the  bridal  Bedstead  in  Position.  — Trying  on  her 
wedding  Garments. — Sending  the  bridal  Sedan  for  the  Bride. — Ceremonies 
observed  on  the  Day  of  Marriage  : The  “ new  Woman”  at  Breakfast. — The 
Bride  in  her  Sedan. — The  four  Cakes  and  Bed-quilt. — Bridal  Procession. — 
“ Receiving  the  Bride.” — Ceremonies  on  Arrival  at  her  Husband’s  Home. 
— Bride  and  Bridegroom  sit  side  by  side. — Worshiping  Heaven  and  Earth. 
— Worshiping  ancestral  Tablets.  — Drinking  Wine  together. — Wedding 
Dinner.  — Guests  present  Money.  — Seeing  the  Bride  in  the  Evening.  — 
Candles  in  the  bridal  Chamber  at  Night. 

Manner  of  Betrothal. 

Betrothal  in  China  is  a matter  with  which  the  parties 
most  deeply  concerned  have  generally  little  to  do.  Their  pa- 
rents or  guardians  manage  their  betrothal  much  in  the  follow- 
ing manner : 

A person  is  employed  as  a gobetween,  or  match-maker  be- 
tween the  families.  The  proverb  says,  “ Without  a gobetween, 
a betrothal  can  not  be  effected.”  This  person  may  be  either 
a man  or  a woman.  Usually  the  gobetween  engaged  by  the 
family  which  first  makes  the  proposal  is  employed  by  both 
families  in  subsequent  negotiations. 

The  negotiation  is  generally  commenced  by  the  family  to 
which  the  boy  or  the  young  man  belongs.  The  gobetween  is 
furnished  with  a card  stating  the  ancestral  name,  and  the  eight 
characters  which  denote  the  hour,  day,  month,  and  year  ofbirth 
of  the  candidate  for  matrimony.  This  card  he  takes  to  the 
family  indicated,  and  tenders  a proposal  of  marriage  in  regard 
to  a daughter  in  behalf  of  a son  of  the  party  employing  him. 


66 


BETROTHAL  AND  MARRIAGE. 


If  the  parents  or  guardians  of  the  girl,  after  instituting  inqui- 
ries about  the  family  making  it,  are  willing  to  entertain  the  pro- 
posal, they  consult  a fortune-teller,  who.  decides,  after  consider- 
ing the  eight  characters  which  indicate  the  time  of  the  birth  of 
the  parties,  whether  the  betrothal  would  be  fitting  and  auspi- 
cious. If  a favorable  decision  is  made,  the  gobetween  is  fur- 
nished with  a card  indicating  the  hour,  day,  month,  and  year 
when  the  girl  they  are  willing  to  betroth  was  born,  which  he 
delivers  to  the  family  which  employed  him.  The  parents  of 
the  lad  then  consult  a fortune-teller  in  regard  to  the  proposed 
betrothment,  furnishing  him  with  the  characters  which  indi- 
cate the  ages  of  the  boy  and  the  girl.  If  this  fortune-teller 
pronounces  favorably,  and  the  two  families  agree  in  regard  to 
the  details  of  the  marriage,  a formal  assent  is  made  to  the  be- 
trothment. If  for  the  space  of  three  days,  while  the  betrothal 
is  under  consideration  in  each  of  the  families,  after  the  card 
having  the  eight  characters  has  been  received  from,  the  other 
family,  any  thing  reckoned  unlucky — such  as  breaking  a bowl 
or  the  losing  of  an  article — should  occur,  the  negotiation  would 
be  broken  off  at  once,  and  the  card  would  be  returned  to  the 
party  which  sent  it.  The  card  during  this  time  is  usually 
placed  under  the  censer,  standing  in  front  of  the  ancestral  tab- 
lets belonging  to  the  family.  When  it  is  deposited  there,  in- 
cense and  candles  are  lighted  before  these  tablets. 

As  above  intimated,  the  gobetween  is  sometimes  instructed 
where  to  make  application;  but  in  case  he  receives  no  defi- 
nite instruction,  he  seeks  out  a family  which  he  supposes  will 
be  acceptable  to  his  employers.  In  such  a case,  he  generally 
first  makes  inquiries  of  each  family  whether  the  other  is  ac- 
cejstable,  and  then  furnishes  the  family  to  which  the  girl  be- 
longs with  the  card  relating  to  the  age  of  the  boy,  should  the 
proposed  alliance  be  found  mutually  desirable.  Singular  as  it 
may  seem,  families  the  most  intimately  acquainted  and  most 
friendly  always  employ  a gobetween  in  the  betrothment  of 
their  sons  and  daughters.  On  the  other  hand,  families  Avhich 
previously  were  utter  strangers  are  very  frequently  made  ac- 
quainted by  reputation,  not  necessarily  in  person,  through  the 
overtures  of  a gobetween  for  the  betrothment  of  a son  or 
daughter. 

The  betrothal  is  not  binding  on  the  parties  until  a kind  of 


INTERCHANGE  OF  BETROTHAL  CARDS. 


67 


pasteboard  card  has  been  interchanged  between  them.  This 
card  resembles  somewhat  a book-cover,  consisting  of  two 
pieces  of  pasteboard.  One  of  these  is  made  much  like  the 
cover  of  a pasteboard  box,  as  far  as  its  edges  are  concerned. 
The  outside  of  it  is  covered  with  red  paper.  On  this  red  pa- 
per is  pasted  a likeness  of  a dragon  or  a phoenix,  according  as 
it  is  designed  for  the  boy  or  the  girl,  the  dragon  or  the  phoenix 
being  made  out  of  gilt  paper.  This  cover-like  piece  of  paste- 
board shuts  down  on  the  other  part.  They  are  connected  to- 
gether by  a paper  joasted  on  one  edge  of  both,  somewhat  as 
the  two  parts  of  a book-cover  are  fastened  together.  Their 
inner  surfaces  are  covered  over  neatly  by  a piece  of  red  paper. 

The  family  of  the  bridegroom  provides  two  of  these  cards, 
one  having  a gilt  dragon  on  it  and  the  other  a gilt  phoenix. 
On  the  inside  of  the  former,  the  ancestral  and  given  name  of 
the  boy’s  father,  his  own  given  name,  and  the  characters  which 
denote  the  precise  time  of  his  birth,  the  name  of  the  gobe- 
tween,  and  a few  other  particulars,  are  neatly  written.  There 
are  also  provided  two  long  and  large  threads  of  red  silk  and 
four  large  needles.  Two  of  these  needles  are  threaded  upon 
one  of  the  silk  threads,  one  needle  being  at  each  end  of  the 
thread,  and  then  the  needles  are  stuck  in  a particular  manner 
into  the  inside  of  that  card  on  the  outside  of  which  is  the  im- 
age of  a dragon.  The  other  card  left  blank,  the  other  two 
needles  and  the  other  red  silk  thread,  together  with  the  card 
already  filled  out  with  particulars  relating  to  the  family  to 
which  the  lad  belongs,  and  its  needles  and  thread  attached, 
are  taken  by  the  gobetween  to  the  family  to  which  the  girl 
belongs.  This  card  is  then  filled  out  with  particulars  relating 
to  the  family  of  the  girl,  corresponding  to  the  particulars  al- 
ready recorded  in  the  other.  The  thread  and  needles  are  also 
similarly  stuck  into  the  card  having  the  phoenix  on  its  outside. 
When  this  has  been  done  it  is  sent  back  to  the  family  of  the 
boy,  which  carefully  keeps  it  as  evidence  of  his  engagement  in 
marriage ; the  card  having  the  dragon  on  it,  and  relating  to 
the  boy,  being  retained  and  preserved  by  the  family  of  the 
girl  as  proof  of  her  betrothal.  The  writing  on  each  of  these 
documents  is  performed  in  front  of  the  ancestral  tablets  of  the 
family  to  which  it  relates,  incense  and  candles  having  been 
lighted  and  placed  in  the  customary  positions  before  them. 


68 


BETROTHAL  AND  MARRIAGE. 


These  cards  having  been  thus  exchanged  by  the  families, 
the  betrothment  is  consummated  and  legal.  After  this,  nei- 
ther party  may  break  the  engagement  without  the  gravest  of 
reasons.  Betrothment  in  China  is  much  more  permanent, 
and  is  far  less  likely  to  be  broken  up,  than  in  England  or  the 
United  States.  Very  few  instances  occur,  when,  both  parties 
having  arrived  at  a marriageable  age,  one  refuses  to  carry  out 
the  contract. 

At  the  time  when  the  cards  are  sent  to  the  family  to  which 
the  girl  belongs,  it  is  also  customary  to  send  as  a present  for 
her  a pair  of  silver  or  gold  wristlets,  and  for  her  family  vari- 
ous articles  of  food,  as  pigs’  feet,  a pair  of  fowls,  two  fish,  etc. 
When  they  send  back  to  the  family  to  which  the  boy  belongs 
the  engagement  card,  they  send  also  as  a present  a quantity 
of  artificial  gilt  flowers,  some  vermicelli,  and  bread  cakes.  The 
flowers  are  for  distribution  among  the  female  members  and 
relatives  of  the  family.  The  articles  sent  on  these  occasions 
as  presents  are,  in  the  Chinese  view,  omens  of  good  to  the  par- 
ties most  intimately  concerned. 

The  Chinese,  in  explaining  the  use  of  the  red  thread,  refer 
to  a popular  story  relating  to  certain  events  said  to  have 
transpired  some  time  during  the  Tang  dynasty.  The  story 
runs  thus : 

“ In  the  time  of  the  Tang  dynasty,  Ui-ko  was  once  a guest 
in  the  city  of  Sung.  He  observed  an  old  man  by  the  light  of 
the  moon  reading  a book,  who  addressed  him  thus:  ‘This  is 
the  register  of  the  engagements  in  marriage  for  all  the  places 
under  the  heavens.’  He  also  said  to  him, ‘In  my  pocket  I 
have  red  cords,  with  which  I tie  the  feet  of  those  who  are  to 
become  husband  and  wife.  When  this  cord  has  been  tied, 
though  the  parties  are  of  unfriendly  families,  or  of  different 
nations,  it  is  impossible  to  change  their  destiny.  Your  future 
wife,’  said  the  old  man,  ‘ is  the  child  of  the  old  woman  who 
sells  vegetables  in  yonder  shop  at  the  north.’  In  a few  days 
Ui-ko  went  to  see  her,  and  found  the  old  woman  had  in  her 
arms  a girl  about  a year  old,  and  exceedingly  ugly.  He  hired 
a man,  who  went  and  (as  he  supposed)  killed  the  girl.  Four- 
teen years  afterward,  in  the  country  of  Siong-chiu,  was  a pre- 
fect whose  family-name  was  Mo,  surnamed  Tai,  rvho  gave 
Ui-ko  in  marriage  a girl  who  he  affirmed  was  his  own  daugh- 


MATCHES  MADE  IN  HEAVEN. 


69 


ter.  She  was  very  beautiful.  On  her  eyebrow  she  always 
wore  an  artificial  flower.  Ui-ko  constantly  asking  her  why 
she  wore  the  flower,  she  at  length  said,  ‘I  am  the  daughter  of 
the  prefect’s  brother.  My  father  died  in  the  city  of  Sung 
when  I was  but  an  infant.  My  nurse  was  an  old  woman  who 
sold  vegetables.  One  day  she  took  me  with  her  out  into  the 
streets,  when  a robber  struck  me.  The  scar  of  the  wound  is 
still  left  on  my  eyebrow.’  ” 

The  red  silk  thread  indicates  that  the  engagement  of  the 
pai’ties  in  marriage  is  fixed  and  unalterable.  In  common  par- 
lance, it  is  said  that  their  feet  have  been  tied  together , referring 
to  the  language  found  originally  in  the  story  above  given. 
The  Chinese  seem  to  be  firm  believers  in  the  sentiments  that 
Fate  or  Heaven  decides  who  are  to  become  husband  and  wife, 
and  that  the  act  of  parents  in  engaging  their  children  is  an 
exponent  of  the  will  of  Heaven  or  of  the  decrees  of  Fate,  cor- 
responding to  the  Western  saying  that  “Matches  are  made 
in  heaven.” 

Some  say  that  these  threads  are  kept  professedly  for  the 
purpose  of  tying  together  the  goblets  out  of  which  the  bride 
and  bridegroom  drink  wine  on  the  day  of  their  marriage. 
Sometimes  they  are  actually  thus  used  on  that  occasion. 
More  frequently,  however,  a new  red  cord  or  string  is  then 
used,  and  the  old  cords  taken  and  put  into  the  cue  of  the 
bridegroom,  or  worked  into  the  shoes  worn  by  the  bride  on 
the  day  of  their  marriage,  as  omens  of  good.  The  use  of  the 
large  needles  in  betrothing  parties  is  also  auspicious.  Ac- 
cording to  some,  they  serve  to  draw  the  thread  along.  It  is 
sagely  asked,  What  is  the  use  of  a thread,  unless  there  is  a 
needle  with  which  to  use  it  ? When  viewed  in  this  light,  the 
use  of  the  needles  is  very  manifest. 

Customs  observed  between  Betrothal  and  Bay  of  Marriage. 

The  time  which  transpires  between  betrothal  and  marriage 
varies  from  a month  or  two  to  eighteen  or  twenty  years,  de- 
pending much  on  the  age  of  the  parties.  From  one  to  three 
months  before  the  marriage  a fortunate  day  is  selected  for  its 
celebration.  Generally  a member  of  the  family  of  the  bride- 
groom, or  a trusty  friend,  takes  the  eight  horary  characters 
which  denote  the  birth-time  for  each  of  the  affianced  parties, 


70 


BETROTHAL  AND  MARRIAGE. 


and  for  each  of  their  parents,  if  living,  to  a fortune-teller,  who 
selects  lucky  days  and  times  for  the  marriage,  for  the  cutting 
of  the  wedding  garments,  for  the  placing  of  the  bridal  bed  in 
position,  for  the  finishing  of  the  curtains  of  the  bridal  bed,  for 
the  embroidering  of  the  bridal  pillows,  and  for  the  entering 
of  the  sedan,  on  the  part  of  the  bride,  on  the  day  of  her  mar- 
riage. These  items  are  written  out  on  a sheet  of  red  paper, 
which  is  sent  to  the  family  of  the  girl  by  the  hands  of  the  go- 
between.  If  accepted,  the  periods  specified  become  the  fixed 
times  for  the  performance  of  the  particulars  indicated,  and 
both  parties  proceed  to  make  the  necessary  arrangements  for 
the  approaching  wedding. 

Presenting  the  wedding-cakes  and  material  for  bridal  dress 
to  the  family  of  the  bride  by  the  other  party  is  next  in  order. 
The  relative  time  usually  adopted  for  the  performance  of  this 
custom  is  about  one  month  before  the  day  fixed  for  the  mar- 
riage. The  number  of  these  “ calces  of  ceremony ,”  or  wed- 
ding-cakes, varies  from  several  score  to  several  hundreds. 
They  are  round,  and  about  an  inch  thick,  weighing  generally 
about  one  pound  and  ten  or  twelve  ounces  each,  and  measure 
nearly  a foot  in  diameter.  They  are  made  out  of  wheat  flour, 
and  contain  in  the  middle  some  sugar,  lard,  and  small  pieces 
of  fat  pork,  mixed  together  in  a kind  of  batter,  and  then 
cooked : they  are,  in  fact  a sort  of  mince-pies.  There  is  also 
sent  a sum  of  money,  of  greater  or  less  amount,  according  to 
previous  agreement,  a quantity  of  red  cloth  or  silk,  usually  not 
less  than  five  kinds,  for  the  use  of  the  bride,  five  kinds  of  dried 
fruits,  several  kinds  of  small  cakes,  a cock  and  a hen,  and  a 
gander  and  a goose.  The  top  one  of  the  various  stacks  of 
these  wedding-cakes,  as  they  are  carried  through  the  streets, 
has  several  small  doll-like  figures,  made  out  of  wheat  flour, 
each  a few  inches  high,  and  fastened  upon  slips  of  bamboo, 
stuck  into  it.  The  family  of  the  girl,  on  receiving  these  wed- 
ding-cakes, proceed  to  distribute  them  among  their  relatives 
and  intimate  friends.  The  small  cakes  are  also  distributed  in 
a similar  manner.  The  money  sent  is  generally  spent  in  out- 
fitting the  bride. 

The  above  description  relates  more  particularly  to  the  kind 
and  amount  of  presents  made  by  the  poor  and  the  lower  classes 
of  society.  Rich  families  make  much  more  valuable  presents 


INTERCHANGE  OF  PRESENTS. 


71 


than  above  indicated.  These  presents  are  carried  through 
the  streets  in  such  a manner  that  they  can  be  seen  by  every 
one.  The  rich  present  costly  head-dresses,  wristlets,  and  other 
ornaments  worn  by  ladies.  They  add  two  jars  of  wine,  on 
one  of  which  is  a picture  of  a dragon,  and  on  the  other  a pic- 
ture of  the  phoenix ; . also  a male  and  a female  goat,  ten  or 
more  pieces  of  silk,  or  satin,  or  crape,  of  five  different  kinds  or 
colors.  Presents  of  money  are  also  sent  for  one  of  the  bride’s 
maternal  uncles,  and  for  one  of  her  paternal  uncles,  if  she  have 
such  relatives  living.  On  some  of  these  parcels,  tastefully 
done  up  in  red  paper,  are  written  propitious  words  or  sen- 
tences. 

At  the  time  of  sending  these  presents  to  the  family  of  the 
bride,  there  are  also  sent  two  large  red  cards.  On  the  out- 
side of  one  there  is  a likeness  of  the  dragon,  and  on  the  other 
a likeness  of  the  phoenix.  In  the  former  are  written  the  an- 
cestral name  of  the  bridegroom’s  parents,  the  name  of  the  go- 
between,  and  frequently  a number  of  felicitous  words  and  sen- 
tences. In  the  other  there  are  written  the  ancestral  name  of 
the  bride’s  parents,  the  name  of  the  gobetween,  and  felicitous 
sentences. 

The  parents  of  the  bride,  or  her  guardians,  receive  only  a 
part  of  the  proffered  presents,  returning  the  balance,  to  which 
they  add  some  articles  for  the  parents  of  the  bridegroom. 
They  accept  all  the  money,  and  all  the  silks  and  satins  design- 
ed for  the  use  of  the  girl,  but  only  the  male  of  each  pair  of  an- 
imals, one  of  the  jars  of  wine,  and  a pai-t  of  the  large  cakes  of 
ceremony  and  the  small  cakes,  and  such  a proportion  of  the 
other  things  as  custom  requires.  The  rest  of  the  things,  as 
the  female  animals,  a few  of  the  cakes,  etc.,  together  with  the 
card  having  the  name  of  the  bride’s  family,  are  returned  to 
the  other  party.  They  send  also  a pair  of  large  red  candles, 
one  having  a dragon  and  the  other  a phoenix  painted  on  it,  a 
pair  of  large  pewter  candlesticks,  two  packages  of  white  Chi- 
nese vermicelli,  a pair  of  satin  boots,  a red  official  cap,  and 
material  for  a kind  of  dress-coat,  and  a large  quantity  of  arti- 
ficial flowers,  made  out  of  velvet,  or  of  pith  paper  generally 
known  as  “ rice  paper.” 

Many  poor  families  do  not  make  such  expensive  presents 
in  return  as  above  indicated,  while  many  rich  families  make 


72 


BETROTHAL  AND  MARRIAGE. 


much  more  valuable  ones.  Every  family  makes  just  as  expen- 
sive presents  as  it  can  afford  to  make,  on  account  of  the  strong 
popular  desire  to  be  showy  and  appear  liberal. 

The  large  cakes  returned  to  the  family  of  the  groom  are 
divided  into  four  or  eight  pieces.  One  of  these  pieces  is  given 
to  each  family  of  near  relatives  or  very  intimate  friends  of  the 
family  of  the  groom,  together  with  a little  of  the  vermicelli, 
and  one  of  the  artificial  flowers.  This  distribution  of  cakes 
among  the  relatives  and  friends  of  the  parties  is  an  intimation 
that  a relative  or  child  of  a dear  friend  is  soon  to  be  married. 
These  families  may  expect  to  receive  at  the  proper  time  a 
formal  invitation  to  the  wedding. 

A few  days  before  the  day  fixed  for  the  wedding,  the  fami- 
ly of  the  bridegroom  again  makes  a present  of  various  articles 
of  food  and  other  things  to  the  family  of  the  bride,  as  a cock 
and  a hen,  a leg  and  foot  of  a pig  and  of  a goat,  eight  small 
cakes  of  bread,  eight  torches,  three  pairs  of  large  red  candles, 
a quantity  of  vermicelli,  and  several  bunches  of  fire-crackers. 
There  is  also  sent  a girdle,  a head-dress,  a silken  covering  for 
the  head  and  face,  and  several  articles  of  ready-made  clothing, 
which  are  usually  borrowed  or  rented  for  the  occasion.  These 
are  to  be  worn  by  the  bride  on  her  entering  the  bridal  sedan 
to  be  carried  to  the  home  of  her  husband  on  the  morning  of 
her  marriage.  The  food,  or  a part  of  it,  including  the  cock,  is 
to  be  eaten  by  her  on  that  morning.  The  fire-crackers  are  for 
explosion  on  the  road,  and  the  torches  are  for  burning  during 
the  time  occupied  en  route  to  her  new  home.  On  each  of  the 
eight  bread-cakes  is  made  a large  red  character  in  an  ancient 
form  of  writing,  of  an  auspicious  meaning,  as  “ longevity,” 
“ happiness,”  “ official  emolument,”  and  “joy ;”  or  certain 
four  of  them  have  four  characters,  meaning  “ the  phoenixes  are 
singing  in  concert,”  or  “ the  ducks  are  seeking  their  mates.” 
Four  of  these  bread-loaves  are  accepted  ; the  remaining  four 
and  the  hen,  according  to  strict  custom,  ai'e  returned  to  the 
party  which  proffers  them.  The  bread-cakes  and  the  vermicelli 
are  omens  significant  of  good,  owing  to  a play  on  the  local 
sound  of  the  characters  which  denote  them,  or  in  consequence 
of  the  shape  of  the  article.  The  vermicelli  is  significant  of 
“ longevity,”  because  of  its  length  ; and  the  four  bread-cakes 
reserved  by  the  family  of  the  bride  are  kept  for  a singu- 


SIFTING  FOUR  EYES. 


73 


lar  use,  on  the  morning  of  the  girl’s  entering  her  bridal 
chair. 

Some  two  or  three  days  before  the  time  fixed  for  the  wed- 
ding, a red  card  is  sent  by  the  family  of  the  bride  to  the  other 
party,  stating  what  furniture  will  be  furnished  as  the  bride’s 
dowry,  and  the  number  of  loads.  The  person  who  takes  this 
card  — usually  the  gobetweeu  — informs  the  family  of  the 
groom  what  time  these  things  may  be  expected.  The  main 
object  of  this  notification  i§  said  to  be  that  the  family  of  the 
bridegroom  may  prepare  and  have  in  readiness  the  proper 
amount  of  money,  duly  put  in  red  paper,  or  tied  around  by  a 
red  string,  for  the  bearers  of  the  furniture.  It  is  customary 
for  this  family  to  pay  these  bearers  on  arrival  in  money  thus 
prepared ; and,  if  not  ready  for  them,  confusion  might  arise 
on  an  occasion  when  it  is  desired  that  every  thing  should  be 
pleasant  and  respectable.  These  bearers  expect  to  receive 
several  times  as  much  on  delivery  of  the  furniture,  if  the  fami- 
lies concerned  are  wealthy,  as  their  labor  would  on  other  oc- 
casions be  worth. 

Generally,  on  the  afternoon  or  evening  before  the  sending 
of  the  outfit,  a very  singular  custom  is  observed  by  the  bride, 
assisted  by  one  or  two  women,  who  are  employed  to  aid  her 
for  a few  days  before  and  subsequent  to  her  marriage.  This 
custom  is  called  sifting  four  eyes , and  is  regarded  as  an  omen 
of  good.  A large  round  sieve-like  utensil,  made  out  of  bam- 
boo splints,  in  diameter  about  three  or  four  feet,  is  procured ; 
also  a brass  vessel,  two  or  three  feet  in  diameter  and  about 
one  foot  high,  which  is  placed  on  a pedestal,  raising  it  a short 
distance  from  the  floor.  After  having  placed  in  this  vessel  a 
quantity  of  burning  coals,  they  take  the  wedding  garments 
one  by  one,  or  in  convenient  quantities,  and  having  laid  them 
on  this  sieve,  the  women  hold  it,  with  its  contents,  for  a mo- 
ment or  two  over  the  vessel,  with  a slight  sifting  movement. 
They  then  remove  this  portion  of  her  clothing  from  the  sieve, 
and,  taking  another  portion,  they  place  it  on  the  . sieve  and  go 
through  the  same  ceremony,  and  so  on,  until  all  of  her  outfit, 
as  regards  personal  clothing,  shoes,  and  head  ornaments,  has 
been  properly  sifted.  Sometimes  a similar  ceremony  is  also 
performed  with  regard  to  the  small  articles  of  the  household 
furniture  which  is  designed  for  the  bride’s  use  in  her  future 

Vol.  I.— D 


74 


BETROTHAL  AND  MARRIAGE. 


home.  Those  who  hold  the  sieve  during  the  sifting  are  contin- 
ually uttering  various  sentiments,  which  have  come  to  be  con- 
sidered as  peculiarly  appropriate  to  the  occasion  and  propi- 
tious, as,  “ a thousand  eyes , ten  thousand  eyes  ice  sift  out ; 
gold  and  silver , wealth  and  precious  things , we  sift  in .”  On 
the  sieve,  during  this  performance,  are  placed  ten  chopsticks. 
The  meaning  of  this  is,  that  though  so  much  clothing  and  fur- 
niture shall  have  soon  been  given  away  with  the  girl,  and  thus 
have  become  the  property  of  another  family,  still  clothing  and 
food  will  “ remain”  to  her  parents.  It  is  necessary  to  explain 
that,  in  order  to  come  to  this  conclusion  from  the  premises, 
advantage  has  to  be  taken  of  a play  on  the  local  name  for 
chopsticks.  According  to  the  dialect  spoken  at  Fuhchau,  the 
name  of  “ chopsticks  f and  the  sound  of  a certain  term  for  the 
idea  of  “ still  remaining ,”  are  exactly  alike,  though  the  char- 
acters for  the  two  ideas  of  “ chopsticks”  and  “still  remaining” 
are  very  differently  written. 

Why  this  ceremony  is  called  “ sifting  four  eyes,”  the  Chi- 
nese differ  greatly  among  themselves.  Many  seem  to  have 
no  definite  idea  in  regard  to  its  meaning,  though  they  affirm 
its  prevalence.  It  is  regarded  as  having  a cleansing  or  puri- 
fying effect.  In  some  way,  evil  and  unpropitious  influences 
are  firmly  believed  to  be  expelled  or  warded  off  by  the  process 
of  sifting  the  clothing  of  the  expectant  bride.  After  the  arti- 
cles have  been  sifted,  contact  with  them  is  carefully  avoided 
by  the  female  members  of  her  family.  It  is  supposed  that  it 
would  be  especially  unlucky  for  her  and  her  affianced  husband 
should  any  pregnant  woman,  or  any  person  wearing  mourn- 
ing, handle,  or  in  any  manner  come  in  contact  with  any  of  the 
articles  already  sifted  before  they  are  carried  over  to  the  fu- 
ture home  of  the  girl.  Such  a contact  would  be  expected  to 
produce  death  in  her  husband’s  family,  or  a future  miscarriage 
on  her  part,  or  quarrels  and  misunderstandings  between  him 
and  her,  or  some  undesirable  result.  Every  thing  sifted  is 
carefully  packed  away,  and  great  relief  is  experienced  when 
the  furniture  and  trunks  of  clothing  have  started  for  the  resi- 
dence of  the  bridegroom. 

A ceremony  similar  to  “ sifting  four  eyes,”  though  called 
“ expelling  the  filth,”  is  sometimes  performed  not  long  pre- 
vious to  the  marriage  day  at  the  house  of  the  bridegroom, 


SENDING  THE  BKIDAL  OUTFIT. 


75 


with  reference  to  his  personal  apparel,  especially  his  wedding 
suit,  for  the  purpose  of  warding  off  any  pernicious  influences. 

At  the  time  indicated  on  the  card,  the  dowry  of  the  bride  is 
carried  in  procession  through  the  streets  with  as  much  parade 
and  show  as  the  amount  of  the  furniture  will  possibly  admit. 
Not  unfrequently,  when  the  parties  are  near  neighbors,  the 
procession  of  porters  or  bearers,  instead  of  taking  the  shortest 
route  from  the  residence  of  the  bride  to  the  residence  of  the 
groom,  takes  a circuitous  route  through  the  principal  streets 
for  the  purpose  of  exhibiting  the  furniture.  In  the  case  of  the 
rich,  often  a large  amount  of  superior  household  furniture,  as 
wardrobes,  tables,  chairs,  trunks,  coverlets  or  quilts,  the  ex- 
terior of  which  is  silk  or  satin,  and  various  less  showy  yet 
expensive  articles,  is  thus  carried  in  procession  through  the 
streets.  The  number  of  persons  employed  in,  transporting 
these  things  sometimes  amounts  to  one  hundred,  or  even  more. 
Those  who  can  afford  the  expense  have  some  of  the  articles 
bound  around  or  fastened  to  the  carrying-poles  with  pieces 
of  red  silk,  or  red  crape,  or  red  cotton  cloth.  This  is  consid- 
ered a great  day  for  the  families  most  especially  concerned, 
and  every  thing  connected  with  the  procession  is  designed  for 
display.  Probably  there  is  quite  as  much  vanity  and  desire 
for  show,  in  connection  with  a bridal  outfit,  among  the  Chinese 
as  in  Western  lands. 

This  outfit  is  procured,  in  most  cases,  to  a great  extent,  by 
means  of  the  money  which  has  been  furnished  the  family  of 
the  bride  by  the  family  of  the  groom  for  that  purpose.  In 
the  case  of  wealthy  families,  little  dependence  is  actually  placed 
on  receiving  money  for  this  object,  though  valuable  presents 
of  money  are  always  made  to  the  family  of  the  bride  by  the 
other  party.  The  poor  generally  find  it  impossible,  in  marry- 
ing off  a daughter,  to  be  at  much  expense  over  and  above  the 
amount  of  money  received  from  the  family  of  their  future  son- 
in-law. 

It  is  customary  for  friends  and  relatives  of  the  bride’s  fam- 
ily, who  have  received  “ cakes  of  ceremony,”  to  make  presents 
of  materials  for  clothing,  artificial  flowers,  or  other  ornaments 
for  the  head,  to  her  family.  These  presents  are  designed  to 
constitute  a part  of  the  bride’s  outfit. 

Placing  the  bridal  bedstead  in  the  position  where  it  is  to 


76 


BETROTHAL  AND  MARRIAGE. 


stand  is  an  important  ceremony.  When  the  day  selected  ar- 
rives, which  is  generally  only  a few  days  before  the  wedding, 
the  bedstead  is  arranged  in  some  convenient  place  in  the 
bride’s  chamber,  and  then,  for  a considerable  time,  it  must  not 
be  moved  for  fear  of  ill  luck.  This  placing  of  the  bedstead  in 
position  is  attended  with  various  superstitious  acts.  Five 
coins,  belonging  to  the  reigns  of  five  different  emperors,  are 
usually  scattered  around  on  the  bottom  of  the  bedstead — that 
is,  under  the  piece  of  matting  with  Avhich  such  a bedstead  is 
provided.  Sometimes  four  other  similar  sets  of  coins  are 
placed  under  the  bedstead,  one  set  being  put  near  the  foot  of 
each  bed-post.  Five  bunches  of  boiled  rice,  each  consisting 
of  five  bundles,  made  in  shape  like  a cone,  from  four  to  six 
inches  in  length,  and  done  up  in  leaves  and  bound  around 
with  a red  cptton  string,  are  hung  up  from  the  frame  provided 
for  suspending  the  curtain  of  the  bed.  One  of  these  bunches 
is  larger  than  the  others,  and  is  hung  up  from  the  middle  of 
the  curtain  frame,  four  smaller  bunches  being  suspended  at 
the  four  corners  of  it.  The  middle  one  is  called  the  “ moth- 
er,” and  the  four  at  the  corners  are  called  “ children.”  Usu- 
ally the  middle  conical  rice  pyramid  in  each  of  these  five 
bunches  is  larger  than  the  other  pyramids  of  the  bunch  of 
which  it  is  a part.  In  such  a case,  the  middle  one  of  each 
bunch  is  called  the  “ mother,”  and  the  smaller  conical  pyra- 
mids which  are  placed  around  it  are  called  the  “ children.” 
Five  taros,  one  being  large  and  four  being  small,  are  some' 
times  arranged  on  the  floor  under  the  bedstead  and  near  each 
of  its  feet,  the  large  one  occupying  the  central  position  of  each 
set.  A square  "wooden  vessel,  neatly  painted,  and  larger  at 
the  top  than  at  its  bottom,  holding  about  a peck,  is  placed  on 
the  centre  of  the  bedstead.  The  vessel  is  about  half  filled 
with  uncooked  rice.  On  the  top  of  the  rice  is  spread  a sheet 
of  red  paper.  On  this  paper  is  arranged  a variety  of  articles, 
among  which  are  ten  pairs  of  chopsticks,  a small  brass  mirror, 
a pair  of  shears,  a foot  measure,  a small  case  containing  mon- 
ey-scales, five  kinds  of  dried  fruits,  a loose-skinned  orange,  (if 
in  season)  some  fresh  flowers,  a glass  lamp  containing  oil,  and 
two  candles,  placed  one  near  each  of  the  front  corners  of  the 
vessel.  The  lamp  and  the  candles  are  lighted,  and  the  vessel 
is  left  untouched  on  the  bedstead  until  the  candles  and  the  oil 


TRYING  ON  HER  WEDDING  GARMENTS. 


77 


have  burned  out,  after  which  it  is  removed.  Care  is  taken 
that  these  lights  are  not  extinguished  by  a draft  of  air  or  by 
accident,  as  such  premature  extinguishment  would  be  surely 
regarded  as  an  omen  of  evil  to  those  who  are  expected  to  oc- 
cupy the  bed.  The  object  of  the  performance  of  this  nonsens- 
ical ceremony,  as  a whole,  is  to  secure  prosperity  to  the  couple 
after  their  marriage,  especially  with  regard  to  the  bearing  of 
children  in  their  family  in  successive  generations.  The  five 
cash  of  five  successive  emperors,  etc.,  are  good  omens  of  such 
fruitfulness  on  the  part  of  the  expectant  bride,  or  of  general 
prosperity  to  the  family.  The  light  of  the  lamp  and  of  the 
candles,  although  in  broad  daylight,  is  regarded  as  peculiarly 
efficacious  in  keeping  away  evil  spirits. 

Usually,  the  day  before  the  "wedding,  the  bride  has  her  hair 
done  up  in  the  style  of  married  women  of  her  class  in  society, 
and  tries  on  the  clothes  she  is  to  wear  in  the  sedan  and  for  a 
time  after  she  arrives  at  her  future  home  on  the  morrow. 
This  is  an  occasion  of  great  interest  to  her  family.  Her  par- 
ents invite  their  female  relatives  and  friends  to  a feast  at  their 
house.  The  professed  object  of  trying  on  the  clothing  is  to 
see  how  the  articles  provided  will  fit,  and  to  ascertain  that  ev- 
ery thing  is  ready,  so  that  there  may  be  no  delay  or  confusion 
on  the  arrival  of  the  hour  when  she  is  to  take  her  seat  in  her 
sedan.  While  thus  dressed  (the  thick  veil  designed  to  con- 
ceal her  features  on  arrival  at  her  husband’s  residence  not 
now  being  worn),  she  proceeds  to  light  incense  before  the  an- 
cestral tablets  belonging  to  her  father’s  family,  and  to  worship 
them  for  the  last  time  before  her  marriage.  She  also  kneels 
down  before  her  parents,  her  grandparents  (if  living),  her  un- 
cles and  aunts  (if  present),  and  worships  them  in  much  the 
same  manner  as  she  and  her  husband  will  on  the  morrow 
worship  his  parents  and  grandparents,  and  the  ancestral  tab- 
lets belonging  to  his  family.  On  the  occasion  of  the  girl’s 
trying  on  these  clothes  and  worshiping  the  tablet  and  her  par- 
ents, it  is  considered  unpropitious  that  those  of  her  female  rel- 
atives and  friends  who  are  in  mourning  should  be  present. 

The  bridal  chair  is  selected  by  the  family  of  the  bridegroom, 
and  sent  to  the  residence  of  the  bride  generally  on  the  after- 
noon preceding  the  wedding-day,  attended  by  a band  of  mu- 
sic, some  men  carrying  lighted  torches,  two  carrying  a pair  of 


78 


BETROTHAL  AND  MARRIAGE. 


large  red  lanterns,  containing  handles  also  lighted,  and  one 
having  a large  red  umbrella,  and  one  or  two  friends  or  other 
attendants.  The  bridal  chair  is  always  red,  and  is  generally 


covered  with  broadcloth,  or  some  rich  expensive  material.  It 
is  borne  by  four  men,  who  wear  caps  having  red  tassels.  The 
musicians,  and  all  the  persons  employed  in  the  procession, 
have  similar  caps.  If  the  families  of  the  bride  and  bridegroom 
are  wealthy,  the  attendants  are  more  numerous  than  above  in- 
dicated, and  are  clothed  in  as  good  clothing  as  can  be  con- 
veniently procured  by  them.  The  musicians  occasionally  play 
on  their  instruments  along  the  road.  On  nearing  the  resi- 
dence of  the  bride,  the  whole  procession  is  brought  into  order. 
The  house  is  readied  while  the  band  is  playing  briskly  and 
every  person  is  in  his  proper  place,  making  as  imposing  an  ap- 
pearance as  possible.  Those  who  accompany  the  sedan  are 
feasted  at  the  expense  of  the  family  of  the  bride,  and  the  mu- 
sicians enliven  the  festivities  of  the  occasion  at  intervals  dur- 
ing the  evening.  They  are  provided  with  lodgings  also  by 
the  family,  so  as  to  be  ready  for  the  duties  of  the  following 
morning. 

Ceremonies  observed  on  the  Day  of  Marriage. 

Very  early  on  the  morning  of  her  marriage  the  bride  or  the 
“new  woman”  arises,  bathes,  and  dresses.  While  she  is  bath- 
ing the  musicians  are  required  to  play.  Her  breakfast  con- 
sists theoretically  of  the  fowl,  the  vermicelli,  etc.,  sent  by  the 
family  of  her  affianced  husband.  In  fact,  however,  she  eats 


TAKING  HER  SEAT  IN  THE  SEDAN. 


79 


and  drinks  very  little  of  any  thing  on  the  morning  or  during 
the  day  of  her  wedding,  according  to  the  very  singular,  if  not 
superstitious  notions  of  this  people,  which  it  is  not  proper  to 
detail.  Her  imaginary  breakfast  on  these  articles  is  regarded 
as  an  omen  of  good,  and  conducive  to  her  long  life  in  harmony 
with  her  husband.  The  outer  garments,  including  the  veil 
provided  by  her  husband  for  the  occasion,  are  richly  embroi- 
dered with  a likeness  of  the  dragon.  In  ancient  times  a cer- 
tain empress  graciously  granted  the  privilege  of  wearing  such 
apparel  to  brides  on  the  morning  of  their  marriage,  and  also 
permitted  them  to  be  borne  by  four  bearers,  as  well  as  to  wear 
temporarily  a very  gaudy  head-dress,  worn  generally  by  the 
wives  of  high  officers. 

When  the  precise  time  approaches  for  taking  her  seat  in 
her  sedan,  usually  between  five  and  eight  o’clock  in  the  morn- 
ing, previously  -fixed  by  the  fortune-teller,  her  toilet  is  com- 
pleted by  one  of  her  parents  taking  the  thick  veil  and  placing 
it  over  her  head,  completely  covering  her  features  from  view. 
She  is  now  led  out  of  her  room  by  one  of  her  female  assist- 
ants, and  takes  her  seat  in  the  sedan,  which  has  been  brought 
into  the  reception-room  of  the  house.  The  floor  from  her 
room  to  the  sedan  is  covered  for  the  occasion  with  a kind  of 
red  carpeting,  so  that  her  feet  may  not  touch  the  ground. 
She  takes  her  place  in  the  sedan  amid  the  sound  of  fire-crack- 
ers and  music  by  the  band.  The  bride,  her  mother,  and  the 
various  members  of  the  family,  are  required  by  custom  to  in- 
dulge during  this  morning  in  hearty  and  protracted  crying — 
oftentimes,  no  doubt,  sincere  and  unaffected. 

While  seated  in  the  sedan,  but  before  she  starts  for  her  fu- 
ture home,  her  parents,  or  some  members  of  her  family,  take 
a bed-quilt  by  its  four  corners,  and,  while  holding  it  thus  be- 
fore the  bridal  chair,  one  of  the  bride’s  assistants  tosses  into 
the  air,  one  by  one,  four  bread-cakes,  in  such  a manner  that 
they  will  fall  into  the  bed-quilt.  These  bread-cakes  were  re- 
ceived from  the  family  of  her  husband  at  the  same  time  as  the 
cock  and  vermicelli  were  received.  The  woman  during  this 
ceremony  is  constantly  repeating  felicitous  sentences,  which 
are  assented  to  by  some  others  of  the  company.  The  quilt 
containing  these  cakes  is  gathered  up  and  carried  immediate- 
ly to  an  adjoining  room. 


80 


BETROTHAL  AND  MARRIAGE. 


The  object  of  this  ceremony  is  explained  to  be  to  profit  the 
family  of  the  bride’s  parents,  being  an  omen  of  good,  which  is 
in  some  manner  indicated  to  the  Chinese  apprehension  by  the 
quilt  and  the  cakes  being  retained  in  the  house  — the  local 
sound  of  the  common  term  for  “ bread,”  and  a certain  word 
meaning  “to  warrant,”  “to  secure,”  being  identical.  Soon 
after  this  the  bridal  procession  starts  en  route  for  the  resi- 
dence of  the  other  party,  amid  explosions  of  fire-crackers  and 
the  music  of  the  band. 

In  the  front  of  the  procession  go  two  men  carrying  two 
large  lighted  lanterns,  having  the  ancestral  or  family  name  of 
the  groom  cut  in  a large  form  out  of  red  paper  pasted  upon 
them.  Then  come  two  men  carrying  similar  lanterns,  having 
the  family  name  of  the  bride  in  a similar  manner  pasted  on 
them.  These  belong  to  her  family,  and  accompany  her  only 
a part  of  the  way.  Then  comes  a large  red  umbrella,  followed 
by  men  carrying  lighted  torches,  and  by  the  baud  of  music. 
Near  the  bridal  chair  are  several  brothers  of  the  bride  or 
friends  of  her  family,  and  several  friends  or  brothers  of  the 
groom.  These  latter  are  dispatched  from  the  house  of  the 
groom  early  in  the  morning,  for  the  purpose  of  meeting  the 
bridal  procession,  and  escorting  the  bride  to  her  home.  This 
deputation  sometimes  arrives  at  the  house  of  the  bride  before 
she  sets  out  on  her  journey,  and,  if  so,  it  accompanies  the  pro- 
cession all  the  way.  About  midway  between  the  homes  of 
the  bride  and  the  groom  the  procession  stops  in  the  street, 
while  the  important  ceremony  of  receiving  the  bride  is  formal- 
ly transacted.  The  friends  of  the  bride  stand  near  each  other, 
and  at  a little  distance  stand  the  friends  of  the  groom.  The 
former  produce  a large  red  card,  having  the  ancestral  name 
of  the  bride’s  family  written  on  it ; the  latter  produce  a simi- 
lar card  bearing  the  ancestral  name  of  the  groom.  These  they 
exchange,  and  each,  seizing  his  own  hands  d la  Chinois,  bows 
toward  the  members  of  the  other  party.  The  two  men  in  the 
front  of  the  procession  who  carry  the  lanterns  having  the  an- 
cestral name  of  the  groom  now  turn  about,  and,  going  be- 
tween the  sedan  chair  and  the  two  men  who  carry  the  lan- 
terns having  the  ancestral  name  of  the  bride,  come  back  to 
their  former  position  in  the  procession,  having  gone  around 
the  party  which  has  the  lanterns  with  the  bride’s  ancestral 


i)  2 


. 


* 


TIME  OF  CHANGING  THE  BRIDE’S  NAME. 


83 


name  attached.  This  latter  party,  while  the  other  is  thus  en- 
circling it,  turns  round  in  an  opposite  direction,  and  starts  for 
the  residence  of  the  family  of  the  bride,  accompanied  by  that 
part  of  the  escort  which  consisted  of  her  brothers  or  the 
friends  of  her  family.  The  rest  of  the  procession  now  pro- 
ceeds on  its  way  to  the  residence  of  the  bridegroom,  the  band 
playing  a lively  air.  At  intervals  along  the  street  fire-crackers 
are  exploded.  It  is  said  that,  from  the  precise  time  when  the 
two  parties  carrying  lanterns  having  the  ancestral  names  of 
the  two  families  attached  separate  from  each  other  in  the 
street,  the  name  of  the  bride  is  changed  into  the  name  of  her 
betrothed ; the  lanterns  having  his  name  attached  remaining 
in  the  procession,  while  those  which  have  her  (former)  name 
are  taken  back  to  the  residence  of  her  father’s  family.  From 
this  time  during  the  day  she  generally  is  in  the  midst  of  en- 
tire personal  strangers,  excepting  her  female  assistants,  who 
accompany  the  procession,  and  keep  with  her  wherever  she 
goes. 

On  arriving  at  the  door  of  the  bridegroom’s  house,  fire- 
crackers are  let  off  in  large  quantities,  and  the  band  plays 
very  vigorously.  The  torch-bearers,  lantern-bearers,  and  the 
musicians  stop  near  the  door.  The  sedan  is  carried  into  the 
reception-room,  and  a sieve,  such  as  was  used  in  the  ceremony 
of  “ sifting  four  eyes,”  is  put  on  the  top  of  it,  over  its  door. 
The  floor,  from  the  place  where  the  sedan  stops  to  the  door  of 
the  bride’s  room,  is  covered  with  red  carpeting,  lest  her  feet 
should  touch  the  floor.  A woman  who  has  borne  both  male 
and  female  children,  or,  at  least,  male  children,  and  who  lives 
in  harmonious  subjection  to  her  husband,  approaches  the  door 
of  the  sedan,  and  utters  various  felicitous  sentences.  If  she  is 
in  good  pecuniary  circumstances,  and  if  her  parents  are  living 
and  of  a learned  family,  so  much  the  more  fortunate.  A boy 
six  or  eight  years  old,  holding  in  his  hands  a brass  mirror, 
with  the  reflecting  surface  turned  from  him  and  toward  the 
chair,  also  comes  near,  and  invites  the  bride  to  alight.  At  the 
same  time,  the  married  woman  who  has  uttered  propitious 
words  advances,  as  if  to  open  the  door  of  the  sedan,  when  one 
of  the  female  assistants  of  the  bride,  who  accompanied  the  pro- 
cession, steps  forward  and  opens  it.  The  married  woman  re- 
ferred to,  and  the  boy,  are  employed  by  the  family  of  the 


84 


BETROTHAL  AND  MARRIAGE. 


groom,  and  receive  a small  present  for  their  services,  which 
are  considered  quite  important  and  ominous  of  good.  The 
mirror  held  by  the  lad  is  expected  to  ward  oft'  all  deadly  or 
pernicious  influences  which  may  emanate  from  the  sedan. 

The  bride  is  now  aided  by  her  female  assistants  to  alight 
from  the  sedan.  While  being  led  toward  the  door  of  her 
room,  the  sieve  which  was  placed  over  the  door  of  the  bridal 
chair  on  its  arrival  is  sometimes  held  over  her  head,  and  some- 
times it  is  placed  directly  in  front  of  the  door  of  the  sedan,  so 
that,  on  stepping  out,  she  will  step  into  it.  During  all  this 
time  the  features  of  the  bride,  the  observed  of  all  observers, 
are  entirely  concealed  by  the  thick  covering  put  over  her 
head  by  one  of  her  parents  at  her  parental  residence. 

The  groom,  on  the  approach  of  the  bridal  procession,  disap- 
pears from  the  crowd  of  friends  and  relatives  who  have  as- 
sembled at  his  residence  on  the  happy  occasion,  and  takes  his 
position  standing  by  the  side  of  the  bedstead,  having  his  face 
turned  toward  .the  bed.  When  the  bride  enters  the  room, 
guided  by  her  assistants,  he  turns  around,  and  remains  stand- 
ing with  his  face  turned  from  the  bed.  As  soon  as  she  has 
reached  his  side,  both  bridegroom  and  bride  simultaneously 
seat  themselves,  side  by  side,  on  the  edge  of  the  bedstead. 
Oftentimes  the  groom  manages  to  have  a portion  of  the  skirt 
of  her  dress  come  under  him  as  he  sits  down  by  her,  such  a 
thing  being  considered  as  a kind  of  omen  that  she  will  be  sub- 
missive. Sometimes  the  bride  is  very  careful,  by  a proper  ad- 
justment of  her  clothing  at  the  moment  of  sitting  down,  not 
only  to  prevent  the  accomplishment  of  such  an  intention  on 
his  part,  but  also  to  sit  down,  if  possible,  in  such  a manner 
that  some  of  his  dress  will  come  under  her,  thus  manifesting 
her  determination  to  preserve  a proper  independence,  if  not  to 
bring  him  actually  to  yield  obedience  to  her  will.  After  sit- 
ting thus  in  profound  silence  together  for  a few  moments,  the 
groom  arises  and  leaves  the  room.  Before  going  out,  the  as- 
sistants of  the  bride  oftentimes  request  him  to  rub  the  feet  of 
his  bride  a little,  under  the  impression  that,  if  he  should  com- 
ply, her  feet  will  be  prevented  by  that  act  from  aching  in  the 
future ! 

The  groom  waits  in  the  reception-room  for  the  reappear- 
ance of  his  bride.  The  ceremony  which  they  are  soon  to  per- 


WORSHIPING  THE  TABLETS. 


85 


form  is  considered  an  essential  part  of  the  customs  observed 
on  the  day  of  the  marriage  of  heathen  Chinese  in  this  part  of 
the  empire,  and  doubtless,  with  some  unimportant  modifica- 
tions, all  over  China. 

The  ceremony,  as  a whole,  is  called  “ worshiping  the  tem- 
ple.” A table  is  placed  in  the  front  part  of  the  reception- 
room.  The  table  is  said  to  be  placed  “before  heaven.”  Two 
candlesticks,  containing  two  large  lighted  candles,  and  a cen- 


BRIDE  AND  BRIDEGROOM  WORSHIPING  THE  TABLETS  OF  HIS  DECEASED  ANCESTORS. 


ser  containing  lighted  incense,  are  put  upon  this  table,  the 
censer  between  the  candlesticks.  Among  other  things,  there 
are  also  placed  on  it  two  miniature  white  cocks,  made  of 
sugar,  five  kinds  of  dried  fruit,  a bundle  of  chopsticks,  a foot 
measure,  a mirror,  a pair  of  shears,  and  a case  containing  mon- 
ey-scales. Some  or  all  of  these  are  frequently  placed  on  a 
platter  made  out  of  the  wood  of  the  willow-tree.  Two  singu- 


86 


BETROTHAL  AND  MARRIAGE. 


larly-shaped  goblets,  sometimes  connected  together  by  a red 
silk  or  red  cotton  cord  several  feet  long,  are  also  put  upon  the 
table.  When  every  thing  is  ready,  the  bride  is  led  out  of  her 
room,  and  takes  her  place  by  the  table  on  the  right  side  of  the 
groom.  The  faces  of  both  parties  are  turned  toward  the  table 
— that  is,  toward  the  open  light  of  the  heavens.  At  certain 
signals  from  one  of  the  female  assistants  of  the  bride,  who  is 
aided  to  do  her  part  by  these  women,  both  parties  kneel  down 
four  times,  each  time  bowing  their  heads  toward  the  earth 
once  in  profound  silence.  They  then  rise  to  their  feet  and 
change  places,  the  bride  standing  on  the  left  of  the  bride- 
groom. They  now  knee.l  down  four  times,  bowing  their  heads 
as  before.  This  portion  of  the  ceremony  is  called  '■'■worship- 
ing heaven  and  earth.”  They  then  turn  around,  so  that  their 
faces  are  toward  the  inner  or  back  side  of  the  room , instead  of 
toward  the  front  or  outside,  as  before,  the  bride  being  on  the 
right  side  of  her  husband.  The  ancestral  tablets  having  been 
previously  placed  on  a table  in  the  back  side  of  the  room, 
and  candles  and  incense  having  been  lighted  and  arranged 
near  them  in  the  customary  way,  the  bridegroom  and  bride 
now  bow  down  and  worship  these  tablets  eight  times,  accord- 
ing to  the  manner  after  which  they  have  just  “worshiped 
heaven  and  earth.”*  They  again  resume  their  original  rela- 
tive positions,  differing  only  in  that  they  face  each  other , and 
do  not  stand  side  by  side.  Separated  from  each  other  by  only 
a few  feet,  they  now  kneel  down  four  times  again,  and  bow 
their  heads  once  each  time  toward  the  ground.  After  this 
they  rise  to  their  feet,  and  remain  standing  in  silence,  while 
they  are  helped  to  the  wedding  wine.  One  of  the  female  as- 
sistants takes  the  two  goblets,  which  sometimes  are  said  to  be 
tied  together  by  a red  cord,  from  the  table,  and,  having  par- 
tially filled  them  with  a mixture  of  wine  and  honey,  she  pours 
some  of  their  contents  from  one  into  the  other,  back  and  forth 
several  times.  She  then  holds  one  to  the  mouth  of  the  groom, 
and  the  other  to  the  mouth  of  the  bride,  who  continue  to  face 
each  other,  and  who  then  sip  a little  of  the  wine.  She  then 
changes  the  goblets,  and  the  bride  sips  out  of  the  one  just  used 

* This  worship  of  the  tablets  is  sometimes  omitted  on  the  first  day  of  the 
festivities,  especially  in  cases  where  the  wedding  ceremonies  are  not  all 
crowded  into  one  day. 


DRINKING  SAMSHU  TOGETHER. 


87 


by  the  groom,  and  the  groom  sips  out  of  the  one  just  used  by 
the  bride,  the  goblets  oftentimes  remaining  tied  together. 
Sometimes  she  uses  only  one  goblet  in  giving  the  wine.  She 
then  places  the  goblets  on  the  table,  and  proceeds  to  break  off 
a bit  of  the  sugar  cocks  and  give  to  the  bridegroom  and  to 
the  bride ; perhaps  also  a few  of  the  five  kinds  of  fruit  which 
have  been  provided  is  handed  to  them.  After  this  the  groom 
usually  takes  the  bunch  of  chopsticks  in  one  hand  and  the  long 
case  which  contains  the  money-scales  in  the  other,  and  makes 
a pretense  of  raising  up  by  their  means  the  thick  covering 
which  conceals  the  head  and  face  of  his  bride  from  his  view. 
It  is  only  a pretense,  and  he  returns  the  chopsticks  and  the 
money-scales  to  the  place  whence  he  took  them.  This  usually 
concludes  the  ceremony.  The  lighted  candles  are  taken  by  the 
married  woman  who  addressed  the  bride  with  propitious  lan- 


88  BETROTHAL  AND  MARRIAGE. 

guage  on  her  arrival  and  carried  into  the  bride’s  room,  whither 
the  groom  accompanies  his  bride,  but  immediately  returns  to 
the  public  room,  while  she  remains  attended  by  her  assistants 
to  dress  for  dinner. 

All  of  the  articles  of  food  and  of  family  use  placed  on  the 
table  during  the  performance  of  this  ceremony  are,  according 
to  the  Chinese  stand-point,  omens  of  harmony  and  of  prosper- 
ity. Eating  from  the  same  sugar  cock,  and  drinking  wine  from 
the  same  goblets,  are  symbolical  of  union  in  sharing  their  lot 
in  life.  It  is  eminently  desirable  that  every  thing  connected 
with  this  part  of  the  marriage  festivities  should  be  conducted 
with  proper  decorum  and  order. 

Until  this  time  the  bride  has  worn  the  heavy  embroidered 
outside  garment,  head-dress,  etc.,  which  she  had  on  when  she 
entered  her  sedan.  These  are  now  removed.  She  has  her 
hair  carefully  combed  in  the  style  of  her  class  in  society,  and 
she  is  arrayed  in  her  own  wedding  garments.  Sometimes 
her  hair  is  gorgeously  decked  out  with  pearls  and  gems,  true 
or  false,  according  to  the  ability  of  the  family  to  purchase, 
rent,  or  borrow. 

When  her  toilet  has  been  completed,  and  every  thing  has 
been  made  ready,  the  bride  aud  bridegroom  sit  down  in  her 
room  to  their  wedding  dinner.  He  now,  oftentimes  for  the 
first  time  in  his  life,  and  always  for  the  first  time  on  his  mar- 
riage day,  beholds  the  features  of  his  wife.  He  may  eat  to 
his  fill  of  the  good  things  provided  on  the  occasion,  but  she, 
according  to  established  custom,  may  not  take  a particle.  She 
must  sit  in  silence,  dignified  and  composed.  The  door  being 
left  open,  the  invited  guests,  and  the  parents  of  the  groom  aud 
his  relatives,  improve  the  opportunity  to  scan  the  bride  aud 
observe  her  deportment. 

Several  times  during  the  day,  if  living  conveniently  near,  the 
family  of  the  bride  send  some  refreshments  for  her  to  eat. 
This  is  received  with  thanks,  and  the  bearer  rewarded  with  a 
small  present.  Custom  does  not  allow  her  to  partake  of  this 
refreshment  from  her  parents,  but  demands  its  being  sent  and 
received. 

Some  time  during  the  afternoon  the  male  guests  sit  down 
to  their  dinner  around  tables  which  accommodate  eight  per- 
sons, the  seat  of  each  being  determined  according  to  the  nice 


TAKING  THEIR  WEDDING  DINNER. 


89 


BRIDE  AND  BRIDEGROOM  TAKING  THEIR  WEDDING  DINNER. 


rules  of  Chinese  etiquette.  A curious  custom  prevails  here, 
according  to  which  every  invited  guest  is  expected  to  make  a 
present  in  money  to  the  family  of  the  bridegroom.  This 
should  be  sent  in  to  the  family  the  day  before  the  wedding, 
though  sometimes  it  is  brought  by  the  guest  himself  when  he 
comes  to  the  feast.  The  amount  of  the  present  is  entirely  op- 
tional, and  varies  from  a few  hundred  cash  to  fifteen  or  twenty 
dollars,  according  to  the  wealth  of  the  guest  and  the  nearness 
of  relationship.  Even  should  the  formal  invitation  not  be  com- 
plied with,  the  person  invited  remaining  away,  the  present  is 
nevertheless  expected,  and  it  would  be  disreputable  not  to 
give  it.  These  presents  in  ready  money  help  considerably  to 
defray  the  expenses  of  the  occasion. 

According  to  another  established  custom  here,  except  in  the 


90 


BETROTHAL  AND  MARRIAGE. 


case  of  marriages  in  the  families  of  officers  and  the  gentry, 
neighbors,  uninvited  friends,  or  even  perfect  strangers  to  the 
parties,  if  they  please,  are  allowed  to  come  in  and  see  the  bride 
during  the  evening  of  the  day  of  her  marriage.  This  is  a very 
trying  ordeal  for  her,  as  she  may  not  refuse  to  be  seen  by 
them,  nor  absent  herself  from  the  gaze  of  the  public.  She  is 
obliged  to  stand  while  a company  of  spectators  observes  her 
appearance  and  criticises  her  deportment.  They  indulge  oft- 
entimes in  great  liberty  of  remark  about  her,  which  she  must 
hear  with  composure.  She  must  conduct  herself  with  deco- 
rum, neither  laughing,  nor  becoming  angry,  nor  engaging  in 
conversation  with  any  but  her  assistants,  who  attend  her  con- 
stantly, and  aid  her  in  walking  and  standing,  presenting  a 
placid  and  unmoved  countenance,  notwithstanding  the  witty 
jokes  or  the  coarse  impertinences  of  the  spectators.  What  at 
other  times  would  be  likely  to  be  regarded  as  insulting  and 
highly  indecent,  must  be  passed  over  as  though  she  heard  it 
not.  Should  she  allow  herself  to  laugh,  or  should  she  forget 
herself  enough  to  manifest  anger,  it  would  be  a source  of  an- 
noyance and  of  regret.  Her  husband  generally  absents  him- 
self from  the  public  room  during  this  evening.  It  not  unfre- 
quently  occurs  that  some  of  his  intimate  friends  or  neighbors 
stay  very  late,  refusing  to  depart  unless  he  pledges  them  a 
considerable  sum  of  money  with  which  to  pay  the  expenses  of 
a feast  on  the  following  day. 

The  large  candles  which  were  transferred  to  the  bride’s 
room  from  the  reception-room  at  the  close  of  the  ceremony  of 
“ worshiping  heaven  and  earth,”  are  permitted  to  burn  all  day 
and  unto  the  evening,  if  they  will.  As  it  is  eminently  desira- 
ble that  candles  should  be  burned  all  the  night  long  in  the  bri- 
dal chamber,  these  are  usually,  during  the  evening,  exchanged 
for  another  pair,  which  it  is  calculated  will  last  until  the  fol- 
lowing morning.  These  are  two  feet  long,  more  or  less,  and 
of  a bright  red  color.  Usually  on  one  is  made,  in  a lively 
yellow  color,  a picture  of  a dragon,  by  the  use  of  gold  leaf,  or 
of  a liquid  preparation  called  “ gold  oil and  on  the  other  the 
picture  of  a phoenix,  representing  respectively  the  groom  and 
his  bride.  Sometimes  auspicious  characters  or  phrases  are 
written  on  the  candles.  These,  lighted  on  the  evening  of  the 
wedding,  and  arranged  on  the  table  in  the  bride’s  room,  are 


BAD  OMENS  DURING  THE  FIRST  NIGHT. 


91 


desired  to  bum  during  the  whole  night,  and  as  much  longer 
as  they  will  last.  It  would  be  considered  very  unlucky  should 
they  be  extinguished  by  accident.  Should  one  or  both  of 
them  go  out  during  the  night,  such  an  event  would  indicate 
the  premature  and  untimely  death  of  one  or  both  of  the  par- 
ties. The  material  of  the  candles  should  not  melt  and  trickle 
down  the  sides.  This  is  regarded  as  a bad  omen,  the  trick- 
ling down  of  the  material  being  thought  to  resemble  the  flow- 
ing of  tears  down  the  cheeks,  and  betokens,  on  wedding  occa- 
sions, that  there  will  be  much  sorrow  in  the  family  of  the  new- 
ly-married couple,  or  that  they  will  not  live  happily  together. 
If  the  candles  should  burn  out  about  the  same  time,  it  is  sup- 
posed that  the  couple  will  die  about  the  same  period  in  the 
future;  and  should  one  burn  much  longer  than  the  other, it  is 
inferred  that  one  will  long  survive  the  other. 


92 


BETROTHAL  AND  MARRIAGE. 


CHAPTER  in. 

betrothal  and  marriage  — Continued. 

Customs  observed  subsequent  to  the  Wedding-day:  “Coming  out  of  the 
Room.” — Worship  of  the  God  of  the  Kitchen. — On  the  third  Day  they 
visit  the  Bride’s  Parents. — Use  of  a Charm  to  ward  off  Evil  Spirits  from 
the  Bride. — Worship  of  her  Family’s  ancestral  Tablets. — Presents  from 
her  Mother  at  the  End  of  a Month. — Presents  between  the  Groom  and 
his  Parents-in-law. — Frequent  Use  of  Incense  and  Candles. — Miscella- 
neous Practices  and  Sentiments  relating  to  Betrothal  and  Marriage:  A “lit- 
tle Bride.” — Betrothal  of  unborn  Children.- — Marriages  of  People  of  the 
same  Surname  interdicted.  — Bridegroom  living  in  his  Father-in-law’s 
Family. — “Marrying  the  Wearer  of  a white  Skirt.” — Marrying  within  a 
hundred  Days  after  the  Death  of  a Parent. — “Asking  for  her  Shoes.” — 
“Broken  Thread.” — Bridal  Procession  in  White. — Urging  on  the  Mar- 
riage.— Kidnapping  the  Bride. — Breaking  up  the  Betrothment. — Seven 
Reasons  for  Divorcing  a Wife. — Three  Reasons  why  a Wife  may  not  be 
Divorced. — Marrying  the  Wife  of  a living  Man. — Inferior  Wives. — Chi- 
nese Sutteeism  by  Hanging. — Honorary  Portals  in  Memory  of  virtuous 
and  filial  Widows. 

Customs  observed  subsequent  to  the  Wedding-day. 

The  wedding  festivities  generally  last  at  least  two  days. 
The  first  day  the  male  friends  and  relatives  of  the  groom  are 
invited  to  11  shed  their  light”  on  the  occasion.  On  the  second 
day  the  female  friends  and  relatives  of  the  family  of  the  groom 
are  invited  to  the  wedding  feast.  This  is  often  called  the 
“ women’s  day.” 

Not  long  after  the  family  and  guests  have  breakfasted  on 
the  morning  of  the  second  day,  the  newly-married  couple, 
amid  the  noise  of  fire-crackers,  come  out  of  their  room  togeth- 
er for  the  purpose  of  worshiping  the  ancestral  tablets  belong- 
ing to  the  household,  the  grandparents,  and  parents  of  the 
groom.  This  custom  is  known  by  the  name  of  “ coming  out 
of  the  room.”  In  case  of  those  families  who  devote  only  one 
day  to  the  marriage  festivities  and  ceremonies,  this  custom  is 
observed  on  the  afternoon  of  the  first  day. 

The  tablets  of  the  family  are  arranged  on  a table  standing 


WORSHIPING  THE  BRIDEGROOM’S  PARENTS. 


93 


in  the  back  part  of  the  reception-room,  or  in  a niche  placed  on 
the  table.  Incense  and  candles,  arranged,  according  to  cus- 
tom, near  the  tablets,  having  been  lighted,  the  bridegroom 
and  his  bride  kneel  down  three  or  four  times  before  the  tab- 
lets, the  wife  being  on  the  right-hand  side  of  her  husband. 
While  on  their  knees,  at  each  kneeling,  they  bow  their  heads 
down  toward  the  ground  once.  On  rising  to  their  feet  they 
change  places,  the  bride  standing  on  the  left  hand  of  her  hus- 
band, and  then  kneel  down  three  or  four  times  again,  and  bow 
their  heads  as  before,  in  front  of  and  toward  the  tablets.  They 
now  arise,  and  two  chairs  are  placed  before  the  table  which 
contains  the  incense,  candles,  and  tablets.  If  the  paternal 
grandparents  of  the  groom  are  living  and  present,  they  take 
their  seats  in  the  chairs,  the  grandmother  being  on  the  right 
hand  of  the  grandfather,  with  their  faces  turned  away  from 
the  table,  or  toward  the  front  part  of  the  room.  In  case  either 
has  deceased,  the  tablet  which  represents  that  person  is  placed 
in  the  chair  which  he  or  she  would  have  occupied  if  living. 
The  bridegroom  and  bride  advance,  and  kneel  down  three  or 
four  times  before  them,  bowing  their  heads  toward  the  ground, 
as  in  worshiping  the  tablets.  They  then  arise,  and,  having 
changed  positions,  the  bride  taking  the  place  which  had  been 
occupied  by  the  groom,  kneel  down  and  bow  again  three  or 
four  times.  The  parents  of  the  groom  then  take  their  seats 
in  the  chairs,  and  the  ceremony  of  kneeling  and  bowing  before 
them  is  repeated,  in  like  manner,  the  customary  number  of 
times.  While  the  bride  is  on  her  knees  her  new  mother  usu- 
ally arranges  some  costly  ornaments  in  her  hair,  as  gold  or 
pearls,  or  gives  her  some  valuable  finger-rings,  if  able  to  af- 
ford the  expense  of  such ; or,  if  poor,  she  presents  her  with 
such  head  ornaments  as  she  can  afford.  The  women  who  as- 
sist the  bride  in  performing  these  ceremonies  improve  the  op- 
portunity to  offer  tea  to  her  parents  at  this  period,  and  are  re- 
warded for  their  attentions  with  a present  of  money  on  the 
spot.  In  case  either  parent  is  dead,  the  ancestral  tablet  for 
that  person  is  placed  in  the  chair,  as  in  the  supposed  case  of 
one  of  the  grandparents  having  deceased.  The  paternal  and 
maternal  uncles  and  aunts  of  the  groom,  if  present,  in  the  or- 
der of  their  rank,  now  take  their  turns  of  being  worshiped  by 
the  couple.  Oftentimes  these  relatives  will  not  sit,  but  con- 


94 


BETROTHAL  AND  MARRIAGE. 


tent  themselves  to  stand  during  the  worshiping  rendered 
them.  Standing  on  these  occasions  is  regarded  as  a mark  of 
humility.  Kneeling  and  bowing,  before  a change  of  position 
on  the  part  of  the  couple,  is  performed  either  three  or  four 
times,  according  to  the  option  of  the  family  of  the  bridegroom, 
on  the  occasion  of  “ coming  out  of  the  room although  cus- 
tom has  made  it  incumbent  on  them  always  to  kneel  and  bow 
four  times  before  changing  their  jrositions  while  “ worshiping 
heaven  and  earth three,  being  an  odd  number,  is  regarded 
as  inauspicious  by  some. 

Not  long  subsequent  to  the  ceremony  of  “coming  out  of 
the  room,”  the  couple  proceed  to  the  kitchen  for  the  purpose 
of  worshiping  the  god  and  goddess  of  the  kitchen.  This  is 
performed  with  great  decorum,  and  is  regarded  as  an  import- 
ant and  essential  part  of  marriage  solemnities.  Incense  and 
candles  are  lighted,  and  arranged  on  a table  placed  before  the 
picture  or  the  writing  which  represents  these  divinities,  plas- 
tered upon  the  wall  of  the  kitchen.  Before  this  table  the 
bridegroom  and  his  bride  kneel  down,  side  by  side,  and  bow 
in  worship  of  the  god  and  goddess  of  the  kitchen.  It  is  be- 
lieved that  they  will  thus  propitiate  their  good-will,  and  es- 
pecially that  the  bride,  in  attempting  culinary  operations,  will 
succeed  better  in  consequence  of  paying  early  and  respectful 
attentions  to  these  divinities. 

On  the  third  day  the  parents  of  the  bride  send  an  invita- 
tion to  their  son-in-law  and  his  wife  to  visit  them.  With  this 
invitation  they  send  sedans  for  them.  The  card  is  usually 
brought  by  her  brothers,  if  she  has  any  of  the  proper  age,  or 
by  relatives  having  her  own  ancestral  name.  Until  this  morn- 
ing, since  she  left  her  former  home,  two  days  previous,  the 
bride  has  seen  none  of  her  own  family,  and  generally  none  of 
her  own  relatives  or  acquaintances.  She  and  her  husband 
now  receive  the  congratulations  and  compliments  of  her  broth- 
ers or  other  relatives,  and  prepare  to  visit  her  parents.  The 
bride  enters  her  sedan  first,  and  proceeds  a short  distance  in 
front  of  her  husband.  They  do  not  start  together,  nor  is  it 
proper  that  they  should  arrive  at  the  house  of  her  parents  at 
the  same  time.  The  chair  provided  for  the  bride  on  this  oc- 
casion is  a common  black  sedan  in  all  respects,  except  that  its 
screen  in  front  has  a certain  charm  ^painted  upon  the  outside. 


VISITING  THE  BRIDE’S  PARENTS. 


95 


CHARM  TO  WARD  OFF  EVIL  SPIRITS 
FROM  A BRIDE. 


This  charm  is  the  picture  of  a grim- 
looking  man,  sitting  on  a tiger, 
with  one  of  his  hands  raised  up, 
holding  a sword,  as  if  in  the  act 
of  striking,  representing  a certain 
ruler  of  elves,  hobgoblins,  etc. 

The  object  of  its  use  on  the  occa- 
sion of  a bride’s  returning  to  her 
parents’  house,  on  the  third  day 
after  her  marriage,  is  to  keep  off 
evil  and  unpropitious  influences 
from  her.  It  is  said  that,  in  for- 
mer times,  whenever  a new  bride 
in  her  chair  passed  by  a certain 
place,  evil  spirits  would  invariably 
approach  and  injure  her,  causing 
her  to  be  sick.  The  great  magi- 
cian (represented  by  the  individual 
on  the  tiger,  and  brandishing  a 
sword),  who  is  the  head  of  a class  of  Tauist  priests,  on  being 
invited  to  destroy  these  evil  spirits,  or  counteract  their  perni- 
cious influences,  exerted  his  great  powers,  and  actually  accom- 
plished the  object.  In  commemoration  of  this  signal  blessing 
to  brides  in  particular  and  to  mankind  in  general,  and  in  or- 
der to  secure  immunity  from  these  depraved  spirits  to  future 
brides  in  other  parts  of  the  empire,  the  happy  device  of  mak- 
ing a picture  of  this  magician,  and  of  placing  it  on  the  screen 
of  the  sedans  they  occupy  on  going  to  see  their  mothers  on 
the  third  day  after  the  marriage,  was  adopted.  Judging  from 
the  universality  of  the  use  of  this  screen  on  such  an  occasion 
at  the  pi-esent  time  in  this  part  of  China,  such  an  expedient  to 
ward  olf  unpropitious  influences  must  be  immensely  advanta- 
geous ! Such  a charm  is  also  sometimes  found  on  the  red  bri- 
dal sedans  used  on  the  day  of  wedding. 

On  arrival  at  her  paternal  home,  the  bride’s  sedan  is  carried 
into  the  reception-room,  and  she  alights  amid  the  noise  of  fire- 
crackers. The  sedan  which  contains  the  son-in-law  stops  a 
few  rods  from  his  father-in-law’s  residence,  where  he  is  met  by 
one  of  his  brothers-in-law,  or  some  relative  or  friend  deputed 
to  meet  and  conduct  him  into  the  house.  The  two  parties, 


96 


BETROTHAL  AND  MARRIAGE. 


standing  in  the  street,  respectfully  shake  their  own  hands  to- 
ward each  other  on  meeting,  according  to  the  approved  fash- 
ion. The  newly-arrived  is  now  invited  to  enter  the  house. 
He  is  seated  in  the  reception-room,  where  he  is  treated  suc- 
cessively to  three  cups  of  tea  and  three  pipes  of  tobacco.  Af- 
terward he  is  invited  to  go  and  see  his  mother-in-law  in  her 
room,  where  he  finds  his  wife.  There  he  sits  a while,  and  vis- 
its after  a stereotyped  manner,  being  careful  to  use  only  good 
or  propitious  words,  avoiding  every  subject  and  phrase  which, 
according  to  the  notions  of  this  people,  are  unlucky.  He  is 
soon  invited  into  the  reception-room,  where  he  is  joined  by 
his  wife.  Every  thing  being  arranged,  the  husband  and  wife 
proceed  to  worship  the  ancestral  tablets  of  her  family,  her 
grandparents  and  her  parents,  if  living  and  present,  very  much 
in  the  way  they  worshiped,  on  the  preceding  day,  the  tablets 
of  his  family,  his  grandparents  and  parents.  At  the  conclusion 
of  this  ceremony  the  bride  retires  to  her  mother’s  apartments, 
or  to  some  back  room,  where  she  and  the  female  relatives 
jiresent  are  feasted.  Her  husband  is  invited  to  partake  of 
some  refreshments  in  the  reception-room,  in  doing  which  he  is 
joined  by  his  bride’s  brothers,  or  some  others  of  her  family 
relatives.  According  to  the  rules  of  etiquette,  he  must  eat 
but  very  little,  however  hungry  he  may  be.  The  usual  phrase 
employed  in  speaking  of  it  is  that  he  eats  part  of  “ three  bowls 
of  vegetables,”  after  which  he  declines  to  receive  any  thing 
more,  under  the  plea  that  he  has  eaten  enough.  He  soon 
takes  his  departure  in  his  sedan,  leaving  his  bride  to  follow  by 
herself  by-and-by,  accompanied  usually  only  by  a servant  or 
female  friend. 

It  is  a common  custom,  on  the  morning  of  the  tenth  day 
after  her  marriage,  for  the  parents  of  the  bride  to  send  au  in- 
vitation for  her  to  spend  the  day  with  them.  If  accepted,  she 
goes  and  returns  unattended  by  her  husband.  At  the  end  of 
a month,  should  they  again  invite  her,  she  usually  goes  and 
visits  with  her  parents,  and  brothers  and  sisters,  for  a few  con- 
secutive days,  spending  the  nights  there.  Her  husband  calls 
upon  them  during  this  visit  perhaps  once  or  twice  in  the  day- 
time, but  is  careful  neither  to  go  there  with  his  wife  nor  re- 
turn home  with  her.  Husbands  are  never  seen  with  their 
wives  in  public. 


FKEQUENT  USE  OF  INCENSE  AND  CANDLES. 


97 


At  the  expiration  of  a month  after  marriage,  the  bride  ex- 
pects to  receive  a present  from  her  parents,  consisting,  in  part, 
of  the  following  articles : an  image  of  the  Goddess  of  Mercy, 
universally  worshiped  by  married  women,  and  a portable  niche 
to  put  it  in;  a censer  to  contain  incense  -while  consuming;  a 
pair  of  candlesticks,  to  hold  candles  while  she  is  worshiping ; a 
fan  ; two  flower  vases ; artificial  flowers ; and  cosmetics. 

After  the  first  year  of  his  marriage,  the  bridegroom  is  ex- 
pected every  year  to  make  presents  of  a pig’s  foot,  vermicelli, 
wine,  and  large  red  candles,  with,  perhajis,  some  money,  to  his 
father  and  mother-in-law,  on  the  occurrences  of  their  birth- 
days, at  the  festivals  which  take  place  during  the  fifth  month, 
the  eighth  month,  and  at  the  winter  solstice,  and  at  new  year’s. 
During  the  first  year  of  his  married  life,  it  is  customary  for  his 
parents-in-law  to  make  him  more  or  less  presents  like  the 
above,  at  the  times  of  the  great  festivals,  and  especially  at  new 
year’s  day. 

At  various  times  between  the  periods  of  betrothal  and  of 
marriage,  three  incense  sticks  and  a brace  of  candles  are  light- 
ed and  burned  before  the  ancestral  tablets  of  the  families  to 
which  the  affianced  parties  belong,  for  the  purpose  of  inform- 
ing their  ancestors  of  what  is  being  transacted  on  earth  rela- 
ting to  the  betrothment  and  marriage  of  their  living  descend- 
ants. When  any  thing  is  done  especially  relating  to  this  sub- 
ject, such  a practice  is  observed  by  some  one  in  the  two  fam- 
ilies interested.  This  person,  when  adding  fresh  incense  to 
the  censer  on  such  occasions,  usually  clasps  it,  already  lighted, 
in  his  hands,  kneels  down,  and  bows  three  times  before  these 
tablets;  and  then,  while  on  his  knees  or  rising  to  his  feet,  hav- 
ing elevated  the  incense  as  high  as  his  head  or  higher,  places 
it  in  the  censer  with  a reverent  air  in  profound  silence.  Some, 
however,  do  not  kneel  previous  to  placing  incense  in  the  cen- 
ser. Oftentimes,  in  connection  with  this  burning  of  incense 
and  candles,  a quantity  of  mock-money  is  also  burned  for  the 
benefit  of  the  dead  ancestors.  My  attention  has  been  fre- 
quently arrested  by  the  amount  of  sinful  superstition  which 
pervades  the  customs  and  ceremonies  relating  to  betrothal  and 
marriage  among  the  Chinese.  The  careful  and  serious-mind- 
ed reader  will  not  have  failed  to  notice  this  feature  while  pe- 
rusing the  details  relating  to  this  subject. 

Von.  I.— E 


98 


BETROTHAL  AND  MARRIAGE. 


How  many  temptations  to  sin  do  the  native  Christians  have 
to  struggle  against,  growing  out  of  the  established  social  cus- 
toms of  their  countrymen ! How  much  do  they  need  the 
warm  sympathy,  the  wise  advice,  and  ardent  prayers  of  other 
Christians ! 

Miscellaneous  Practices  and  Sentiments  relating  to  Betrothal 
and  Marriage. 

Some  of  these  practices  and  sentiments  will  be  found  as 
strange  and  opposed  to  the  practices  and  sentiments  common 
in  civilized  Western  nations  as  any  which  have  been  de- 
scribed. 

When  a girl  is  born  in  a poor  family,  which  it  feels  unable 
or  is  unwilling  to  rear,  she  is  often  given  away  or  sold  when 
but  a few  weeks  or  months  old,  or  one  or  two  years  old,  to.be 
the  future  wife  of  a son  in  the  family  of  a friend  or  relative 
which  has  a little  son  not  betrothed  in  marriage.  Generally 
a small  present  is  proffered  by  the  family  to  which  the  boy 
belongs,  as  a pair  of  ducks  or  of  geese,  a pair  of  fowls,  and  a 
few  pounds  of  vermicelli,  as  omens  of  good.  Of  the  animals, 
the  male  is  usually  received  by  the  girl’s  parents,  and  the  oth- 
ers returned  to  the  boy’s  parents.  A match-maker  is  employ- 
ed, and  a formal  engagement  is  made  out,  as  in  the  case  of 
boys  and  girls  more  advanced  in  age.  The  girl  is  called  a 
“ little  bride,”  and  is  taken  home,  and  brought  up  in  the  fam- 
ily together  with  her  future  husband.  When  of  marriageable 
age,  and  the  family  can  afford  the  little  additional  expense,  she 
is  married  to  her  affianced  on  a fortunate  day,  which  has  been 
selected  by  a fortune-teller.  Friends  are  invited  and  a feast 
is  made.  No  bridal  cakes  are  distributed  among  her  relatives, 
and  no  red  bridal  chair  is  used,  because  she  is  living  in  the 
family  of  her  husband. 

Occasionally,  in  the  case  of  families  very  intimate  and  friend- 
ly, an  engagement  in  marriage  between  unborn  children  is  en- 
tered into  by  those  who  expect  soon  to  become  mothers,  turn- 
ing only  on  the  circumstance  that  the  children  are  of  different 
sexes.  If  both  should  prove  to  be  girls,  or  both  boys,  the  con- 
ditional engagement  goes  for  nothing.  Generally,  before  the 
birth  of  the  children,  something  valuable,  as  a head-dress,  or 
rings  for  the  wrists,  are  exchanged  by  the  families,  as  proof 


WHAT  IS  IN  A NAME? 


99 


of  the  betrothal.  After  their  birth,  should  the  children  prove 
to  be  a boy  and  a girl,  a gobetween  is  employed,  and  the  be- 
trothal papers  are  made  out  and  exchanged  in  the  usual  way. 

Males  and  females  of  the  same  family  surname  never  inter- 
marry in  China.  Cousins  who  have  not  the  same  ancestral 
names  may  intermarry  — that  is,  children  of  sisters,  or  of  a 
brother  and  of  a sister,  but  not  children  of  brothers.  The 
Chinese  say  that  marriages  among  those  of  the  same  ancestral 
name  would  “ confound  the  human  relations,”  just  as  though 
incest  had  any  thing  to  do  with  the  names  of  individuals,  and 
not  the  degree  or  nearness  of  blood  relationship.  No  matter 
how  remote  the  relation  between  parties  having  the  same  an- 
cestral name,  and  no  matter  if  they  be  from  distant  provinces, 
and  their  ancestors  have  not  known  each  other  for  hundreds 
or  even  thousands  of  years,  they  may  not  marry.  This  fact 
relating  to  the  Chinese  might  be  adduced  to  aid  in  giving  an 
answer  to  the  question,  “ What  is  in  a name  P”  The  same 
principle  carried  out  at  the  West  would  result  in  different 
families  of  “ Smiths”  never  intermarrying,  however  remote 
their  blood  relationship  might  be. 

It  not  unfrequently  occurs  that  a rich  family,  having  only 
one  daughter  and  no  boys,  desires  to  obtain  a son-in-law  Avlio 
shall  be  willing  to  marry  the  girl  and  live  in  the  family  as  son. 
Sometimes  a notice  is  seen  posted  up,  stating  the  desire  of  a 
certain  man  to  find  a son-in-law  and  heir  who  will  come  and 
live  with  him,  perhaps  stating  the  age  and  qualifications  of  an 
acceptable  person.  In  such  a case,  the  parents  of  those  who 
have  a son  whose  qualifications  might  warrant  such  an  appli- 
cation, and  whom  they  would  be  willing  to  allow  to  marry  on 
such  terms,  are  expected  to  make  application  by  a gobetween, 
when  the  matter  would  be  considered  by  the  rich  man.  Some- 
times the  rich  man  makes  application  by  a gobetween  to  the 
parents  of  a young  man  whose  reputation  he  is  pleased  with, 
and  who  perhaps  may  be  a recent  graduate,  his  name  standing- 
near  the  head  of  the  list  of  successful  competitors  of  the  first 
or  second  literary  degree.  Occasionally  such  graduates,  if  un- 
engaged and  unmarried,  cause  a notice  of  the  fact  of  their  be- 
ing-unengaged in  marriage  and  their  place  of  residence  to  be 
pasted  up  directly  under  their  names,  as  they  appear  on  the 
list  when  placarded  in  public,  just  after  the  successful  compet- 


100 


BETROTHAL  AND  MARRIAGE. 


itors  have  been  fixed  upon  by  the  examining  officials.  The  ob- 
ject of  thus  publishing  the  fact  is  to  afford  an  opportunity  for 
those  rich  families  who  have  unmarried  and  unengaged  daugh- 
ters to  select  them  for  their  sons-in-law,  hoping  to  receive  a 
large  sum  of  money  besides  a wife.  He  who  agrees  to  go  and 
live  with  his  father-in-law,  sometimes  agrees  also,  at  the  time 
of  marriage,  to  take  the  ancestral  name  of  his  father-in-law,  and 
regard  himself  as  his  son.  Only  a poor  family  will  allow  a 
talented  and  literary  son  to  ignore  his  own  family  name  in  this 
way.  On  the  day  of  marriage  he  is  carried  in  a black  sedan, 
decked  off  with  some  pieces  of  scarlet  silk  on  the  outside,  to 
the  residence  of  his  father-in-law,  where  he  and  his  bride  per- 
form the  worship  of  “ heaven  and  earth,”  of  the  ancestral  tab- 
lets of  her  family,  etc.,  in  accordance  with  the  established  cus- 
toms relating  to  wedding  occasions.  While,  perhaps,  there  is 
not  any  disgrace  in  obtaining  a wife  in  this  way,  and  becom- 
ing the  heir  of  a rich  family  at  the  loss  of  one’s  ancestral  name, 
the  opportunity  is  not  coveted  as  much  as  the  opportunity  of 
obtaining  a wife  and  a valuable  present  in  money  from  a rich 
man  with  the  privilege  of  retaining  one’s  own  ancestral  name. 
Some  wealthy  men  are  glad  to  bestow  one  of  their  daughters, 
and  a valuable  dowry  besides,  on  graduates,  for  the  honor  of 
having  a literary  son-in-law  who  has  the  prospect  of  becoming 
a mandarin. 

Widows  are  obliged  by  custom  to  wear  a white,  black,  or 
blue  skirt,  when  they  wear  any  skirt  at  all.  They  are  not  al- 
lowed to  dress  in  a red  and  gaudy  skirt,  as  though  they  were 
married  and  their  husbands  were  living.  Hence  the  expres- 
sion, “ marrying  the  wearer  of  a white  skirt  f applied  to  a man 
who  marries  a widow.  Poor  families  sometimes  arrange  to 
marry  one  of  their  sons  to  a widow,  when  they  feel  themselves 
unable  to  procure  a girl  of  good  character  on  account  of  the 
necessary  expense  incurred  in  such  a case.  The  expense  at- 
tendant on  marrying  a widow  is  comparatively  small.  It  is 
considered  a disgrace  to  a family  for  one  of  its  sons  to  marry 
a widow,  no  matter  how  intelligent,  interesting,  and  handsome 
she  may  be,  as  well  as  a disgraceful  or  shameful  step  on  the 
part  of  the  widow  to  consent  to  marry  again.  Ho  rich  and 
fashionable  family  ever  marries  a son  to  a widow.  A widow 
is  not  allowed  to  ride  in  a red  bridal  chair  en  route  from  her 


MARRYING,  WHILE  IN  MOURNING,  UNLAWFUL.  101 

residence  to  the  residence  of  her  intended  husband.  She  must 
employ  a common  black-covered  chair,  borne  by  two  men. 
Many  families,  which  have  a widow  connected  with  them,  are 
exceedingly  unwilling  that  she  should  marry  again  on  account 
of  the  dishonor  which  such  a procedure  would  bring  upon 
them,  and  especially  upon  the  memory  of  her  deceased  hus- 
band. Generally  his  relatives,  if  in  good  circumstances,  prefer 
to  assist  in  her  support,  or  support  her  entirely,  than  that  she 
should  marry  the  second  time.  Sometimes,  however,  when 
they  are  unkind  to  her,  she  tries  to  marry  clandestinely,  if  she 
is  assured  they  will  not  give  their  consent  and  assistance  in 
finding  her  a second  husband.  A case  occurred  in  this  city  in 
the  fall  of  1861,  when  a widow,  who  was  not  kindly  treated  by 
her  husband’s  family,  by  practicing  deceit  succeeded  in  en- 
gaging herself  to  a man  without  their  knowledge,  by  the  means 
of  a gobetween.  It  was  arranged  that  she  should  start  from 
the  gobetween’s  house.  She  was  on  the  point  of  starting  for 
her  intended’s  house,  when  her  deceased  husband’s  friends, 
having  ascertained  the  facts,  came  in  time  to  prevent  her  sec- 
ond marriage,  after  a spirited  struggle  with  the  friends  of  the 
man  to  whom  she  had  clandestinely  engaged  herself.  This 
engagement  was  regarded  as  improper  and  unlawful,  because 
the  elders  of  her  deceased  husband’s  family  were  not  cogni- 
zant of  it  nor  a party  to  it. 

For  a person  to  enter  the  married  state  under  three  years, 
or,  more  correctly  speaking,  under  twenty-seven  months,  sub- 
sequent to  the  death  of  one  of  his  or  her  parents,  is  contrary 
to  the  law  of  the  empire.  Still,  in  point  of  fact,  some  marry 
inside  of  a hundred  days  after  the  death  of  a parent,  in  case 
that  there  is  an  urgent  need  of  the  services  of  a female  in  the 
family.  Custom , which  in  China  is  oftentimes  more  carefully 
followed  than  the  letter  of  the  law,  now  allows  in  this  place 
such  marrying  in  the  case  of  the  common  people,  although 
the  law,  strictly  interpreted,  forbids  it.  Such  a marriage  in 
an  officer’s  family  would  not  be  tolerated.  No  one  prosecutes 
if  the  common  people  marry  within  a hundred  days  after  the 
death  of  one  of  the  parents  of  the  parties.  The  badges  of 
mourning,  which  would  otherwise  be  worn  by  the  family,  are 
left  off  for  several  days  subsequent  to  the  wedding-day,  dur- 
ing the  festivities,  after  which  they  are  resumed  and  worn  for 
the  prescribed  period. 


102 


BETROTHAL  AND  MARRIAGE. 


Oftentimes,  when  the  girl  dies  before  the  wedding-day  ar- 
rives, especially  if  nearly  or  quite  of  marriageable  age,  a cus- 
tom called  “ asking  for  her  shoes”  is  observed.  Her  affianced 
husband  goes  in  person  to  the  residence  of  her  parents,  and  with 
weeping  approaches  the  coffin  which  contains  her  corpse.  He 
soon  after  demands  a pair  of  the  shoes  which  she  has  recently 
worn.  These  he  carries  home,  having  three  lighted  sticks  of 
incense  in  his  hands,  as  he  walks  or  is  borne  through  the  streets. 
At  the  corners  of  the  streets,  en  route  to  his  residence,  should 
there  be  any,  he  calls  out  her  name,  and  invites  her  to  follow. 
On  arriving  at  his  own  home  he  informs  her  of  the  fact.  The 
incense  he  brought  with  him  he  puts  in  a censer.  He  arranges 
a table  in  a convenient  room,  and  places  behind  it  a chair.  The 
shoes  of  the  deceased  girl  are  placed  on  the  chair,  or  under  it. 
The  censer  containing  the  incense  brought  from  her  parents’ 
residence  is  placed  upon  the  table,  together  with  a pair  of 
lighted  candles.  Here  he  causes  incense  to  be  burned  for  two 
years,  when  a tablet  to  her  memory  is  placed  in  the  niche  con- 
taining the  ancestral  tablets  of  his  family.  By  all  this  he  ac- 
knowledges her  as  his  wife.  Should  he  not  take  this  course, 
on  the  death  of  the  girl  whom  he  expected  to  marry,  her  par- 
ents and  family  friends  would  be  displeased. 

When  a girl  has  been  betrothed,  but  her  affianced  dies  be- 
fore their  marriage,  the  term  “ broken  thread ” is  used  in 
speaking  of  the  matter,  just  as  though  the  feet  of  the  parties 
had  been  tied  together  by  a thread,  which  had  become  broken. 
Such  language  refers  to  the  popular  story  already  related  con- 
cerning the  fated  betrothment  of  parties  in  marriage.  Her 
parents  often  endeavor  to  keep  the  fact  of  the  death  of  her  be- 
trothed from  coming  to  her  knowledge.  They  are  generally 
very  anxious  to  engage  her  as  soon  as  convenient  to  another 
person,  concealing  the  circumstance  of  her  former  betrothal, 
if  possible,  from  the  family  among  whose  sons  they  hope  to 
find  a husband  for  her.  Should  it  become  known,  many  fami- 
lies would  decline  to  engage  one  of  their  boys  to  her,  the 
death  of  her  betrothed  being  regarded  as  an  inauspicious 
event.  Some  families,  however,  would  not  strongly  object  to 
engaging  a son  to  her,  though  they  might  expect  to  obtain 
her  for  a daughter-in-law  on  more  favorable  terms  than  they 
would  a girl  of  the  same  age  who  had  never  been  engaged. 


BRIDAL  PROCESSION  IN  MOURNING. 


103 


It  oftentimes  occurs  that  the  parents  do  not  succeed  in 
keeping  from  their  daughter  a knowledge  of  the  fact  that  her 
affianced  husband  has  died.  Most  girls,  in  such  a case,  are 
quite  willing  to  be  engaged  in  marriage  to  another  person, 
and  therefore  make  no  opposition  or  trouble ; but  some  stead- 
fastly oppose  any  rebetrothal,  and  demand  to  be  permitted  to 
go  over  to  the  family  of  her  affianced  husband’s  parents,  and 
live  with  them  as  his  widow.  If  she  can  not  be  persuaded  to 
desist  from  this  plan,  the  families  concerned  are  obliged  to 
make  the  necessary  preparations,  providing  furniture  and 
clothing  as  though  her  husband  was  living.  When  every 
thing  is  ready,  the  procession  of  men,  carrying  her  outfit  of 
furniture,  etc.,  proceeds  through  the  streets  to  the  residence 
of  the  deceased.  The  furniture,  however,  must  have  white 
strips  of  paper  pasted  on  it,  or  it  must  be  bound  around  with 
pieces  of  white  cloth.  The  bridal  procession  is  also  different 
from  what  it  would  have  been  had  her  affianced  been  living. 
Though  she  is  preceded  by  a band  of  music,  and  by  men  bear- 
ing lanterns,  and  though  she  is  dressed  in  red  clothing,  she 
may  not  ride  in  a red  bridal  chair  with  four  bearers,  but  in  a 
common  black  or  blue  sedan.  On  arriving  at  the  house  where 
the  parents  of  her  betrothed  reside,  she  proceeds  to  worship 
heaven  and  earth,  and  the  ancestral  tablets  of  his  family.  She 
then  puts  on  mourning  apparel,  and  goes  to  the  side  of  his 
coffin,  where  she  weeps  and  laments.  Afterward,  for  the  cus- 
tomary period,  she  performs  the  usual  ceremonies  connected 
with  mourning  for  a deceased  husband  on  the  part  of  a duti- 
ful wife,  and  continues  to  live  in  the  family,  secluding  herself 
from  her  friends  and  from  the  public,  waiting  on  his  parents 
as  their  daughter-in-law  until  her  own  death.  Such  is  the 
theory.  Few,  it  is  said,  carry  it  out  nowadays  in  all  its 
strictness.  For  a girl  to  adopt  the  resolution  to  live  as  a 
widow  in  the  family  of  her  affianced  husband  is  not  desired 
by  either  family  concerned.  It  is  particularly  undesirable  to 
the  parents  of  her  betrothed,  on  account  of  the  trouble  it 
makes  them,  and  also  on  account  of  the  anxiety  they  constant- 
ly suffer  lest  she  should  not  continue  steadfast  in  her  purpose. 
Should  she  change  her  mind,  and  not  live  up  to  her  original 
intention,  after  having  taken  the  preliminary  steps,  she  would 
bring  much  shame  and  dishonor  on  them.  It  would  also  be  a 


104 


BETROTHAL  AND  MARRIAGE. 


source  of  great  mortification  to  her  own  family  and  friends 
should  she  afterward  desire  to  marry,  or  become  wearied  with 
her  secluded  life.  Should  she,  however,  live  a life  of  chastity 
and  of  filial  obedience  to  her  parents-in-law,  and  die  at  an  ad- 
vanced age  with  an  unsullied  reputation,  it  would  reflect  great 
honor  on  herself  and  the  families  most  intimately  concerned. 
She  would  be  sure  of  having  an  honorary  portal  erected  to 
her  memory,  by  especial  permission  of  the  emperor,  and  in 
part  at  his  expense,  should  her  virtue  aud  her  filial  piety  be 
represented  to  him  by  the  proper  mandarins. 

Among  the  poor  the  fulfillment  of  the  marriage  contract  is 
frequently  delayed  longer  than  is  agreeable  to  one  of  the  fam- 
ilies interested.  In  such  a case,  this  family  send  a gobetween 
and  a trusty  friend  to  urge  the  dilatory  party  to  agree  to  the 
selection  of  a lucky  day  for  the  wedding.  Sometimes  delay  is 
excused  on  the  ground  of  inability  to  raise  the  needed  amount 
of  ready  money  to  defray  the  extra  expenses.  When  such  a 
reason  is  given  on  the  part  of  the  family  of  the  affianced  girl, 
it  is  oftentimes  only  a pretense  for  obtaining  a larger  sum  of 
money  from  the  other  family  than  would  be  given  unless  de- 
lay after  delay  was  made.  In  case  that  one  party  is  poor  and 
the  other  wealthy,  such  an  excuse,  if  given  by  the  poor  party, 
in  reply  to  those  who  are  deputed  by  the  wealthy  party,  very 
frequently  results  in  the  sending  of  a considerable  additional 
present  of  money  to  hasten  the  marriage. 

Sometimes,  when  every  other  recourse  is  exhausted,  and  the 
family  of  the  groom  come  to  the  conclusion  that  the  other  fam- 
ily have  no  good  excuse  for  delaying  the  marriage,  the  expe- 
dient of  stealing  aicay  the  affianced  girl  from  her  parents' 
residence , and  carrying  her  to  the  residence  of  the  other  par- 
ty, is  adopted  as  an  effectual  way  of  settling  the  question.  It 
is  necessary,  in  stealing  away  the  girl,  that  her  betrothed  hus- 
band should  go  in  person  and  do  it.  Ho  provides  a common 
black  sedan,  and  has  it  ready  near  the  house  where  the  girl 
resides,  or  is  expected  to  pass  along,  or  is  visiting.  He  takes 
along  with  him  a party  of  relatives  or  trusty  friends  to  aid 
him,  if  help  is  needed.  Some  one  of  the  company  carries 
along  a common  bed-blanket.  On  finding  the  girl,  she  is 
seized  by  her  betrothed,  and  the  blanket  thrown  over  her 
head.  She  is  taken  to  the  sedan  in  waiting,  placed  inside, 


KIDNAPPING  HIS  AFFIANCED  BRIDE. 


105 


find  carried  off  directly  to  his  home.  JEn  route  he  places  him- 
self directly  before  the  door  of  the  sedan,  and  his  friends  fol- 
low near  by.  No  one  dares  interfere  or  hinder  in  any  way 
the  affianced  husband  and  his  party  in  thus  kidnapping  and 
carrying  off  his  betrothed  wife,  except  her  parents  and  broth- 
ers, and  they  seldom  make  any  determined  resistance.  This 
intended  course  on  the  part  of  him  who  has  a right  to  her,  if 
it  should  become  known  to  her  relatives,  oftentimes  brings 
them  immediately  to  terms,  and  they  agree  to  allow  the  de- 
parture of  the  bride  in  the  usual  reputable  way,  seated  in  a 
red  bridal  sedan,  and  preceded  by  a band  of  music,  etc. 

When  the  girl  is  kidnapped,  and  carried  to  her  betrothed 
husband’s  home,  the  ceremonies  usual  on  wedding  occasions 
are  observed  there  on  her  arrival,  as  nearly  as  the  circum- 
stances of  the  case  admit.  Should  the  kidnapping  party  make 
a mistake,  and  seize  another  girl  and  carry  her  off,  the  leader 
would  be  liable  to  prosecution  before  the  magistrate,  and  to 
suffer  heavily  for  his  blunder.  Such  a mistake  does  occasion- 
ally occur,  mainly  owing  to  the  fact  that  the  features  of  the 
affianced  bride  are  unknown  to  any  member  of  the  other 
party. 

A case  occurred  in  this  city  not  long  since,  when  the  bride- 
groom endeavored  to  gain  possession  of  his  bride  by  kidnap- 
ping her.  But  it  happened  that  the  girl  was  not  at  home 
when  the  kidnapping  party  arrived,  and  she  could  not  be 
found.  In  this  case,  the  family  to  which  he  belonged  had  be- 
come very  poor  since  the  betrothment ; when  the  parties  were 
betrothed  both  families  were  rich.  It  seemed  very  hard  to 
the  parents  of  the  girl  that  she  should  marry  a poor  man,  and 
have  they  delayed,  under  various  pretenses,  the  fixing  of  a for- 
tunate day  for  the  wedding,  and  endeavored  to  have  the  en- 
gagement canceled,  and  the  betrothal  papers  belonging  to  the 
families  exchanged;  but  when  they  saw  by  the  effort  to  kid- 
nap and  carry  her  off  that  the  bridegroom  was  unwilling  to 
give  her  up,  and  that  there  was  danger  of  the  affair  becoming 
known  to  the  magistrate,  they  consented  to  her  marriage  in 
the  usual  way. 

When  a marriage  contract  is  broken  up  by  the  consent  of 
both  parties,  a writing  is  sometimes  given  by  the  affianced  hus- 
band to  the  other  family,  called  a “ retirement  from  the  mar- 

E 2 


106 


BETROTHAL  AND  MARRIAGE. 


riage ,”  and  the  original  documents  relating  to  betrothal  in  the 
possession  of  the  parties  are  exchanged.  The  marriage  con- 
tract is  comparatively  seldom  canceled.  Generally  it  is  done, 
if  done  at  all,  on  the  girl  giving  what  is  considered  good  rea- 
son for  the  step.  Poverty,  or  illness,  or  ugliness  are  never  re- 
garded as  good  reasons.  But  a reputation  for  lewd  habits,  on 
her  part,  seems  to  justify  the  giving  up  of  the  match  by  the 
family  of  her  affianced  husband,  although  the  same  character 
on  his  part  is  not  considered  a sufficient  reason  for  demanding 
a release  from  the  marriage  contract  by  the  parents  of  the  girl. 
Immorality  on  his  part  is  not  taken  into  the  account,  but  her 
character  must  be  above  suspicion.  If  one  party  becomes  lep- 
rous before  marriage,  or  is  greatly  physically  deformed,  or  is 
a notorious  thief,  the  other  party  may  demand  a release  from 
the  engagement.  Generally  the  party  which  insists,  even  for 
good  reasons,  for  such  a release,  has  to  pay  a comparatively 
large  bonus  in  order  to  get  it  from  the  other  party.  The  rich- 
er the  party,  the  greater  the  sum  demanded.  Sometimes  sim- 
ply the  exchange  of  the  copies  of  the  marriage  contract  is 
made.  This  is  regarded  usually  as  all  that  is  absolutely  nec- 
essary to  release  the  parties,  as  the  contract  in  writing  given 
by  each  party  to  the  other  at  the  time  of  betrothal  is  the  main 
legal  proof  of  engagement.  It  is  considered  disgraceful  either 
to  give  or  to  receive  a written  release. 

There  are  seven  considerations  which  will  justify  a husband 
in  giving  a bill  of  divorcement  after  marriage  and  putting 
away  his  wife,  according  to  the  ancient  standards.  There 
does  not  seem  to  be  any  valid  ground,  according  to  Chinese 
views  and  customs,  why  a wife,  or  her  friends  in  her  behalf, 
should  demand  a separation  from  him.  The  power  is  all  in  his 
hands.  Should  she  desire  to  get  a bill  of  divorcement  from 
him,  because  he  treats  her  unkindly,  or  because  he  is  a thief  or 
an  adulterer,  the  attempt  would  be  in  vain.  There  does  not 
appear  to  be  any  lawful  reason  to  justify  a wife  in  leaving  her 
husband.  The  idea  of  a wife  divorcing  her  husband  for  adul- 
tery, or  for  any  reason  whatever,  is  one  which  excites  a smile, 
as  absurd  and  preposterous,  whenever  mentioned  to  the  Chi- 
nese. Duty  with  her  is  simply  and  solely  to  follow  her  hus- 
band, submit  to  his  caprices,  and  the  domination  of  his  par- 
ents, until  death  releases  her,  or  she  is  sold  by  him,  or  divorced 


MARRYING  THE  WIFE  OF  A LIVING  MAN.  107 


for  some  of  the  seven  reasons  which  justify  a divorcement. 
These  are : 1.  TJnfilial  conduct  (toward  the  parents  of  her  hus- 
band). 2.  Adultery.  3.  Jealousy.  4.  Loquacity.  5.  Theft.  6. 
Virulent  disease  (as  leprosy).  1.  Barrenness.  It  is  said  that 
at  the  present  time  the  last  two  reasons  are  not  regarded  among 
educated  men  as  sufficient  grounds  for  a divorce.  There  are 
three  things,  any  one  of  which,  except  in  the  most  aggravated 
cases,  will  prevent,  according  to  theory,  a divorce  of  the  wife 
by  her  husband.  These  are,  first,  if  she  has  lived  with  him, 
and  served  his  father  and  his  mother  until  they  are  both  dead ; 
second,  if  he  has  become  rich  and  honored  with  office  under 
the  government  since  their  marriage,  at  the  time  of  marriage 
he  being  poor  and  not  in  the  enjoyment  of  official  trust ; third, 
if  she  has  no  home  to  which  she  can  go,  her  parents  and  broth- 
ers being  dead. 

It  is  not  necessary  for  the  husband,  in  giving  a bill  of  di- 
vorcement to  his  wife,  to  do  it  in  the  presence  of  an  officer  of 
the  government,  as  witness,  in  order  to  make  it  legal.  He 
does  it  on  his  own  authority  and  in  his  own  name.  It  is  often 
written  in  the  presence  of  her  parents  and  in  their  house. 
Very  few  divorces  occur  in  China. 

Very  poor  families  are  frequently  unable  to  find  reputable 
girls  who  are  willing  to  marry  their  sons;  and  sometimes 
they  are  quite  unable  to  be  at  the  expense  of  buying  a wife, 
and  of  marrying  her  according  to  the  established  customs. 
They  therefore  sometimes  plan  to  purchase  the  wife  of  a liv- 
ing man , who  may  desire,  for  some  reason  which,  to  his  mind, 
is  a justification  for  the  act,  to  sell  her.  The  price  paid  for 
such  a wife  is  much  less  than  it  would  be  necessary  to  pay  for 
a girl,  or  for  a female  slave ; and  the  expense  of  the  marriage 
festivities  would  also  be  much  less  than  in  case  of  marrying  a 
reputable  girl.  The  purchaser  of  a living  man’s  wife  must  re- 
ceive from  him  a bill  of  sale,  stating  that  she  is  sold  by  him  to 
be  the  wife  of  the  buyer.  The  woman  must  be  willing  to  be 
thus  disposed  of.  She  is  conveyed  in  a common  black  sedan 
to  her  purchaser’s  residence,  where  she  and  he  worship  heaven 
and  earth,  and  the  ancestral  tablets  of  his  family,  and  each 
other,  in  much  the  usual  manner  as  on  other  wedding  occa- 
sions, and  his  friends  and  relatives  are  invited  to  a feast.  The 
custom  of  marrying  the  wife  of  a living  man  is  not  very 


108 


BETROTHAL  AND  MARRIAGE. 


common.  It  is  clone  oftener  in  country  places  than  in  cities. 
What  a state  of  society  which  will  tolerate  such  a custom ! 

Rich  married  men  have  often  one  or  more  concubines  living 
in  their  families.  Doubtless  many  a man  who  is  childless 
marries  a second  or  inferior  wife,  with  the  consent  and  appro- 
bation of  his  first  or  principal  wife,  and  while  she  is  living, 
who  would  not  have  taken  such  a step  in  other  circumstances. 
The  desire  of  having  male  children  to  perpetuate  one’s  name, 
and  to  burn  incense  before  one’s  tablet  after  death,  has  an  im- 
mense influence  over  the  mind  of  the  Chinese.  Generally 
speaking,  only  female  slaves  are  willing  to  become  a second 
or  inferior  wife  in  the  family  of  a man  whose  principal  or  first 
wife  is  living;  respectable  families  are  adverse  to  allowing 
their  daughters  to  form  such  connections.  The  inferior  wife 
must  submit  to  the  principal  wife,  and  obey  her  as  her  mis- 
tress, and  must  kneel  down  before  her,  and  worship  her,  on 
arriving  at  her  future  home.  She  does  not  worship  heaven 
and  earth,  together  with  her  husband,  on  the  morning  of  her 
marriage,  as  is  invariably  the  custom  on  the  part  of  the  prin- 
cipal wife,  but  she  is  required  to  worship  the  ancestral  tablets 
of  the  family. 

Two  singular  customs  which  relate  particularly  to  widows 
who  do  not  marry  again  will  be  now  described. 

Some  widows,  on  the  death  of  their  husbands,  resolve  not 
to  survive  them,  and  proceed  to  take  their  own  lives.  Chi- 
nese sutteeism  differs  from  India  sutteeism  in  that  it  is  never 
performed  by  burning.  The  manner  of  doing  it  is  various. 
Some  take  opium,  and  lie  down  and  die  by  the  side  of  the 
corpse  of  their  husband.  Others  commit  suicide  by  starving 
themselves  to  death,  or  by  drowning  themselves,  or  by  taking 
poison.  Another  method  sometimes  practiced  in  this  place  is 
by  hanging  themselves  in  public,  near  or  in  their  own  houses, 
having  given  notice  to  that  effect,  so  that  those  who  desire 
may  be  present  and  behold  the  act. 

The  real  reasons  which  induce  some  widows  to  practice 
sutteeism  are  various.  Some,  doubtless,  are  moved  in  a great 
degree  to  do  it  by  a devoted  attachment  to  the  dead  ; others 
by  the  extreme  poverty  of  their  families,  and  the  difficulty  of 
earning  an  honest  and  respectable  living;  others  by  the  fact 
or  the  prospect  of  unkind  treatment  on  the  part  of  their  hus- 


CHINESE  SUTTEEISM  BY  HANGING. 


109 


band’s  relatives.  Occasionally,  when  poor,  the  brothers  of 
her  deceased  husband  advise  or  insist  that  the  young  widow 
shall  marry  again.  In  one  of  the  cases  which  occurred  here 
about  a year  ago,  the  inciting  cause  why  the  young  widow 
decided  to  kill  herself  by  public  hanging  was  that  a brother- 
in-law  insisted  that  she  should  marry  a second  husband.  On 
her  refusing  to  do  it,  he  insinuated  that  the  only  way  for  her 
to  gain  a livelihood,  in  the  indigent  circumstances  of  the  fam- 
ily, was  by  her’ becoming  a prostitute.  This  unkindness  mad- 
dened her,  and  she  resolved  to  commit  suicide.  She  appoint- 
ed a certain  time  for  its  accomplishment.  On  the  morning 
of  the  day  appointed  she  visited  a certain  temple,  erected  to 
hold  the  tablets  and  perpetuate  the  memory  of  “ virtuous  and 
filial”  widows,  and  located  near  the  south  gate  of  the  city. 
She  was  borne  to  and  fro  through  the  streets,  seated  in  a se- 
dan carried  by  four  men,  dressed  in  gaudy  clothing,  and  hold- 
ing in  her  hand  a bouquet  of  fresh  flowers.  After  burning  in- 
cense and  candles  before  the  tablets  in  this  temple,  accompa- 
nied with  the  usual  kneelings  and  bowings,  she  returned  home, 
and  in  the  afternoon  took  her  life,  in  the  presence  of  an  im- 
mense crowd  of  spectators.  On  such  occasions  it  is  the  prac- 
tice to  have  a platform  erected  in  the  house  of  the  widow,  or 
in  the  street  before  it.  At  the  appointed  time  she  ascends  the 
platform,  and  sprinkles  some  water  around  on  the  four  sides 
of  it.  She  then  scatters  several  kinds  of  grain  around  in  the 
different  directions.  These  are  done  as  omens  of  plenty  and 
of  prosperity  in  her  family.  After  being  seated  in  a chair  on 
the  platform,  she  is  generally  approached  by  her  own  broth- 
ers, and  by  her  husband’s  brothers,  who  worship  her.  This  is 
oftentimes  accompanied  by  the  offering  to  her  of  tea  or  of 
wine.  When  every  thing  is  ready,  she  steps  upon  a stool,  and, 
taking  hold  of  the  rope,  which  is  securely  fastened  to  a high 
portion  of  the  platform  or  the  roof  of  the  house,  adjusts  it 
about  her  own  neck.  She  then  kicks  the  stool  away  from 
under  her,  and  thus  becomes  her  own  murderer. 

Formerly  certain  officers  of  government,  if  the  current  re- 
port is  trustworthy,  used  to  sanction  the  self-destruction  of 
widows,  not  only  by  their  presence  on  the  occasion,  but  also 
by  their  taking  a part  in  the  worship.  Once,  it  is  related,  a 
woman,  after  the  honors  had  been  paid  to  her,  instead  of 


110 


BETROTHAL  AND  MARRIAGE. 


mounting  the  stool,  and  adjusting  the  rope  about  her  neck, 
and  hanging  herself,  according  to  the  understanding,  suddenly 
recollected  that  she  had  forgotten  to  feed  her  hogs,  and  has- 
tened away,  promising  to  be  back  shortly,  which  promise  she 
omitted  to  keep.  Since  that  hoax  no  mandarin  has  been  pres- 
ent at  a suttee  at  this  place.  A public  suicide  by  a widow  al- 
ways attracts  a large  crowd  of  spectators.  Public  sentiment 
encourages  the  practice  enough  to  make  it  considered  honor- 
able and  meritorious,  though  not  to  make  it  a very  frequent 
occurrence.  The  brothers  and  near  relatives  of  a widow  who 
thus  immolates  herself  soon  after  the  decease  of  her  husband 
regard  it  as  an  honor  to  the  family,  and  not  unfrequently  feel 
gratified  in  having  themselves  referred  to  as  her  brothers  or 
relatives. 

Sometimes  a girl  who  has  been  betrothed  to  a man  who 
dies  before  the  marriage-day  resolves  to  take  her  own  life  by 
public  hanging,  in  view  of  his  death,  rather  than  be  engaged 
again  in  marriage,  or  live  unmarried.  If  she  can  not  be  per- 
suaded to  take  a different  course,  she  is  allowed  to  appoint  a 
day  for  her  suicide,  visits  the  temple  referred  to  above,  if  not 
too  far  distant,  mounts  the  platform  provided  at  the  house  of 
her  affianced  husband,  and  launches  herself  into  eternity,  in 
much  the  same  manner  as  do  those  widows  who  resolve  not 
to  survive  the  loss  of  their  husbands.  The  coffin  of  the  girl, 
in  such  cases,  is  interred  by  the  side  of  the  coffin  of  her  be- 
trothed, and  at  the  same  time. 

The  widows  and  the  girls  who  take  their  lives  as  above  de- 
scribed may  have  their  names  recorded  on  the  large  general 
tablets  erected  in  the  temple  which  they  visit  before  they 
commit  suicide,  or  they  may  have  a separate  tablet,  made  in 
the  usual  shape,  but  as  costly  as  they  please  to  make  it,  placed 
among  the  other  tablets  at  the  temple,  on  the  payment  of  a 
sum  of  money  for  the  current  expenses  of  the  institution,  or 
as  a present  to  its  keepers  or  managers.  The  sum  demanded 
is  graduated  by  the  social  standing  or  the  wealth  of  the  fami- 
ly of  the  person  whose  memory  the  tablet  is  designed  to  com- 
memorate. Incense  and  candles  are  burned  in  this  temple  on 
the  first  and  the  fifteenth  of  each  Chinese  month,  in  honor  of 
these  “virtuous  and  filial”  w omen,  by  some  of  the  gentry  of 
the  city  ; and  it  is  the  official  duty  of  certain  mandarins,  either 


PORTALS  IN  HONOR  OF  VIRTUOUS  WIDOWS.  Ill 


in  person  or  by  deputy,  to  offer  oblations  at  this  temple  in  the 
spring  and  autumn  of  each  year. 

Honorary  tablets  or  portals  are  sometimes  erected  to  the 
memory  of  virtuous  widows  who  have  obeyed  with  filial  devo- 
tion the  parents  of  their  husbands.  The  tablets  are  made  out 
of  fine  black  stone  or  of  common  granite,  and  are  generally 
erected  by  the  side  of  a public  street.  They  consist  generally 
of  four  posts  of  stone,  more  or  less  elaborately  carved,  fifteen 
or  twenty  feet  high,  with  several  horizontal  cross-pieces,  also 
of  stone.  Inscriptions  are  sometimes  graven  upon  the  upright 


HONORARY  STONE  PORTAL  TO  THE  MEMORY  OF  VIRTUOUS  AND  FILIAL  WIDOWS. 

and  cross  pieces  in  praise  of  chastity  and  filial  piety.  Near 
the  top  of  the  tablet  are  always  found  two  Chinese  characters, 
denoting  that  it  is  erected  by  “imperial  permission.”  Such 
portals  cost  from  a few  tens  of  dollars  to  several  hundred,  ac- 
cording to  their  size,  material,  and  finish.  The  chaste  and 
filial  widow,  after  arriving  at  fifty  years  of  age,  while  living, 
may  have  a tablet  erected  in  her  honor,  provided  she  has  in- 
fluential and  wealthy  friends.  After  making  the  necessary 
application  to  the  emperor,  through  the  proper  mandarins,  and 
after  obtaining  his  special  consent,  a small  sum  of  money  ac- 
companies the  permission  of  the  emperor,  paid  out  of  the  im- 
perial treasury,  to  aid  in  the  expense  of  erecting  the  tablet. 


112 


BETROTHAL  AND  MARRIAGE. 


Her  friends  and  relatives  are  expected  to  supply  what  is  need- 
ed for  its  erection,  over  and  above  the  donation  from  the  em- 
peror. When  completed,  some  mandarin  of  low  rauk  goes  to 
worship  before  it ; and,  if  finished  during  the  lifetime  of  the 
widow  whose  memory  and  example  it  is  designed  to  com- 
memorate, it  is  customary  for  her  to  go  and  worship  it.  The 
widows  and  the  chaste  unmarried  girls  who  commit  sutteeism 
by  suicide  on  the  death  of  their  husbands  or  their  affianced 
husbands  are  also  entitled,  in  accordance  with  the  customs  of 
the  country,  to  an  honorary  tablet,  if  they  have  friends  or  re- 
lations who  are  willing  and  able  to  procure  the  imperial  sanc- 
tion, and  to  supplement  the  imperial  present  with  the  neces- 
sary amount  of  money  to  build  it.  In  fact,  however,  few  who 
are  entitled  to  a tablet  do  have  one  erected  to  their  memory. 

After  a description  of  customs,  not  simply  ridiculous  and 
nonsensical,  but  manifestly  injurious  to  society,  as  well  as  su- 
perstitious and  sinful,  I feel  very  often  like  making  some  im- 
provement or  reflections.  I am  sure,  however,  that  at  the  end 
of  this  chapter  it  is  quite  unnecessary  for  me  to  take  up  time 
and  space  in  doing  so ; for  if  the  careful  reader  has  not  had 
his  attention  arrested  and  his  indignation  aroused  while  read- 
ing an  account  of  some  of  these  customs,  it  would  be  useless 
for  me  to  attempt  to  say  any  thing  now,  designed  to  point  out 
their  horrible  character  and  their  pernicious  influence. 


ADOPTION  VERSUS  GRAFTING. 


113 


CHAPTER  IV. 

MARRIED  LIFE  AND  CHILDREN. 

Superstitious  Customs  observed  by  Married  Women,  or  relating  to  them  ■ Adopt- 
ing a Child  versus  Grafting. — Examining  the  Flower-tree. — Changing  the 
Flower-vase. — Asking  “Mother”  for  the  loan  of  a Shoe. — Begging  a 
Flower  from  “Mother.” — Ceremony  of  the  middle  Period. — Propitiating 
certain  two  female  Demons. — Methods  of  ascertaining  the  Sex  of  unborn 
Children.  — Difficult  Labor.  — Use  of  Puppets. — Turning  around  the 
“Strait  Charm.” — Ceremony  in  case  an  apparently  lifeless  Child  is  born. 
— Singular  or  Superstitious  Customs  relating  to  Children  the  Jirst  year  of 
their  lives:  Washing  the  Child  before  image  of  “Mother.” — Binding  its 
Wrists. — Warding  off  unfavorable  Influences  into  the  Trowsers. — Thanks- 
giving to  “Mother.” — Shaving  the  Child’s  head  when  one  Month  old. — 
Child  sits  on  a Chair  when  four  Months  old. — Ceremony  of  “Grasping 
Things”  when  one  Year  old. — Singular  or  Superstitious  Customs  relating  to 
Children  after  they  are  one  Year  old:  “Burning  Paper  to  ‘Mother.’” — 
Cutting  the  Cords  of  the  Feet. — “Passing  through  the  Door.” — Letting 
the  “Peach”  grow. — Burning  mock-Money  monthly. — Worshiping  “Moth- 
er” on  her  Birthday. — Praising  the  Measure  in  the  eighth  Month. — Ori- 
gin of  the  Custom. — Worship  of  Confucius  annually  by  Teacher  and  Pu- 
pils.— Worship  of  Confucius  “on  entering  School.” — “ Going  out  of  Child- 
hood.”—Becoming  of  Age. — Prosecution  of  unfilial  Children  before  Mag- 
istrates.— Punishment  of  a Parricide. 

Superstitious  Customs  observed  by  Married  Women  or  rela- 
ting to  them. 

Married  life  in  China,  unless  attended  with  male  children, 
is  seldom  happy.  The  wife  is  exceedingly  anxious  to  present 
her  husband  with  sons,  who  will  perpetuate  his  name  and  burn 
incense  before  his  tablet  after  his  death.  In  case  of  real  or 
supposed  barrenness,  various  superstitious  expedients  are  oft- 
en resorted  to  by  her,  in  order  to  facilitate  the  conception  of 
children  ; to  ascertain  the  sex  of  an  unborn  babe ; and,  as  the 
time  approaches,  to  render  confinement  safe  and  expeditious. 

When  the  woman  has  been  married  for  a long  time,  but  re- 
mains childless,  the  following  expedient  is  sometimes  adopted. 
A girl  belonging  to  another  family  is  adopted  by  the  childless 
woman  as  her  own  child.  She  is  brought  up  in  her  family, 


114 


MARRIED  LIFE  AND  CHILDREN. 


and  professedly  treated  as  though  she  was  her  own  child. 
The  Chinese  have  the  idea  that,  in  some  way,  this  course  will 
aid  the  woman  in  the  conception  of  children.  The  train  of 
thought  is  explained  thus : The  woman  is  represented  by  a 
tree  in  the  unseen  world.  Whether  she  will  have  children  or 
not,  and  what  will  be  their  number  and  sex,  is  indicated  by 
the  condition  of  the  tree  which  represents  her,  whether  it  has 
flowers  or  not;  and  if  it  has  flowers,  what  is  their  number  and 
color.  If  the  tree  has  red  flowers,  she  will  have  girls ; if  white 
flowers,  she  will  have  boys.  If  the  flowers  be  of  different  col- 
ors, some  white  and  some  red,  she  will  have  boys  and  girls ; 
if  no  flowers  at  all,  the  poor  women  will  not  naturally  have 
any  children  at  all.  But  as,  in  this  world,  men  graft  one  tree 
by  a shoot  of  another  tree,  and  thus  have  the  desired  fruit,  the 
Chinese  have  devised  the  astute  expedient  of  adopting  a child 
into  a childless  family,  hoping  that  thus  there  will  in  due  time 
be  flowers  on  the  flowerless  tree  in  the  spirit  land,  represent- 
ing the  barren  wife ; and  if  so,  she  will  be  sure  to  have  chil- 
dren, in  consequence  of  this  wonderful  art  of  grafting. 

If  married  women  did  not  have  considerable  faith  in  the 
efficacy  of  this  method  of  rendering  a barren  wife  fruitful,  no 
family  would  be  at  the  trouble  and  expense  of  adopting  a girl, 
rearing  her,  and  marrying  her  off.  Very  poor  families  do  not 
resort  to  this  cure  of  barrenness,  on  account  of  their  poverty. 

Sometimes  the  childless  married  woman,  in  her  anxiety  to 
pry  into  the  future,  hires  a sorceress,  who  pretends  to  be  able 
to  see  into  the  other  world,  to  examine  the  flower-tree  which 
represents  hei*,  and  to  report  to  her  its  condition,  whether  it  is 
flourishing  or  whether  it  is  diseased,  what  flowers  it  has,  and 
whether  the  red  or  white  flowers  will  probably  blossom  first. 
Many  very  intelligent  and  respectable  women  believe  what  the 
sorceress  tells  them  on  this  subject,  paying  them  money  very 
readily  for  their  information. 

When,  after  a marriage  of  several  years,  no  children  are 
born  to  the  wife,  or  none  but  girls,  or  the  children  die  in  in- 
fancy, the  woman,  fearing  she  shall  never  have  any  male  chil- 
dren, or  any  that  will  live  to  mature  age,  not  unfrequently  en- 
gages a sorcerer  or  sorceress  to  perform  the  ceremony  called 
changing  the  flower-vase.  Bearing  children  is  fancied  to  have 
great  resemblance  in  some  respects  to  rearing  flowers  in  flow- 


ASKING  “MOTHER”  FOR  THE  LOAN  OF  A SHOE.  115 


er-vases : much  depends  on  the  earth  used  in  the  vases.  If  no 
child  is  born,  or  if  it  dies,  it  is  supposed  to  be  like  producing 
sickly  flowers,  the  earth  being  bad.  The  person  employed,  as 
some  explain,  is  expected  to  go  to  the  other  world,  and  change 
the  earth  in  the  vase  which  has  the  flower-tree  which  repre- 
sents the  particular  wife  in  question,  or,  as  it  is  briefly  called, 
change  her  flower-vase ; or  she  hires  some  one  to  make  a 
quantity  of  artificial  paper  flowers,  which  are  then  placed  in 
two  paper  flower-vases.  The  sorceress  or  sorcerer  first  per- 
forms certain  ceremonies  over  these  vases,  and  then  changes 
their  relative  positions.  Afterward,  the  paper  vases  and  pa- 
per flowers  are  burned.  Changing  their  relative  positions  is 
thought  to  indicate  something  like  changing  the  earth  in  the 
flower-vases  in  the  unseen  world.  The  object  of  all  this  is  to 
obtain  male  and  healthy  children. 

Every  year,  between  the  11th  and  the  15th  of  the  first  and 
of  the  eighth  Chinese  months,  several  of  the  most  popular  tem- 
ples devoted  to  the  worship  of  a goddess  of  children,  commonly 
called  “Mother ,”  are  frequented  by  married  bnt  childless  wom- 
en, for  the  purpose  of  procuring  one  of  a kind  of  shoe  belong- 
ing to  her.  They  are  not  such  as  are  worn  on  her  own  feet. 
The  shoes  sought  for  are  generally  those  which  have  been  pre- 
sented to  the  goddess  as  a thank-offering.  Those  who  come 
for  a shoe  burn  incense  and  candles  before  the  image  of 
“Mother,”  and  vow  to  render  a thanksgiving  if  she  will  aid 
them  in  bearing  a male  child.  The  shoe  is  taken  home,  and 
placed  in  the  niche  or  by  the  niche  which  holds  the  family  im- 
age of  the  goddess,  where  it  is  worshiped  in  connection  with 
“ Mother,”  though  not  separately,  on  the  1st  and  15th  of  each 
month,  with  the  burning  of  incense,  candles,  and  mock-money, 
and  fresh  flowers.  Now  this  shoe,  representing  the  goddess, 
is  believed  by  a very  large  proportion  of  married  women  to  be 
quite  efficacious  in  gaining  the  object  sought.  When  the  child 
thus  prayed  for  is  born,  should  such  a fortunate  event  take 
place,  the  happy  mother  causes,  according  to  her  vow,  two 
shoes  like  the  one  obtained  from  the  temple  to  be  made. 
These  two,  and  the  original  one,  she  returns  to  the  temple 
with  her  thank-offering,  which  consists  generally  in  part  of  sev- 
eral plates  of  food.  Some  women  get  shoes  from  several  dif- 
ferent temples,  in  their  eagerness  to  have  offspring.  Should 


116 


MARRIED  LIFE  AND  CHILDREN. 


they  become  mothers  after  this,  the  goddess  in  each  of  these 
temples  must  be  thanked — the  one  from  whom  the  last  shoe 
was  obtained  with  the  most  offerings. 

Some  women,  instead  of  asking  for  a shoe  of  the  goddess, 
ask  for  some  of  the  flowers  Avhich  she  usually  has  in  her  hands, 
or  in  a floAver-vase  near  by.  The  shoe  is  lent ; the  flower  is 
r/iven.  On  reaching  home,  the  woman  wears  the  flower  thus 
obtained  in  the  hair  of  her  head,  or  it  is  placed  in  a flower- 
vase  near  by  the  niche  which  contains  the  household  goddess 
“Mother.”  No  worship  is  paid  to  it.  In  case  several  differ- 
ent floAvers  are  obtained  at  different  times  from  various  tem- 
ples where  “Mother”  is  Avorshiped,  on  the  event  of  the  birth 
of  a child,  the  image  of  “Mother”  in  all  these  temples  must 
be  “ thanked”  Avith  meats.  Should  the  supplicant  not  become 
a mother,  no  thanksgiving  would  be  expected  by  the  goddess 
Avhose  aid  she  has  invoked. 

After  she  has  gone  about  five  months,  the  husband  of  the 
Avomau  frequently  returns  thanks  to  the  goddess  “ Mother,” 
or  some  other  divinity  Avhom  he  pleases  to  Avorship  on  this  oc- 
casion, and  begs  in  the  folloAving  manner  a continuance  of  fa- 
vors. A table  is  arranged  in  some  convenient  place  near  the 
open  heavens.  On  it  are  placed  ten  plates  of  meats,  fish,  fowl, 
rice,  etc.,  a A:ase  of  floAvers,  five  kinds  of  seeds  or  dried  fruits, 
a lantern,  three  sticks  of  incense,  two  candles,  and  ten  cups  of 
Avine.  A priest  noAV  begins  to  recite  his  formulas.  At  the 
customary  period  of  the  performance,  he  remarks,  in  substance, 
as  if  addressing  the  divinity  Avorshiped,  “that  such  a man  has 
begotten  by  his  wife  a child  for  these  five  months.  He  now 
presents  these  offerings  as  an  expression  of  his  gratitude,  and 
begs  that  she  may  be  protected  during  the  rest  of  her  time  in 
good  health,  and  give  birth  to  the  child  Avithout  detriment,  on 
Avhich  event  taking  place  he  Avill  present  another  thanksgiv- 
ing.” 

Near  the  end  of  her  time,  on  a lucky  day,  a ceremony  is  per- 
formed in  many  families  for  the  purpose  of  propitiating  the 
good  will,  as  some  explain  it,  of  tAvo  female  demons,  Avhich  are 
believed  to  be  present  Avith  an  intention  to  destroy  the  avoiu- 
an’s  life  at  the  time  of  childbirth.  Others  say  that  the  object 
of  this  ceremony  is  to  frighten  and  drive  away  these  evil  spir- 
its, so  that  they  shall  not  be  present  and  injure  the  Avomen. 


SINGULAR  SUPERSTITIOUS  CUSTOMS. 


117 


A table  is  spread  with  eight  or  ten  plates  of  food,  with  incense, 
candles,  flowers,  and  mock-money.  A priest  recites  the  clas- 
sics appropriate  to  the  occasion.  Ten  or  twenty  pieces  of 
a kind  of  grass  cut  up  about  an  inch  long,  and  several  like- 
nesses of  the  crab,  cut  out  of  common  paper,  are  put  into  the 
censer  and  burned.  Or  sometimes  several  live  crabs,  after  be- 
ing used  in  the  ceremony,  are  taken  and  turned  out  into  the 
street.  It  is  thought  that  these  will  greatly  aid  in  frightening 
these  bad  spirits  or  propitiate  their  good  will,  so  that  they  will 
not  dare  to  come  into  the  room  at  the  time  of  childbirth.  The 
reason  why  crabs  are  used  is  that  the  name  of  one  of  these  de- 
mons sounds  like  the  name  for  “crab”  in  the  dialect  of  this 
place. 

After  the  conclusion  of  this  ceremony,  the  meats  and  other 
eatables  are  removed,  and  another  quantity  of  incense,  candles, 
seeds,  wine,  and  a cup  of  clear  water,  are  brought  and  placed 
on  the  table,  but  no  meats.  The  ruler  of  the  Bloody  Pond  in 
hell,  and  various  evil  spirits  in  the  other  world,  are  then  in- 
vited by  the  priest  to  come  and  receive  the  worship  of  the 
husband  of  the  woman.  The  priest  performs  certain  cere- 
monies ; the  object  is  to  gain  the  good  will  and  protection  of 
the  ruler  of  the  Bloody  Pond  in  regard  to  the  approaching 
case  of  childbirth.  A part  of  the  ashes  of  the  incense  used  at 
this  time  is  enveloped  in  a piece  of  red  paper,  and  suspended 
near  the  censer  belonging  to  the  family,  where  it  remains  un- 
til thirty  days  after  childbirth ; it  is  then  taken  and  put  into 
the  censer  and  burned  during  a thanksgiving  ceremony  made 
in  honor  of  the  ruler  of  the  Bloody  Pond.  Twice  every  day, 
previous  to  the  period  of  childbirth,  one  stick  of  incense  and 
one  pair  of  candles  are  burned  before  this  parcel. 

If  a woman  wishes  to  know  the  sex  of  her  unborn  babe,  the 
following  method  of  ascertaining  the  interesting  fact  is  some- 
times adopted.  She  reckons  up  the  number  of  her  age  in 
years,  and  the  number  of  the  month,  day,  and  hour  she  was 
born.  This  sum  is  added  to  the  number  of  the  day  of  the 
month  and  of  the  hour  of  the  day  when  she  determines  to 
make  the  calculation.  She  then,  remembering  the  sum  total, 
commences  to  count  the  images  or  pictures  of  the  thirty-six 
female  assistants  of  the  goddess  called  “ Mother,”  until  she  ar- 
rives at  the  one  which  corresponds  to  the  sum  total  of  her  cal- 


118 


MARRIED  LIFE  AND  CHILDREN. 


culations ; if  this  sum  exceeds  thirty-six,  she  keeps  on  counting 
the  images  or  pictures  of  the  assistants  until  she  arrives  at  the 
number  she  has  in  her  mind.  Now  it  is  supposed  that,  by  ob- 
serving the  sex  of  the  child  in  the  arms  of  the  assistant  god- 
dess which  corresponds  to  the  sum  total  of  her  calculations, 
she  may  know  the  sex  of  her  unborn  child ! If  the  assist- 
ant should  happen  to  have  no  child  at  all  in  her  arms,  the 
woman  comes  to  the  conclusion  either  that  the  goddess  will 
not  inform  her,  or  that  her  child  will  be  stillborn,  or  will  not 
live. 

Some  married  women  adopt  the  above  method  in  order  to 
ascertain  whether  they  will  have  children,  which  fact  is  said 
to  be  disclosed  by  the  assistant  goddess  having  or  not  having 
a child  in  her  arms.  Other  women  simply  count  the  images 
or  the  pictures  referred  to  until  they  come  to  the  number 
which  corresponds  to  their  own  age,  and  judge  from  this  pic- 
ture or  image  in  regard  to  the  sex  of  their  unborn  child,  or  in 
regard  to  their  having  or  not  having  children. 

It  is  not  an  uncommon  occurrence  for  a childless  married 
woman,  before  she  thus  counts  up  the  images  or  pictures  of 
the  assistant  goddesses,  to  make  a vow  to  “ Mother”  that  if  she 
will  bestow  a male  child  upon  her  she  will  be  at  the  expense 
of  repairing  and  decorating  that  one  of  the  assistant’s  images 
which  should  happen  to  correspond  to  the  sum  of  her  age,  con- 
sidering the  year,  month,  day,  and  hour  as  above  described. 
Subsequently,  should  she  bear  a boy,  she  employs  a workman, 
who  gilds  and  paints  the  lucky  image. 

The  images  of  the  thirty-six  assistant  goddesses  referred  to 
are  found  in  temples  devoted  to  the  worship  of  “Mother.” 
Sometimes  representations  of  these  goddesses  are  painted  upon 
the  walls  of  such  temples.  Their  pictures  are  also  found  on  a 
kind  of  paper-hanging  used  by  priests  in  performing  a singu- 
lar ceremony  called  “passing  through  the  door ,”  for  the  ben- 
efit of  children. 

In  case  of  very  difficult  labor,  it  is  thought  that  a certain 
evil-disposed  spirit  prevents  the  child  from  coming  into  the 
world.  A priest  is  therefore  invited  to  come  and  perform  a 
ceremony,  the  object  of  which  is  to  drive  away  this  bad  spirit. 
Three  cups  of  wine,  a plate  having  five  kinds  of  seeds  or  fruits, 
with  incense  and  candles,  are  arranged  on  a table,  and  mock- 


SUPERSTITIONS  TO  FACILITATE  CHILDBIRTH.  119 


money  of  several  kinds  is  provided  to  be  burned  at  the  proper 
time.  After  the  priest  has  mumbled  over  some  unintelligible 
jargon  or  formula,  attended  with  thumping  on  the  table,  for 
about  half  an  hour,  he  produces  three  yellow  paper  charms, 
two  or  three  inches  wide,  and  a foot  or  more  long ; one  of 
these  is  to  be  stuck  over  the  door  of  the  bedroom  or  on  the 
bed-curtain,  one  is  to  be  worn  on  the  head  of  the  sick  woman, 
and  the  ashes  of  the  other,  mixed  with  hot  water,  is  to  be  giv- 
en to  her  to  drink. 

If  the  child  is  not  born  after  waiting  a longer  time  than 
usual,  and  much  pain  is  suffered  by  the  woman,  and  it  is  fear- 
ed that  her  life  is  endangered,  sometimes  some  of  her  family  or 
friends  obtain  a kind  of  puppet-show,  among  which  is  a puppet 
of  the  goddess  “Mother.”  These  puppets  are  made  to  play 
and  dance,  back  and  forth,  near  the  door  of  the  sick  woman’s 
room  several  times ; they  are  then  taken  away.  Sometimes 
the  puppet  representing  “Mother”  is  placed  on  the  body  of 
the  woman,  and  then  made  to  dance  or  walk  downward  three 
times.  This  method  of  obtaining  relief  is  believed  to  be  very 
efficacious  by  many  of  this  people.  In  case  of  a successful  de- 
livery after  its  use,  it  is  the  duty  of  the  family,  some  time  with- 
in a month,  to  be  at  the  expense  of  a theatrical  performance  at 
the  house  or  at  the  neighboring  temple  in  honor  of  the  chief 
of  the  puppets.  Sometimes  only  one  puppet  is  used,  that  of 
the  one  called  “ Mother.” 

When  much  pain  is  suffered,  and  a delivery  is  not  effected, 
the  following  artifice  is  resorted  to  by  some  families : two 
sheets  of  a kind  of  mock-money — one  representing  gold  and 
the  other  silver — three  sticks  of  incense,  and  two  candles,  are 
taken  and  lighted  before  the  image  of  an  assistant  god  called 
Straight  Charm,  which  may  be  always  found  standing  just  be- 
fore the  image  of  the  “ Great  King1'1  in  the  neighboring  tem- 
ple, with  its  face  toward  the  “ Great  King.”  After  lighting 
these  tokens  of  respect,  the  offerer  turns  around  this  image,  so 
that  its  face  will  be  turned  toward  the  outside  or  directly  away 
from  the  “ Great  King.”  The  object  of  this  is  to  procure  the 
aid  of  this  assistant  god  to  turn  around  the  infant  and  cause 
a speedy  birth,  it  being  supposed  that  the  reason  why  a deliv- 
ery has  not  already  taken  place  is  because  the  child  is  in  a 
wrong  position.  If  the  child  is  born  subsequently,  the  family 


120 


MARRIED  LIFE  AND  CHILDREN. 


is  under  obligations,  some  time  during  an  interval  of  thirty 
days,  to  present  a thank-offering  of  meats,  fish,  rice,  incense, 
and  candles  before  and  in  honor  of  the  idol.  The  image  is 
turned  around  to  its  proper  position  just  as  soon  as  possible 
after  the  child  has  been  born  into  the  world. 

Sometimes  if  is  believed  that  the  child  at  the  time  of  its 
birth  is  exposed  to  some  very  unpropitious  influences,  which, 
unless  prevented  in  due  time,  will  certainly  cause  its  death. 
It  will  not  eat  nor  cry,  and  it  appears  lifeless.  Consequently 
a performance,  very  similar  in  most  respects  to  one  which  has 
been  already  described,  is  transacted  in  some  families,  with  the 
following  distinguishing  difference  in  regard  to  the  use  of  the 
three  yellow  charms  furnished  by  the  priest. 

After  the  conclusion  of  the  ceremony,  one  of  these  charms  is 
hung  up  on  the  curtain  of  the  bed  where  the  sick  woman  lies, 
the  second  is  doubled  up  into  a three-cornered  shape,  and  then 
put  on  the  cap  of  the  child  on  the  third  day  after  its  birth,  or 
it  is  worn  about  its  body  for  an  indefinite  period.  The  other 
is  burned,  and  its  ashes  are  put  into  the  water  with  which  the 
child  is  washed  on  the  third  day  after  birth,  as  a kind  of  puri- 
fication. 

Singular  or  superstitious  Customs  relating  to  Children  ob- 
served the  first  Year  of  their  Lives. 

On  the  third  day  after  the  birth  of  a child,  the  midwife 
washes  it  for  the  first  time.  This  washing  is  performed  be- 
fore an  image  of  the  Goddess  of  Children,  already  referred  to, 
called  Mother.  This  divinity  is  supposed  to  have  the  care  and 
oversight  of  children  of  both  sexes  until  they  are  sixteen  years 
old.  About  the  time  of  washing  the  child,  an  oblation  of  five 
or  eight  plates  of  meats,  fruits,  etc.,  is  made  to  the  goddess, 
arranged  on  a table  before  her  picture  or  image,  with  wine, 
incense,  candles,  and  fresh  flowers.  This  is  regarded  as  a 
thank-offering  for  the  aid  of  “Mother”  thus  far.  The  food  is 
subsequently  taken  away  and  eaten  by  the  members  of  the 
family.  On  this  day  friends  and  relations  take  occasion  to 
send  various  kinds  of  food,  as  fowls,  vermicelli,  and  cakes,  to 
the  family,  in  token  of  their  congratulations. 

Immediately  after  being  washed,  the  important  custom  of 
binding  its  wrists  is  observed.  In  regard  to  this,  there  seems 


BINDING  THE  WRISTS  OF  CHILDREN. 


121 


to  be  great  diversity  of  practice.  Some  families  simply  bind 
around  each  wrist  one  or  more  ancient  cash  of  a particular 
kind  by  means  of  a red  cotton  cord,  where  the  cash  remains 
for  eleven  days  or  longer.  Others  only  put  around  each 
wrist  a loose  red  string,  as  though  it  were  a ring. 

Other  families  provide  several  silver  toys,  as  a miniature 
seal,  a small  bell,  drum,  pestle,  and  mallet.  One  or  more  of 
each  kind  of  these  toys,  with  an  ancient  cash,  are  bound 
around  each  wrist.  The  string  us.ed  is  generally  about  two 
feet  long,  each  end  being  put  about  the  wrists,  leaving  about 
one  foot  of  loose  string  between  them.  These  things  are 
worn  till  the  child  is  fourteen  days  old,  when  some  families 
remove  them.  Sometimes,  however,  a ring  of  red  cord  or  of 
red  tape,  with  or  without  some  cash  or  toy,  is  worn  for  several 
months,  or  even  for  a year.  When  soiled,  the  tape  or  cord  is 
exchanged  for  another  clean  one. 

The  ancient  cash  is  used  as  a charm,  in  order  to  keep  away 
evil  spirits  or  influences.  The  silver  toys  are  designed  as 
omens  of  good  relating  to  the  future  life  of  the  child,  as  it 
were  expressing  the  desire  that  it  may  become  wealthy  and 
honored.  The  wrists  are  thus  tied  together,  in  order  to  pre- 
vent the  child  becoming  naughty  and  disobedient.  It  is 
thought  that  such  a tying  of  the  wrists  will  tend  to  keep  the 
child  from  being  troublesome  in  after  life,  and  from  meddling 
with  what  does  not  belong  to  it,  just  as  though  he  or  she  was 
bound.  When  boys  and  girls  are  naughty  and  troublesome, 
they  are  often  asked  if  their  mammas  did  not  hind  their 
ivrists  ? implying  that  if  their  wrists  had  been  properly  bound 
when  an  infant,  they  would  have  been  restrained  from  miscon- 
duct in  subsequent  life. 

On  the  third  day  after  the  birth  of  the  babe,  two  Chinese 
characters  are  written  on  a piece  of  red  paper,  which,  having 
been  carefully  folded  around  a parcel  inclosing  certain  articles, 
is  hung  up  on  a nail  or  peg  on  the  outside  of  the  door  of  its 
mother’s  room  by  means  of  a red  string  tied  around  it.  The 
design  of  this  paper  and  contents  is  to  ward  off  unfavorable 
influences  from  the  child ; and  persons  who  are  not  very  inti- 
mate with  the  family,  on  seeing  it,  understand  it  to  constitute 
a request  that  they  should  not  enter  the  room.  Some  say 
that  only  those  persons  who  were  present  at  the  washing  of 

Vol.  I.— F 


122 


MARRIED  LIFE  AND  CHILDREN. 


the  babe  are  allowed  to  enter  the  bedroom  as  long  as  the  red 
paper  is  attached  to  the  door,  which  is  for  eleven  days. 

This  parcel  contains  two  of  a certain  fruit  full  of  seed  used 
in  the  manufactui’e  of  a material  employed  somewhat  like  soap 
in  washing,  some  pith  of  a rush  used  for  wicking,  two  chop- 
sticks, one  or  two  onions,  two  pieces  of  charcoal,  some  cat’s 
hair,  and  some  dog’s  hair.  A pair  of  the  trowsers  of  the 
child’s  father  are  put  upon  the  frame  of  the  bedstead,  in  such 
a Avay  that  the  waist  shall  hang  downward,  or  be  lower  than 
the  legs.  On  the  trowsers  is  stuck  a piece  of  red  paper,  hav- 
ing four  words  written  upon  it,  intimating  that  all  unfavora- 
ble influences  are  to  go  into  the  trowsers  instead  of  afflicting 
the  babe.  The  hair  in  the  package,  on  the  outside  of  the  bed- 
room door,  is  to  keep  the  noises  which  may  be  made  for  eleven 
days  by  the  dogs  and  cats  in  the  vicinity  from  frightening  the 
babe.  The  coal  is  to  aid  in  making  it  hardy  and  vigorous. 
The  onions  are  to  cause  it  to  be  quick-witted  and  intelligent. 
The  pith  is  explained  as  contributing  to  make  it  fortunate  or 
successful  in  life.  The  two  fruits  are  to  aid  it  in  being  cleanly 
and  neat.  It  is  believed  that  if  persons  come  into  the  bed- 
room for  the  space  of  eleven  days,  while  the  parcel  remains 
on  the  door,  who  ought  not  to  come  into  it,  the  child  will  as- 
suredly have  white  sores  on  its  gums,  aud  that  it  will  be  sick- 
ly and  difficult  to  real-. 

On  the  fourteenth  day  after  the  child’s  birth  the  parcel  is 
taken  away  from  the  bedroom  door,  and  the  trowsers  are  re- 
moved from  the  frame  of  the  bedstead.  Most  families  have 
on  this  occasion  a kind  of  thank-offering  to  “Mother”  for  her 
assistance^  protecting  and  preserving  the  babe,  consisting  of 
meats,  fruits,  and  vegetables,  spread  before  her  image,  which 
is  kept  in  the  bedroom.  Such  a thanksgiving,  however,  is  not 
made  to  “Mother”  in  case  of  the  death  of  the  child  previous  to 
the  fourteenth  day. 

When  it  is  one  month  old,  mother  and  child,  according  to 
theory,  leave  the  bedroom  for  the  first  time  after  her  confine- 
ment. On  this  day  occurs  another  important  ceremony,  that  of 
shaving  the  child's  head  for  the  first  time,  either  by  a barber  or 
by  one  of  the  family.  Some  are  careful  to  have  it  done  before 
an  image  of  “ Mother”  if  it  is  a girl,  and  before  the  ancestral 
family  tablets  if  it  is  a boy,  incense  and  candles  being  lighted 


SHAVING  THE  CHILD  S HEAD. 


123 


in  front  of  the  image 
and  the  tablets.  A 
thank-offering  is  also 
presented  to  the  god- 
dess on  this  occasion. 

Relations  and  inti- 
mate friends  are  in- 
vited to  a feast.  They 
often  come  to  witness 
the  shaving  of  the 
child’s  head.  Those 
who  come  must  bring 

. , , , SHAVING  A CHILD’S  HEAD  WHEN  ONE  MONTH  OLD. 

with  them  presents 

of  money  or  silver  rings,  vermicelli  or  fowls,  etc.  In  case  of 
its  being  the  first-born,  Tauist  priests  are  often  invited  to  per- 
form the  ceremony,  called  “ passing  through  the  door,”  for  the 
benefit  of  the  babe.  The  maternal  grandmother  of  the  child 
is  always  expected  to  bring  or  send  presents  of  clothing  or 
food  on  this  day.  Among  these  articles  there  are  usually 
about  twenty  painted  duck’s  eggs,  and  a quantity  of  soft 
sweet  cakes.  On  the  upper  side  of  each  of  these  are  stamped 
or  painted  several  pictures  of  the  flower  of  the  apricot,  using 
several  colors ; white  is  not  allowed,  as  that  is  the  symbolical 
color  of  mourning.  The  pictures  on  the  duck  eggs  are  repre- 
sentations of  children,  flowers,  and  animals,  in  bright  gaudy 
colors.  The  maternal  grandmother  is  usually  invited  to  a 
feast  on  this  day.  If  belonging  to  the  upper  class  of  society, 
she  seldom  accepts  the  invitation,  sending  her  presents  by  a 
servant.  The  day  is  one  of  joy  and  festivity,  and  among  the 
rich  it  is  observed  with  considerable  show  and  expense,  espe- 
cially if  it  celebrates  the  shaving  of  the  head  of  the  first-born 
son. 

About  this  time  the  child’s  parents  return  their  acknowl- 
edgements of  the  kindness  of  friends  and  relatives,  who  sent 
presents  on  the  third  day  after  the  child’s  birth  and  at  the  end 
of  a month,  by  sending  some  presents  back  to  them.  These 
presents  consist  usually  of  small  round  bread-calces  or  biscuits , 
which  have  been  split  open,  and  into  which  have  been  put 
small  slices  of  boiled  pork,  making,  in  fact,  a kind  of  sandwich. 
The  number  of  such  cakes  presented  to  a family  varies  from 


124 


. MARRIED  LIFE  AND  CHILDREN. 


ten  to  a hundred,  depending  much  on  the  pecuniary  circum- 
stances of  the  party  making  the  present,  and  having  some  pro- 
portion to  the  quantity  or  value  of  the  articles  previously  re- 
ceived. 

When  the  child  is  four  months  old,  “Mother”  is  again 
thanked;  relatives  and  friends  are  again  invited  to  a feast, 
who  bring  or  send  presents  of  money  or  food.  As  at  the  end 
of  a month,  so  now  the  maternal  grandmother  or  her  present, 
if  she  does  not  come  in  person,  occupies  a prominent  position. 
If  the  circumstances  of  her  family  allow  her  to  do  so,  she 
makes  expensive  presents  of  food  and  clothing,  and  a kind  of 
chair , sometimes  painted  red,  together  with  a quantity  of  mo- 
lasses candy.  The  various  articles  of  food  are  presented  as  an 
oblation  before  “ Mother.”  The  happy  father,  or  the  paternal 
grandfather  or  grandmother,  bows  down  before  the  goddess, 
and  begs  that  the  child  may  be  good-natured  and  easy  to  take 
care  of,  that  it  may  grow  fast,  that  it  may  sleep  well  at  night, 
that  it  may  be  wide  awake  in  the  daytime,  that  it  may  not  be 
given  to  crying,  and  that  it  may  be  kept  in  good  health.  The 

edibles  are  subsequently  feast- 
ed on  by  the  family  and  invited 
guests,  having  been  previously 
presented  before  the  ancestral 
table. 

It  is  not  usual  to  allow  a child 
to  sit  in  a chair  until  the  day  it 
is  four  months  old.  At  a suita- 
ble time  during  this  day,  the  soft 
molasses  candy  provided  by  its 
maternal  grandmother  is  taken, 
and  put  in  the  seat  of  the  chair 
on  rollers.  The  child  is  then  put 
in  the  chair  so  as  to  sit  down 
on  this  candy,  which  sticks  it  to  the  chair  for  the  time  being. 
This  is  done  in  order  that  it  may  learn  to  sit  in  the  chair,  and 
not  require  to  be  carried  very  much  in  the  arms  of  the  nurse 
or  mother.  This  chair  is  often  prettily  painted  and  gilded, 
and  has  various  playthings  attached  to  it.  Before  this  day  the 
child  has  been  carefully  prevented  from  tasting  animal  food. 
On  this  occasion  such  food  is  given  to  it — that  is,  some  of  the 


CHILD  BITTING  ON  A CHAIR  WHEN  FOUR 
MONTHS  OLD. 


CELEBRATING  A CHILD’S  SECOND  BIRTHDAY.  125 


meats  presented  before  “ Mother”  and  the  tablets.  After  this, 
animal  food  is  occasionally  given  to  it  to  eat. 

On  the  anniversary  of  the  child’s  birthday  another  thank- 
offering  is  presented  to  “ Mother,”  and  other  presents  of  food 
and  of  clothing  are  received  from  the  maternal  grandmother. 
If  it  be  a boy,  among  other  articles  of  clothing  are  a pair  of 
boy’s  shoes  and  a cap ; if  a girl,  besides  clothing  are  wristlets 
and  head  ornaments.  The  provisions  for  the  thank-offering 
are  in  theory  provided  by  the  maternal  grandmother  of  the 
child;  should  she  be  unable  to  furnish  all  that  is  needed  on 
the  occasion,  the  balance  is  procured  at  the  expense  of  her 
son-in-law,  the  father  of  the  child,  though  every  thing  professes 
to  be  provided  by  the  delighted  grandmamma. 

Before  the  feast  on  this  occasion,  a large  bamboo  sieve, 
such  as  farmers  use  in  winnowing  grain,  is  placed  on  a table 
before  the  ancestral  tablets  of  the  family,  where  incense  agd 
candles  are  already  burning.  On  this  are  laid  a set  of  money- 
scales,  a pair  of  shears,  a foot-measure,  a brass  mirror,  pencil, 
ink,  paper,  and  ink-slab,  one  or  two  books,  the  abacus,  a silver 
or  a gold  ornament  or  im- 
plement, and  fruits,  etc. 

The  child,  dressed  in  the 
new  garments  just  present- 
ed, is  placed  upon  the  sieve 
in  the  midst  of  the  articles 
upon  it.  The  object  now 
is  to  see  what  it  will  first 
take  hold  of  and  play  with. 

The  moment  is  one  of  great 
interest  to  the  parents  and 
assembled  friends.  It  is 
said  that  the  article  or  ar- 
ticles the  child  first  takes 
up  indicate  its  future  em- 
ployment, character,  or  condition  in  the  world.  If  the  child 
be  a boy,  and  he  takes  a book  or  an  implement  connected  with 
literature,  as  pen  or  ink,  it  is  surmised  that  he  will  become  a 
distinguished  scholar;  if  he  seizes  the  money-scales,  or  the 
silver  or  gold  instrument  or  ornament,  that  he  will  become 
famous  for  his  wealth  and  for  his  talents  in  making  money. 


GRASPING  PLAYTHINGS  WHEN  ONE  YEAR  OLD. 


126 


MARRIED  LIFE  AND  CHILDREN. 


In  the  Sung  dynasty,  a certain  lad,  on  the  day  when  he  was 
one  year  old,  while  seated  on  the  sieve,  first  seized  hold  of  two 
miniature  military  weapons  in  one  hand,  and  in  the  other  two 
vessels  like  those  used  in  sacrificial  ceremonies  on  some  state 
occasions.  After  a few  moments  he  laid  these  articles  down 
and  took  up  a seal.  After  this  he  paid  no  attention  to  the 
other  playthings  before  him.  Now  mark  the  result : this  lad 
became  a Chancellor  of  the  Empire  ! People  nowadays  often 
speak  of  these  and  similar  incidents  when  celebrating  the  first 
anniversary  of  the  birth  of  their  children  by  the  side  of  the 
sieve  in  front  of  this  ancestral  tablet. 

On  all  the  occasions  which  have  been  described  or  which 
remain  to  be  described,  when  incense  and  candles  are  burned 
before  the  image  of  the  goddess  or  before  the  ancestral  tab- 
lets with  special  reference  to  a child,  the  child  is  taken  there , 
if  well,  and  made  to  worship  in  a certain  manner  by  moving 
its  hands  up  and  doion  a few  times.  The  child  is  taught  from 
its  earliest  infancy  to  worship  idols  and  the  tablets  of  its  an- 
cestors. Sometimes,  however,  instead  of  its  hands  being  moved 
up  and  down,  the  child,  held  in  the  hands  of  some  one,  is  it- 
self moved  up  and  down  before  the  object  worshiped,  which 
is  reckoned  the  same  as  making  it  move  its  hands  in  worship. 


FATHER  TEAOHINQ  HIS  CHILD  TO  WORSHIP. 


CUTTING  THE  CORDS  OF  THE  FEET. 


127 


Singular  or  Superstitious  Customs  relating  to  Children  ob- 
served usually  after  they  are  one  Year  old. 

The  customs  which  have  been  described  are  usually  ob- 
served in  this  place  during  the  first  year  of  a child’s  life. 
What  remain  now  to  be  mentioned,  generally  speaking,  be- 
long to  a later  period.  They  are  usually  observed  in  the 
same  manner,  if  observed  at  all,  whether  the  child  is  a boy  or 
a girl.  For  convenience  sake,  the  pronoun  of  the  masculine 
gender  will  be  used  in  describing  them. 

On  the  birthday  of  children,  every  year,  until  they  are  six- 
teen years  old,  unless  the  ceremony  of  “ passing  through  the 
door”  is  performed,  many  parents  present  offerings  of  food,  be- 
fore the  idol  of  “ Mother.”  This  is  called  “ burning  paper  to 
Mother and  is  designed  as  a thanksgiving  for  her  past  favors. 
Usually  no  priests  are  employed.  Some  families  have  the 
custom  of  “passing  through  the  door”  and  of  “burning  paper 
to  Mother”  both  observed  in  their  houses  on  the  birthdays  of 
their  children,  should  there  be  any  special  occasion  for  them 
on  account  of  their  health. 

It  is  the  custom  in  many  families,  when  a child  is  just  be- 
ginning to  walk  alone,  for  a member  of  the  family  to  take  a 
large  knife,  often  such  as  is  used  in  the  kitchen  to  cut  up  veg- 
etables, and,  approaching  him  from  behind,  as  he  is  toddling 
along,  put  it  between  his  legs  with  the  edge  downward,  and 
then  bring  it  toward  the  floor,  as  if  in  the  act  of  cutting  some- 
thing. This  is  called  “ cutting  the  cords  of  his  feet.”  The 
motion  is  repeated  two  or  three  times.  Sometimes  it  is  not 
put  between  his  legs,  but  is  passed  down  toward  the  ground 
two  or  three  times  right  behind  him,  while  he  is  walking  along. 
This  is  done  in  order  to  facilitate  his  learning  to  walk.  It  is 
supposed  to  be  of  great  use  in  keeping  the  lad  from  stumbling 
and  falling  down. 

The  ceremony  of  u passing  through  the  door ” sustains  a very 
important  relation  to  the  welfare  of  children,  according  to  the 
sentiment  and  practice  of  many  Chinese.  Some  families  have 
it  performed  regularly  every  year ; others  every  second  year, 
as  in  the  first  and  third ; others  every  third  year,  as  the  third 
and  sixth,  and  so  on,  until  the  child  is  sixteen  years  old,  or  the 
ceremony  of  11  going  out  of  childhood”  is  observed.  Some- 


128 


MARRIED  LIFE  AND  CHILDREN. 


times,  when  a child  is  sickly,  “ the  door  is  passed  through” 
once  or  twice  per  month,  or  several  times  in  the  course  of  the 


PASSING  THROUGH  TIIE  POOR. 


year,  according  to  the  condition  of  the  child  and  the  will  and 
ability  of  the  parents.  Probably  there  are  few  families  here 
which  do  not  have  this  ceremony  performed  more  or  less  fre- 
quently between  the  third  day  after  the  birth  of  a child  and 
the  period  when  it  is  supposed  to  pass  out  of  the  control  of 
“ Mother.”  Sometimes  it  is  performed  in  consequence  of  the 
decision  of  a fortune-teller  for  the  benefit  of  a child. 

A day  is  usually  spent  in  “ passing  through  the  door”  and 


PASSING  THROUGH  THE  DOOR. 


129 


its  attendant  ceremonies.  Several  priests  of  the  Tauist  sect 
(never  any  of  the  Buddhist  sect)  come  to  the  residence  of  the 
lad’s  parents  in  the  morning,  before  or  after  breakfast,  accord- 
ing to  agreement,  and  first  arrange  an  altar,  made  out  of  tables 
placed  one  upon  another.  On  the  uppermost  of  the  tables 
they  place  censers,  candlesticks,  and  various  images  of  their 
gods.  Behind  the  altar  they  suspend  three  paper-hangings, 
upon  which  are  painted  several  tens  of  goddesses,  among 
whom  that  of  “Mother”  occupies  a conspicuous  position.  In 
a convenient  part  of  the  room  is  placed  a table,  having  upon  it 
five,  eight,  or  ten  plates  of  meats,  vegetables,  fruits,  and  cakes. 
After  every  thing  is  properly  arranged,  one  of  the  priests  rings 
a bell  while  chanting  his  formulas,  another  beats  a drum,  an- 
other strikes  his  cymbals  together,  etc.  The  grand  object  of 
this  is  to  invite  certain  goddesses  to  be  present,  which  is  sup- 
posed to  be  done  when  their  names  and  places  of  residence 
haver  been  repeated  in  the  accustomed  manner.  The  celebra- 
ted female  divinities  who  are  honored  as  midwives  or  “ moth- 
ers,” and  who  are  believed  to  be  particularly  concerned  in  the 
rearing  of  children,  or  who  originally  lived  in  the  surrounding 
country,  are  invited  to  be  present. 

At  the  proper  time,  usually  in  the  afternoon,  these  goddesses 
are  invited  to  partake  of  a feast,  which  has  been  arranged  on 
a table  for  their  entertainment.  Besides  eight  or  ten  kinds 
of  food,  there  are  also  provided  a wash-bowl  of  hot  water,  and 
a towel,  a fan,  and  cosmetics  and  artificial  flowers  for  the  es- 
pecial use  of  the  female  divinities  in  making  their  toilet  before 
partaking  of  the  feast.  The  priests  ring  a bell,  beat  a drum, 
and  clap  their  cymbals,  reciting  their  liturgies  for  an  indefinite 
time,  which  constitutes  an  invitation  for  these  goddesses  to 
partake  of  the  collation. 

Some  time  during  the  afternoon  a table  is  placed  in  the 
front  part  of  the  room,  “ before  the  heavens as  its  relative 
position  is  called,  and  on  it  is  put  a common  rice  measure, 
having  various  articles  in  it,  and  seven  little  piles  of  rice  are 
arranged  on  the  table  in  the  position  of  the  seven  stars  which 
make  up  the  Dipper  in  the  constellation  of  the  Great  Bear. 
On  each  of  these  piles  of  rice  is  placed  a kind  of  lamp.  In- 
cense, candles,  and  lamps  are  all  lighted  up,  and  three  priests, 
one  standing  in  front  of  the  table  and  the  other  two  at  its 

F 2 


130 


MARRIED  LIFE  AND  CHILDREN. 


ends,  perform  the  ceremony  of  “ worshiping  the  measure  in 
the  usual  manner. 

The  “ door ” is  finally  passed  through  in  the  middle  of  the 
afternoon  or  near  sundown.  This  door  is  made  out  of  bam- 
boo, covered  with  red  and  white  paper,  and  is  some  seven  feet 
high  by  two  and  a half  or  three  feet  wide,  costing  perhaps 
twelve  or  fifteen  cents.  The  furniture  in  the  room  is  so  ar- 
ranged that  the  priests  and  the  party  which  passes  through 
this  door  can  go  around  and  around  without  doubling  on  their 
track.  Sometimes  a table  is  placed  near  the  centre  of  the 
room,  and  an  open  space  is  left  on  all  sides  of  it.  One  of  the 
priests— who  wears  a fancy-colored  skirt,  and  has  on  his  head 
a curiously-shaped  head-dress — takes  in  one  hand  a small  bell, 
or  a sword  having  small  bells  fastened  to  the  handle,  and  in 
the  other  a horn,  and  commences  reciting  formulas  or  incanta- 
tions in  front  of  this  door,  which  is  often  at  this  time  standing 
near  the  centre  of  the  room.  The  priest,  thus  dressed,  person- 
ates “ Mother”  in  the  act  of  performing  magic  spells  for  the 
purpose  of  saving  children  from  evil  spirits  and  unhealthy  and 
malignant  influences.  The  paterfamilias,  or,  if  absent  or  de- 
ceased, some  one  in  his  stead,  calls  the  children  of  the  family 
together.  He  takes  the  one  which  can  not  walk  or  which  is 
sick  in  his  arms,  and  the  other  children,  if  any,  each  take  a sin- 
gle stick  of  lighted  incense  in  their  hands.  The  priest  after  a 
while  blows  his  horn,  and  advances  slowly  through  the  door. 
He  is  followed  by  the  paterfamilias  or  his  representative,  and 
all  the  children  of  the  family,  who  thus  pass  through  the  door. 
All  the  other  priests  are  at  this  time  doing  something  to  aid, 
as  beating  the  drum  and  clapping  their  cymbals.  The  head 
priest  brandishes  the  sword  in  the  air,  or  in  its  place  he  some- 
times flourishes  a whip  made  in  the  shape  of  a snake,  as  though 
he  was  striking  an  invisible  object. 

The  door  is  then  taken  and  placed  at  one  of  the  four  corners 
of  the  room,  and  the  priest,  father,  and  children  again  pass 
through  it  in  a similar  manner.  It  is  then  successively  placed 
at  each  of  the  other  corners,  and  again  in  the  centre,  where  it 
is  respectively  passed  through  by  the  priest  and  his  followers. 
Soon  after  this  the  door  is  hacked  in  pieces,  and  its  parts  set 
on  fire  and  burned  in  the  open  court  of  the  house,  or  in  the 
street  in  front  of  the  house  where  the  ceremony  is  performed. 


FEEDING  THE  HUNGRY  SPIRITS. 


131 


While  performing  this  ceremony,  a small  wooden  image,  a 
foot  high,  more  or  less,  is  invariably  used  to  represent  the 
child  for  whose  special  benefit  it  is  celebrated.  When  first 
performed  for  any  child,  a new  one  is  obtained  to  represent  it ; 
and  when  not  used,  it  is  carefully  preserved.  Oftentimes  it  is 
placed  by  the  side  of  “ Mother’s”  image  in  the  bedroom.  The 
name  of  the  child  is  usually  written  on  the  back  of  the  image. 
In  case  the  child  dies  before  sixteen  years  of  age,  this  image  is 
placed  in  the  coffin  with  its  corpse,  and  buried  with  it.  After 
the  ceremony  of  '•'■going  out  of  childhood”  has  been  performed, 
it  is  often  used  as  a plaything  by  the  children  of  the  family. 
In  case  the  child  is  exceedingly  sick,  and  may  not  be  carried 
in  person  through  the  door,  this  image,  with  or  without  some 
of  the  clothing  of  the  child  placed  on  a platter,  is  taken  and 
carried  through  the  door,  instead  of  the  child,  which  amounts 
to  the  same  thing  as  though  the  child  itself  was  can’ied 
through.  As  above  intimated,  all  the  children  of  the  family 
improve  the  opportunity  to  pass  through  the  door,  as  well  as 
the  particular  one  for  whose  special  benefit  the  ceremony  is 
observed.  Sometimes  nephews  and  nieces,  and  several  of  the 
children  of  the  near  relatives  of  the  family  who  happen  to  be 
present,  also  join  the  procession  and  pass  through  the  door. 

The  design  of  all  this  is  to  benefit  the  children,  causing  them 
to  recover  if  sick  or  feeble,  continuing  them  in  health  if  well, 
and  enabling  them  to  arrive  at  a good  old  age.  The  perform- 
ance is  oftentimes  quite  showy  and  imposing,  at  least  in  the 
estimation  of  the  Chinese.  The  expense  ranges  from  two  to 
ten  or  twelve  dollars  for  each  celebration.  Usually  the  priests 
are  entertained  with  a part  of  the  provisions  used  on  the  occa- 
sion. 

Some  families,  at  the  close  of  this  ceremony,  have  a table 
spread  with  food  for  the  hungry  spirits  in  the  lower  regions, 
consisting  of  vegetable  soup,  rice,  two  or  more  plates  of  bis- 
cuit or  bread-cakes,  large  and  small,  perhaps  three  plates  of 
meats,  mock-money  and  mock-clothing;  incense  and  candles 
are  also  provided,  and  set  on  fire  at  the  proper  time.  A priest 
is  employed  to  ring  his  bell  and  chant  his  liturgy.  Spirits  in 
the  lower  regions  are  believed  to  have  an  important  influence 
for  good  or  for  evil  in  the  affairs  of  this  world,  and  many  par- 
ents are  quite  solicitous  to  secure  their  friendship  and  kind  of- 


132 


MARRIED  LIFE  AMD  CHILDREN. 


flees  in  behalf  of  their  children.  Hence  such  a presentation  of 
food,  clothing,  and  money  after  “ passing  through  the  door” 

Many  parents,  after  the  first  shaving  of  the  head  of  a child, 
when  one  month  old,  allow  the  hair  to  grow  on  a part  of  the 
top  of  the  head,  if  a boy,  in  the  shape  and  of  the  size  of  a small 
peach,  until  eight  or  ten  years  old,  or  even  until  sixteen  years 
old ; if  a girl,  a patch  of  hair  is  often  allowed  to  grow  on  one 
or  both  sides  of  the  head.  Many  Chinese  seem  to  be  at  a loss 
why  the  tuft  is  left.  Some  explain  that  which  is  left  on  the 
pate  of  a boy  to  be  for  a defense  of  the  soft  part  of  the  skull. 
They  all  seem  to  regard  it  as  an  omen  of  good,  or  a kind  of 
charm,  and  conducive  to  the  health  or  welfare  of  the  child. 

Sometimes  neither  the  “ peach”  nor  the  cue  is  allowed  to 
grow  until  the  lad  is  some  six  or  eight  years  old,  the  whole 
head  being  regularly  shaven.  The  cause  of  this  delay  is  some- 
times said  to  be  the  death  of  his  father  or  mother  when  it  was 
decided  to  let  one  or  both  of  these  grow.  Sometimes,  in  the 
case  of  him  who  is  the  only  son  of  his  parents,  and  born  long 
after  their  marriage,  they  vow  to  give  him  up  to  be  the  child 
of  some  idol  or  to  be  a Buddhist  priest.  They  will  not  then 
let  his  hair  grow  on  his  pate  until  six  or  eight  years  old. 
Their  object  in  making  this  vow,  and  in  treating  their  dearly- 
beloved  son  in  this  way,  is  to  procure  good  health  and  longev- 
ity to  the  lad.  They  apply  various  sorts  of  derogatory  names 
or  epithets  to  him,  as  '•'■Buddhist  priest ,”  “ beggar”  “ refuse ” 
“ dirt”  imagining  that  he  will  thus  be  allowed  to  live,  and  that 
no  evil  spirit  or  influence  will  injure  his  health.  By-and-by, 
when  he  seems  to  be  established  in  health,  they  allow  his  hair 
to  grow  like  other  boys.  All  tbeir  apparent  neglect  and  abuse 
are  but  an  index  of  their  real  affection  for  him,  and  are  intend- 
ed to  lead  the  evil  spirits  and  malicious  influences,  which  might 
otherwise  be  expected  to  molest  or  harm  him,  to  pass  .him  by 
as  worthless  and  good  for  nothing. 

A singular  custom,  which  derives  its  name  from  the  fact 
that  mock-money  is  burned  monthly , is  extensively  practiced 
at  this  place  in  families  which  have  few  and  sickly  children. 
The  Chinese  believe  that  there  is  a god  and  goddess  of  the 
Bedstead,  a goddess  who  rules  over  the  Eaves  of  a house,  and 
a goddess  who  presides  over  the  Bedroom.  Many  families 
therefore  burn  mock-money,  and  incense,  and  caudles,  to  the 


MID  WIVES  CELEBRATE  THE  BIRTHDAY  OF  “MOTHER.”  138 

honor  of  this  god  and  these  goddesses,  regularly  on  the  first 
and  fifteenth  of  every  month.  The  children  of  the  family  at 
whose  house  this  is  done  are  made  to  kneel  down  near  the 
places  while  the  mock-money  is  burning,  and  one  of  the  heads 
of  the  household  call  upon  the  god  or  the  goddesses  referred 
to  to  protect  their  children  and  make  them  grow  fast,  easy  to 
nurse  and  take  care  of,  have  a good  appetite  for  their  rice,  etc. 
It  is  expected  that  in  this  way  the  god  and  goddess  of  the  bed- 
stead will  be  led  to  use  their  influence,  and  cause  the  children 
to  lie  down  quietly  and  sleep  soundly  when  their  parents  wish, 
whether  by  night  or  by  day ; that  the  goddess  of  the  eaves 
will  keep  them  from  stumbling  or  falling  down  on  the  stones 
usually  to  be  found  near  or  under  the  eaves  of  every  house ; 
and  that  the  goddess  of  the  bedroom  will  make  them  tractable 
in  nursing,  and  good-natured. 

The  birthday  of  the  goddess  “Mother  ’ falls  on  the  fifteenth 
day  of  the  first  month  in  the  Chinese  year.  On  that  day  she 
is  universally  worshiped  by  married  women  and  by  midwives, 
oftentimes  with  considerable  expense  and  show.  Many  mar- 
ried women  go  to  some  of  her  temples  at  that  time  and  im- 
plore her  blessing.  It  is  an  established  custom  at  this  place 
for  a midwife  to  visit  the  families,  if  living  sufficiently  near  her 
residence,  where  she  has  officiated  within  sixteen  years,  for 
the  purpose  of  collecting  contributions  from  them  to  aid  her 
in  worshiping  “ Mother.”  She  expects  a sum  of  money  vary- 
ing from  a few  tens  of  cash  to  several  hundreds,  according  to 
the  wealth  and  social  standing  of  the  family,  a couple  of  can- 
dles, a bundle  of  incense-sticks,  several  large  sheets  of  mock- 
money,  representing  silver  and  gold,  and  some  fresh  flowers. 
Sometimes  she  receives  only  a present  of  money.  The  can- 
dles, incense,  and  mock-money  are  professedly  burnt  before 
the  image  of  “ Mother”  in  her  house,  and  the  money  is  to  be 
used  in  meeting  the  necessary  expense  of  the  ceremony  of 
“ passing  through  the  door”  for  the  especial  benefit  of  the 
children  whom  she  has  helped  into  the  world.  She  furnishes 
each  family  a kind  of  schedule,  which  is  returned  to  her  after 
having  been  filled  up  with  the  names  and  precise  ages  of  the 
children  in  the  family  in  which  she  has  fulfilled  the  duties  of  a 
midwife.  This  document  is  burned  at  the  proper  time,  during 
the  performance  of  u passing  through  the  door”  which  is  done 


134 


MARRIED  LIFE  AND  CHILDREN. 


at  her  expense,  and  in  her  own  house,  before  the  image  of 
“ Mother,”  which  she  worships.  “ Mother”  is  sujiposed  in  this 
manner  to  become  acquainted  with  the  express  wishes  of  the 
midwife,  and  to  be  reminded  of  the  importance  of  her  kind  of-  % 
fices  in  behalf  of  those  children  whose  names  are  thus  submit- 
ted to  her  inspection. 

On  the  fourteenth  or  fifteenth  day  of  the  eighth  month,  there 
is  very  frequently  performed  a ceremony  called  sometimes 
“ worshiping  the  measure .”  Although  almost  universally  cele- 
bi'ated  in  families  having  weak  and  sickly  children,  every  year, 
the  Chinese  seem  to  have  very  often  exceedingly  indistinct 
ideas  in  regard  to  this  custom.  The  expressions  “ southern 
measure”  and  “ northern  measure”  occur  frequently  in  their 
efforts  to  describe  it.  These  two  terms  are  explained  as  re- 
ferring to  two  stars,  or  collections  of  stars,  one  in  the  northern 
heavens,  and  the  other  in  the  southern  heavens.  When  wor- 
shiped, they  are  most  usually  represented  by  their  names  be- 
ing written  on  paper  when  any  emblem  is  needed.  Pictures 
or  images  of  them,  when  made,  represent  two  grave  old  men. 
The  “north  measure”  is  supposed  to  be  the  god  of  longevity, 
and  to  regulate  or  fix  the  time  of  one’s  death , having  the  con- 
trol of  the  book  in  which  such  dates  are  recorded.  The 
“ south  measure”  is  regarded  as  the  god  of  official  emolument, 
or  the  god  which  regulates  one’s  salaries  and  income  during 
life.  In  other  words,  one  is  the  divinity  which  rules  over 
death , and  the  other  the  divinity  which  rules  over  life.  They 
are  often  worshiped  on  the  birthdays  of  children,  and  of 
adults  when  sick.  When  worshiped  about  the  middle  of  the 
eighth  month,  it  is  usually  done  for  the  benefit  of  children  of 
the  family  sick  or  well,  the  object  being  to  secure  to  them  lon- 
gevity and  plenty  of  money. 

The  origin  of  this  custom  is  traced  by  the  Chinese  them- 
selves to  a certain  historical  incident,  as  follows : 

A long  while  ago,  a certain  lad,  on  going  into  the  street  one 
day,  met  an  old  man,  who  proved  to  be  a celebrated  fortune- 
teller named  Kuan-lo.  He  addressed  the  lad,  saying,  “You 
are  a fine  boy.  What  a pity  that  your  life  is  to  be  so  short.” 
The  lad  at  once  asked  him  how  long  it  was  to  be,  and  he  told 
him  that  he  was  to  die  at  the  age  of  nineteen.  This  frightened 
the  lad,  who  was  already  near  that  age,  and  he  went  home 


WORSHIPING  THE  MEASURE. 


135 


crying,  and  told  his  mother  what  he  had  heard.  She,  in  turn? 
was  made  very  sad  also,  but  told  the  lad  to  go  and  inquire 
farther  of  the  fortune-teller.  He  did  so,  and  was  instructed 
to  take  a plate  of  preserved  venison  and  a bottle  of  wine,  and 
Carry  them  to  the  top  of  a certain  mountain,  where  he  would 
find  two  old  men  playing  chess.  He  was  told  to  place  the 
venison  and  the  wine  down  by  them  without  saying  a word, 
and  then  wait  patiently  until  they  had  finished  the  game,  when 
he  might  advance  and  make  known  his  requests.  The  lad 
proceeded  to  do  as  he  was  instructed,  and  was  surprised  to 
find  two  men  there  engaged  in  a game  of  chess.  After  he 
had  silently  placed  the  food  and  drink  by  them,  they  kept  on 
playing  until  they  had  finished  the  game,  without  noticing  the 
lad.  They  then  seemed  hungry,  and  began  to  eat  of  the  pro- 
visions they  saw  by  their  side.  After  they  had  done  eating 
and  drinking,  the  lad  advanced  and  told  his  story,  weeping 
while  talking,  and  besought  them  to  save  him  from  dying  at 
so  early  an  age.  They  heard  the  lad,  and  then  took  out  their 
records,  and  found,  on  examination,  that  his  life  was  indeed 
nearly  finished,  according  to  the  record.  They,  however,  took 
a pen,  and  interpolated  before  the  nineteen  the  Chinese  figure 
for  nine,  thus  making  the  record  read  ninety-nine.  They  then 
ordered  the  boy  to  return  home  and  tell  the  old  man  he  met 
in  the  street  that  he  must  not  do  in  like  manner  again ; that 
the  time  appointed  by  Heaven  was  not  to  be  divulged  to  mor- 
tals. The  lad  thanked  those  old  gentlemen,  who  were  no 
other  than  the  “ north  measure ” and  the  “ south  measure — 
went  home,  and  narrated  to  his  mother  what  had  occurred. 

In  worshiping  the  measure,  the  Chinese,  instead  of  the 
dried  venison,  use  a few  small  balls  of  a kind  of  Dutch  cheese 
made  of  the  milk  of  the  domesticated  buffalo.  They  also  use 
candy  made  out  of  molasses  in  which  hemp-seed  has  been 
mixed,  some  of  the  root  of  the  lotus,  vermicelli,  several  dishes 
of  meats,  fowl,  and  fish,  seven  bowls  of  pea-soup,  ten  cups  of 
wine,  and  three  cups  of  tea,  arranged  on  a table.  Some  fami- 
lies do  not  use  all  of  these  articles.  On  the  table  also  is  placed 
a rice  measure  with  a flaring  top,  half  filled  with  rice.  On  the 
outside  is  a Chinese  representation  of  the  seven  stars  which 
make  the  Dipper.  In  it,  at  each  of  the  four  corners,  is  placed 
some  utensil,  viz.,  a case  containing  a set  of  money -scales,  a 


136 


MARRIED  LIFE  AND  CHILDREN. 


foot-measure,  a pair  of  shears,  anc\  a small  metallic  mirror. 
Besides  these,  ten  chopsticks  are  arranged  around  the  sides  of 
the  measure  in  a perpendicular  position.  It  also  contains  one 
stick  of  incense,  two  candles,  an  oil  lamp,  and  a small  wooden 
image,  being  the  representative  of  the  child  for  whose  benefit 
the  ceremony  is  performed. 

A priest  of  the  Tauist  sect  spends  a short  time  by  the  side 
of  the  table,  chanting  his  formularies  adapted  to  the  occasion, 
and  then  departs,  to  go  through  the  same  at  some  other  house, 
as  very  many  families  observe  the  same  custom  on  this  day 
for  the  welfare  of  their  children. 

Some  time  during  the  spring,  usually  in  the  fourth  month, 
according  to  established  custom,  schoolmasters  invite  their  pu- 
pils to  a feast,  where  they  engage  in  the  worship  of  Confucius. 
It  is  customary  for  pupils  each  to  make  a small  present  of  mon- 
ey to  their  teachers  at  this  time,  which  is  appropriated,  in  part 
at  least,  toward  defraying  the  expenses  of  the  feast.  As  there 
is  no  image  of  Confucius  for  use  on  such  occasions,  a slip  of 
red  paper,  of  only  a few  inches  in  length,  on  which  has  been 
written  in  black  ink  an  expression  meaning  “ the  Teacher , a 
pattern  for  10,000  ages,”  is  put  up  on  the  wall  of  the  school- 
room. In  front  of  this  inscription  is  placed  a table,  having 
upon  it  a censer  and  a brace  of  candlesticks.  When  every 
thing  is  ready,  the  teacher,  having  first  lighted  and  put  in  the 
censer  three  sticks  of  incense,  and  in  the  candlesticks  a couple 
of  candles,  kneels  down  before  the  table,  and,  placing  his  hands 
on  the  floor,  bows  his  head  toward  the  earth  slowly  and  rev- 
erently three  times.  He  then  arises,  and  one  of  his  pupils  takes 
his  place  before  the  table,  and  kneels  down,  making  the  same 
number  of  bowings  in  the  same  manner.  Another  pupil  now 
takes  the  place,  and  performs  the  same  ceremony;  and  so  on, 
till  all  have  engaged  in  the  worship  of  the  sage.  After  this, 
the  food  which  is  to  be  consumed  in  the  feast  is  placed  on  the 
table  before  the  red  paper  inscription  to  Confucius,  where  it 
remains  a short  time.  It  is  then  removed  to  another  table  or 
tables,  around  which  the  teacher  and  his  pupils  gather  and 
partake  of  it.  Before  the  feast,  the  teacher  usually  presents  to 
each  one  of  his  pupils  a white  paper  fan,  on  which  he  some- 
times writes  a quotation  from  the  classics,  or  a favorite  and 
popular  stanza  of  poetry.  Besides  this,  he  provides  a number 


PUPILS  WORSHIP  CONFUCIUS. 


137 


of  toys  equal  to  the  number  of  his  pupils,  each  representing  a 
graduate  of  the  first,  second,  or  third  literary  degrees,  which 
are  distinguishable  by  the  shape  and  color  of  their  dresses.  It 
is  decided  by  the  throwing  of  dice  in  what  order  the  pupils 
shall  choose  these  toys.  These  toys  are  valued  as  an  omen  for 
good,  or  rather  as  an  index  of  the  success  in  study  which  each 
may  hope  to  attain.  It  is  often  an  interesting  and  exciting 
time  among  the  members  of  a school. 

On  a Chinese  youth  entering  a school  as  pupil  for  the  first 
time  in  any  year,  he  is  expected  to  bring  with  him  two  small 
candles,  a few  sticks  of  incense,  and  a small  quantity  of  mock- 
money,  which  are  to  be  lighted  and  consumed  before  a slip  of 
paper  having  some  title  of  Confucius  written  upon  it,  the  pu- 
pil making  the  customary  prostration,  or  bowing  before  it,  aft- 
er these  things  have  been  lighted  and  while  they  are  being 
consumed.  This  is  called  “ entering  school”  or  “ worshiping 
the  sage.”  One  morning,  some  six  years  ago,  a lad,  dressed 
in  his  best  clothes,  marched  into  a free-school  under  the  charge 
of  a missionary,  carrying,  besides  his  books,  three  sticks  of  in- 
cense, two  small  candles,  and  a few  sheets  of  mock-money,  de- 
signed, in  accordance  with  established  usage,  as  an  offering  to 
the  Chinese  sage.  It  seemed  that  the  teacher  had  neglected 
to  inform  his  parents  that  in  the  Mission  school  the  sage  was 
not  worshiped.  The  lad  was  quietly  told  that  the  articles  he 
had  brought  would  not  be  used,  inasmuch  as  those  who  studied 
the  books  of  Jesus  did  not  burn  incense  in  honor  of  Confucius. 

The  ceremony  called  “ going  out  of  childhood”  is  perform- 
ed by  many  families  when  each  of  their  children  is  sixteen 
years  old  or  thereabouts.  It  is  very  nearly  like  the  ceremony 
called  “ passing  through  the  door,”  which  has  been  described, 
except  that  it  is  generally  much  more  imposing  and  showy 
than  that  ceremony,  as  it  is  usually  performed.  The  theo?y 
entertained  is,  that  at  sixteen  years  of  age  the  boy  emerges 
from  boyhood  into  manhood,  and  the  girl  from  girlhood  into 
womanhood.  From  the  time  of  the  performance  of  this  cere- 
mony, the  goddess  of  children,  “Mother,”  ceases  to  have  the 
superintendence  of  the  boy  or  the  girl,  and  the  individual  comes 
under  the  government  of  the  gods  in  general.  The  expression 
“ thanking  Mother ” is  often  used  in  speaking  of  this  event, 
when  she  is  thanked  for  her  past  care  of  the  youth. 


138 


MARRIED  LIFE  AND  CHILDREN. 


Some  families  delay  the  celebration  of  this  custom  for  a year 
or  two  after,  or  have  it  performed  earlier  than  the  usual  time, 
in  case  their  children  are  expecting  to  marry  soon  after  or  be- 
fore they  are  sixteen  years  old,  making  it  come  a short  time 
antecedent  to  the  marriage-day.  Other  families,  in  conse- 
quence of  extreme  poverty,  or  because  their  ancestors  have 
not  been  in  the  habit  of  celebrating  the  ceremony,  or  for  some 
other  reasons,  do  not  celebrate  it  at  all  on  the  arrival  of  their 
children  at  adult  age , as  the  age  of  sixteen  years  may  not  im- 
properly be  styled.  The  child  becomes  a man  or  woman  at 
this  time,  or  becomes  of  age.  He  or  she,  at  the  age  of  sixteen 
years,  becomes  amenable  to  punishment  if  guilty  of  crime.  If 
guilty  and  convicted  before  this  period,  it  is  said,  the  culprit 
must  be  imprisoned  until  the  proper  age  is  reached,  when  pun- 
ishment may  be  legally  inflicted. 

Let  it  not  be  understood,  because  one  becomes  of  age  or  ar- 
rives at  adidt  age  in  China  when  sixteen  years  old,  that  he 
comes  out  from  the  legal  control  of  his  parents  at  this  time. 
While  his  parents  are  alive,  a son  must  continue  to  obey  them. 
Such  is  the  doctrine  of  the  classics,  the  laws,  and  the  customs 
of  China.  No  matter  how  old,  how  educated,  how  wealthy — 
except  he  has  become  an  officer  of  the  government,  and  while 
he  is  serving  the  emperor — he  must  render  prompt  and  implicit 
obedience  to  his  father  and  mother.  He  may  on  no  account 
disobey,  or  neglect,  or  slight  their  wishes  or  their  orders. 
After  he  has  become  an  official,  and  is  away  from  his  paternal 
home  in  the  service  of  the  state,  he  is  subject  to  the  commands 
of  the  emperor.  His  parents  can  not  then  control  him  in  any 
respect,  though  he  must  conform  in  every  thing  to  the  estab- 
lished customs  of  the  empire  in  regard  to  his  parents.  The 
time  never  arrives  when  a man  in  a private  station,  while  his 
parents  are  living,  may  engage  in  the  pursuit  he  chooses,  or 
may  keep  his  earnings  for  himself,  or  spend  them  as  he  pleases, 
without  their  free  consent  and  approval.  His  wages  are  given 
to  them,  and  they  can  oblige  him  to  do  any  thing  or  take  any 
course  they  please,  without  asking  his  consent  or  caring  for  Ins 
preferences.  Such  is  said  to  be  law  ; but  in  fact  and  in  prac- 
tice he  is  treated  with  some  consideration,  often  consulted,  and 
his  wishes  frequently  complied  with. 

A daughter,  after  she  is  married,  is  not  subject  to  her  own 


PROSECUTION  FOR  UNFILIAL  CONDUCT  LAWFUL.  139 

parents,  but  comes  under  the  control  of  her  husband’s  parents, 
if  they  are  living.  To  them  she  is  often  little  different  from  a 
slave.  She  may  not  resist,  or  oppose,  or  deride  their  wishes 
or  commands,  any  more  than  she  might  resist,  or  oppose,  or 
deride  the  wishes  or  commands  of  her  own  parents  before  her 
marriage.  Very  frequently  she  is  treated  by  them  with  great 
cruelty. 

After  the  son  has  attained  his  sixteenth  year,  in  case  of  the 
decease  of  his  father,  he  generally  manages  the  outside  affairs 
of  the  family  pretty  much  as  he  pleases,  unless  his  mother 
should  happen  to  be  a strong-minded  woman.  The  classic 
says  the  woman  has  three  obeyings : 1st,  she  must  obey  her  fa- 
ther (before  her  marrriage)  ; 2d,  she  must  obey  her  husband 
(after  marriage) ; and,  3d,  she  must  obey  her  son  (after  her  hus- 
band’s death),  i.  e.,  when  he  shall  have  arrived  at  mature  age. 

The  principle  of  a woman’s  obeying  her  son  after  the  de- 
cease of  her  husband  must  not  be  understood  as  allowing  him 
to  abuse,  or  insult,  or  injure  her.  Neither  would  custom  tol- 
erate nor  the  laws  justify  such  unfilial  conduct. 

In  cases  of  extreme  unfilial  conduct,  parents  sometimes  ac- 
cuse their  children  before  the  magistrate,  and  demand  his  of- 
ficial aid  in  controlling  or  punishing  them  ; but  such  instances 
are  comparatively  rare.  Public  sentiment  is  so  strong  against 
the  individual  who  will  not  treat  his  parents  with  the  custom- 
ary respect  and  obedience,  and  the  want  of  filial  piety  is  taught 
to  be  a crime  of  such  enormity,  that  few  Chinese  are  found 
who  have  the  hardihood  to  lay  themselves  open  to  the  . dis- 
grace of  a public  prosecution.  It  is  said  that,  should  a parent 
whip  his  child  to  death  for  unfilial  conduct,  notice  would  sel- 
dom or  never  be  taken  of  it  in  the  shape  of  a prosecution  of 
the  parent  before  the  magistrate  ; only  the  maternal  uncles  of 
the  disobedient  lad  or  man  would  have  a right  to  interfere  in 
the  case.  When  a parent  brings  his  incorrigible  son  before 
the  magistrate  for  filial  impiety,  and  demands  punishment  to 
be  inflicted,  the  maternal  uncles  of  the  accused  have  a right 
to  interfere  or  to  be  consulted,  especially  in  case  very  severe 
punishment,  as  death,  should  be  demanded  by  the  indignant 
and  dishonored  parent.  It  is  affirmed  that  no  magistrate 
would  dare  to  whip  an  unfilial  child  to  death  at  the  instiga- 
tion and  demand  of  his  parents  without  first  consulting  and 


140 


MARRIED  LIFE  AND  CHILDREN. 


obtaining  the  testimony  or  consent  of  his  maternal  uncles. 
They  are  required  to  bear  witness  to  the  character  and  the 
conduct  of  their  nephew  who  is  under  prosecution.  The  mag- 
istrate may  exercise  his  prerogative  of  advising  the  parent  in 
regard  to  the  course  to  be  pursued,  as  well  as  of  exhorting  the 
refractory  son  in  regard  to  his  duty ; but  he  may  not  set  him- 
self firmly  against  carrying  out  the  punishment  demanded  by 
the  offended  parent.  If  the  parent  requires  his  son  to  be  pub- 
licly whipped  by  the  command  of  the  magistrate,  the  latter  is 
obliged  to  order  the  infliction  of  the  whipping.  If  the  former 
demands  a public  exposure  of  his  son  in  the  wooden  cangue, 
with  the  crime  of  not  filial  written  upon  it,  then  the  latter 
must  cause  the  son  to  be  thus  punished  for  a specified  time. 
If,  after  these  or  similar  slight  punishments,  the  son  remains 
undutiful  and  disobedient,  and  his  parents  demand  it  at  the 
hands  of  the  magistrate,  the  latter  must,  with  the  consent  of 
the  maternal  uncles  of  the  individual,  cause  him  to  be  taken 
out  to  the  high  wall  in  front  of  the  yamun,  and  have  him  there 
publicly  whipped  to  death. 

If  a son  should  murder  his  parent,  either  father  or  mother, 
and  be  convicted  of  the  crime,  he  would  not  only  be  behead- 
ed, but  his  body  would  be  mutilated  by  being  cut  into  small 
pieces ; his  house  would  be  razed  to  the  ground,  and  the  earth 
under  it  would  be  dug  up  for  several  feet  deep ; his  neighbors 
living  on  the  right  and  the  left  would  be  severely  punished ; 
his  principal  teacher  would  suffer  capital  punishment ; the  dis- 
trict magistrate  of  the  place  would  be  deprived  of  his  office 
and  disgraced ; the  prefect,  the  governor  of  the  province,  and 
the  viceroy  would  all  be  degraded  three  degrees  in  rank.  All 
this  is  done  and  suffered  to  mark  the  enormity  of  the  crime 
of  a parricide. 

What  is  said  above  in  regard  to  the  treatment  of  an  un- 
filial  child,  and  the  jiunishment  inflicted  upon  a parricide,  and 
those  who  are  supposed  or  believed  to  be  connected  with  him, 
is  in  accordance  with  the  common  sayings  and  opinions  of  the 
people  on  the  subject. 

Having  accompanied  the  Chinese  child  along  the  journey 
of  life  from  the  third  day  of  his  earthly  existence  until  he  has 
emerged  into  manhood,  and  having  observed  and  attempted 
briefly  to  describe  some  eighteen  or  twenty  of  the  singular  or 


INFLUENCE  OF  EARLY  WRONG  TRAINING.  141 


superstitious  customs  which  are  believed  to  relate  to  his  well- 
being, let  us  now  dismiss  the  subject,  assured  that,  if  he  re- 
mains a heathen,  he  will,  in  the  main,  practice  the  same  cus- 
toms in  his  family,  and  bring  up  his  children  in  a similar 
manner. 

The  mind  of  the  thoughtful  reader,  born  and  educated  in  a 
Christian  land,  can  not  but  be  pervaded  by  a deep  feeling  of 
gratitude  that  he  was  not  born  and  brought  up  in  China,  sub- 
ject to  the  superstitious  influences  to  which  the  Chinese  from 
their  earliest  infancy  are  subjected  by  their  parents,  in  accord- 
ance with  established  customs. 

No  wonder  that  the  Chinese  are  exceedingly  attached  to 
the  peculiar  superstitious  customs  of  their  country,  when  their 
earliest  recollections  are  so  intimately  associated  with  the  per- 
formance of  these  customs  for  their  special  benefit,  and  with 
the  excitements  and  the  feastings  which  invariably  attend  the 
performance  of  them. 


142 


SUPERSTITIOUS  TREATMENT  OF  DISEASE. 


CHAPTER  V. 

SUPERSTITIOUS  TREATMENT  OF  DISEASE. 

Miscellaneous  Superstitions  to  cure  the  Sick:  Death  owing  to  the  “ Reckoning 
of  Heaven.” — Propitiating  the  “ Destroying  God.” — Expelling  deadly  In- 
fluences.— Inviting  the  Mandate  of  the  “Arrow.” — Attributing  the  Dis- 
ease to  some  angry  God. — Ascribing  the  Sickness  to  the  Enmity  of  a de- 
ceased Person. — Inviting  the  God  of  Medicine  to  visit  the  Sick. — Getting 
ten  Men  to  become  Security. — Endeavoring  to  bring  back  the  Spirit  of  the 
Sick. — Following  the  Directions  of  a Book  of  Charms. — Burning  a repre- 
sentative paper  Image  of  the  Sick. — Ascending  a Ladder  of  Knives. — 
They  implore  the  Aid  of  certain  Divinities  in  curing  Small-pox  and  Measles  .- 
Worship  of  the  Goddess  of  Small-pox. — Steaming  Balls  of  Yeast. — Beating 
a Drum  or  Gong  when  it  Thunders. — Roasting  black  Beans. — Presents  in- 
dicating the  Wish  that  the  Scabs  of  the  Small-pox  may  fall  off. — Thank-of- 
fering to  the  Goddess  of  Small-pox. — Worship  of  the  Goddess  of  Measles. 
— They  employ  novel  Methods  for  curing  and  preventing  Cholera  and  other 
epidemic  Diseases : Epidemics  under  control  of  the  Five  Rulers. — Idol  Pro- 
cessions.— Tall  white  Devil  and  short  black  Devil. — Paper  Boats  carried 
in  Procession,  and  burnt  at  Water’s  Edge. — An  unusual  kind  of  Idol  Pro- 
cession to  expel  unhealthy  Influences. — Theym  engage  in  Idol  Processions  as 
a Token  of  Gratitude  for  the  Recovery  of  their  Parents  from  Sickness,  or  to 
promote  their  Longevity:  Making  Vows  before  popular  Idols. — Kneeling 
down  in  the  Streets  before  the  Idol  in  Procession. — Wearing  Cangues  and 
Cuflfs.  — Dressing  in  red  Coats. — Carrying  a Stick  of  lighted  Incense. — 
Ceremony  before  the  Great  King. 

Miscellaneous  Superstitions  to  cure  the  Sick. 

When  the  Chinese  are  sick  they  oftentimes  have  recourse 
to  some  god  or  goddess  which  they  suppose  has  the  control 
of  the  particular  disease  with  which  they  are  taken.  They 
burn  incense  before  the  image,  and  implore  a speedy  recovery. 
If  they  should  recover,  the  credit  is  given  to  the  divinity  wor- 
shiped, and  an  offering  of  meats  or  vegetables  is  made  with 
more  or  less  pomp,  and  at  great  or  small  expense,  according 
to  the  standing  of  the  family,  and  the  nature  of  the  vow  made 
at  the  time  of  invoking  the  aid  of  the  god  or  goddess. 

If  the  person  dies,  the  divinity  worshiped  is  not  regarded 
as  to  blame,  but  the  thank-offering  which  would  have  been 
rendered  in  case  of  recovery  is  withheld.  The  death  is  simply 


PROPITIATING  THE  DESTROYING  GOD.  143 

accounted  for  by  saying  it  is  in  accordance  with  the  “ reckon- 
ing of  Heaven”  They  do  not  seem  to  regard  recovery  from 
illness  to  be  at  all  connected  with  the  '■'■reckoning  of  Heaven” 
If  one  dies  it  is  because  Heaven  wills  it,  or  it  is  according  to 
the  decrees  of  fate.  If  one  recovers  it  is  because  the  god  or 
goddess  which  controls  the  disease  wills  recovery.  It  is  all  to 
be  credited  to  his  or  her  power  and  benevolence.  They  prac- 
tically ignore  the  great  fact  that  health  and  sickness,  life  and 
death,  are  always  in  accordance  with  the  reckoning  of  Heaven 
— are  all  controlled  and  governed  by  the  Supreme  Disposer  of 
events. 

The  Chinese,  notwithstanding  their  submission  to  the  reck- 
oning of  Heaven,  or  their  belief  in  the  power  of  the  gods  and 
goddesses  they  have  invented  and  established,  make  great 
use  of  medicine  when  they  are  sick.  After  all,  the  result  is 
ascribed  to  Heaven  if  unpropitious  and  death  ensues,  or  to  the 
gods  if  health  returns  and  the  sick  man  recovers.  They  seem 
to  act  and  feel  as  though  Heaven  were  able  only  to  cause  one’s 
death,  and  that  only  the  gods  had  the  power  to  rebuke  disease 
and  restore  to  health. 

They  try  to  propitiate  a certain  destructive  divinity.  — 
When  the  members  of  a family  are  sick  one  after  the  other, 
the  sickness  is  very  often  attributed  to  the  evil  agency  of  a 
god  called  the  “ destroying  god,”  which  is  believed  to  cause 
diseases  in  families.  The  manner  in  which  the  Chinese  some- 
times speak  of  this  subject  would  lead  one  to  suppose  that 
they  imagine  there  are  mysterious  and  injurious  influences  ex- 
isting between  and  among  the  members  of  a family,  as  from 
the  father  toward  his  son,  or  the  husband  toward  his  wife, 
etc.,  very  frequently  resulting  in  illness.  Some  families  which 
are  afflicted  with  repeated  and  inexplicable  sickness,  having 
first  made  a solemn  vow  to  have  a ceremony  performed,  the 
object  of  which  is  to  beg  or  bribe  the  god  to  dissipate  or  de- 
stroy these  influences,  proceed  to  have  it  done  as  soon  as  the 
health  of  their  sick  ones  will  admit.  They  employ  several 
priests  belonging  to  the  Tauist  sect.  The  ceremony  lasts,  ac- 
cording to  the  option  of  the  families  who  employ  the  priests, 
from  one  day  and  one  night  to  three  days  and  three  nights, 
according  to  the  amount  of  money  they  determine  to  expend 
on  the  occasion.  They  erect  a temporary  altar  out  of  common 


144 


SUPERSTITIOUS  TREATMENT  OF  DISEASE 


tables.  On  this  are  arranged  various  portable  images  of  gods, 
candlesticks,  censers,  and  implements  used  in  the  ceremony. 
Oftentimes  a large  amount  of  meats  and  vegetables  is  also 
offered.  The  priests  chant  their  liturgy  or  formularies,  ring 
their  bells,  and  march  in  concert  around  the  altar.  The  merit 
of  their  performances  is  all  supposed  to  go  to  the  benefit  of 
the  sick,  and  it  is  hoped  that  the  “ destroying”  demon  will  be 
prevailed  upon  to  extirpate  the  baneful  influences  under  bis 
control,  letting  the  sick  not  only  get  well,  but  keep  well. 

They  endeavor  to  expel  various  deadly  influences  proceeding 
from  evil  spirits: — Should  any  one  who  has  had  general  good 
health  be  suddenly  and  mysteriously  taken  with  dizziness  in 
his  head,  pain  in  his  eyes,  or  with  inability  to  use  his  hands  or 
feet  as  usual,  his  illness  is  not  unfrequently  ascribed  to  the  in- 
fluence emanating  from  some  one  of  seventy-two  malignant 
spirits  or  gods.  Immediate  measures  must  be  taken  to  coun- 
teract or  expel  this  evil  influence.  A table  is  placed  in  the 
lightest  part  of  the  room  in  ■which  the  sick  man  is.  On  it  are 
arranged  three  cups  of  wine,  a platter  having  on  it  five  kinds 
of  fruit,  and  a censer  and  a pair  of  candlesticks.  A quantity 
of  mock-money  is  also  procured,  ready  for  burning.  A Tauist 
priest  is  hired  to  recite  the  proper  formulas,  in  order  to  secure 
the  expelling  of  this  malignant  influence  from  the  sick  man. 
Sometimes  he  invokes  the  aid  of  a certain  headless  demon  in 
this  important  work.  The  priest  provides  himself  with  a small 
bell,  which  he  rings  while  he  repeats  his  formulas ; and  with 
a bowl  of  water,  which  he  sprinkles  or  snaps  with  his  fingers 
on  the  articles  offered,  and  on  the  sick  person.  He  has  also  a 
bundle  of  various  kinds  of  paper  charms  ready  for  use  when 
needed,  and  a small  stick  of  wood,  with  which  he  strikes  the 
table  at  intervals  during  the  recitation  of  his  formulas.  The 
incense  and  candles  are  burning  all  this  while,  and  at  the  prop- 
er time  he  sets  the  mock-money  on  fire.  About  the  close  of 
the  performance  he  produces  three  paper  charms,  one  of  which 
is  to  be  stuck  up  over  the  door  of  the  room,  another  is  to  be 
Avorn  on  the  person  of  the  sick,  if  it  be  a man,  or  on  her  head, 
if  it  be  a Avoman ; and  the  third  is  to  be  burnt,  and  its  ashes, 
mingled  Avith  hot  water,  are  to  be  drank  by  the  sick  one. 
Sometimes  one  of  these  charms  is  suspended  on  the  curtain  of 
the  bed  on  which  the  afflicted  person  sleeps,  according  to  the 


SINGULAR  USE  OF  AN  ARROW. 


145 


directions  of  the  officiating  priest.  He  is  supposed  to  know 
which  of  the  different  methods  of  using  the  charms  should  be 
practiced  in  any  given  case.  In  case  the  priest  is  successful  in 
expelling  the  malignant  influence  at  an  early  period,  medicine 
is  rarely  used  in  restoring  the  disabled  individual  to  health. 
When  the  evil  influence  is  removed,  the  person  will  soon  re- 
gain his  usual  degree  of  health,  as  a matter  of  course. 

They  invite  the  mandate  of  the  “ arrow’’’  from  a powerful 
god. — When  an  important  member  of  a family  is  taken  very 
ill,  and  the  disease  does  not  yield  to  medicine  or  nursing,  it  is 
often  affirmed  to  be  caused  by  an  evil  spirit  or  influence,  only 
subject  to  the  great  gods.  A member  of  the  family — as  wife, 
child,  or  brother — goes  with  disheveled  hair,  and  wearing  a 
white  garment  around  the  waist  or  over  the  shoulders,  to  the 
temple  of  one  of  the  principal  idols  worshiped  in  the  city,  and 
beats  the  drum,  which  notifies  the  god  that  there  is  an  urgent 
need  of  his  kind  offices.  Sometimes  the  individual  carries  a 
stick  of  lighted  incense  in  his  hands,  weeping  and  kneeling 
down  in  the  streets  every  short  distance.  This  indicates  the 
greatest  distress  and  danger.  On  reaching  the  idol’s  pres- 
ence, he  hastily  lights  incense  and  candles  before  the  god,. and 
proceeds  to  state,  in  a kneeling  position,  the  circumstances  of 
the  family  of  the  sick  person,  and  the  importance  of  his  imme- 
diate recovery  to  health,  as  having  several  small  children,  or 
as  having  aged  parents  dependent  on  him  for  support.  The 
applicant  begs  an  arrow-like  utensil,  less  than  two  feet  long,  on 
which  is  sometimes  written  a single  word,  “ command.”  This 
arrow  is  taken  home,  and  placed  in  an  upright  position  on  the 
centre  of  a table,  or  it  is  suspended  over  it,  or  it  is  put  in  a 
frame  prepared  for  its  reception,  or  in  the*  censer  used  by  the 
family  of  the  sick  man.  It  is  then  worshiped,  and  incense  and 
candles  are  burnt  daily  before  it  in  its  honor,  until  the  sick 
person  recovers  or  dies.  Should  he  recover,  a thank-offering, 
consisting  of  meats,  etc.,  is  prepared  by  the  family,  and  pre- 
sented before  the  image  of  the  god  on  the  occasion  of  return- 
ing the  “ arrow”  to  the  temple  from  which  it  was  obtained. 

If  the  “arrow”  is  ineffectual,  and  the  sick  person  dies,  it 
must  be  returned  to  the  temple  where  it  belongs,  accompanied 
with  a simple  offering  of  mock-money,  incense,  and  candles. 
These  are  not  to  be  regarded  as  a thank- offering,  but  only  as 

Vol.  I.— G 


146 


SUPERSTITIOUS  TREATMENT  OF  DISEASE. 


tokens  of  respect,  without  which  the  divinity  would  be  of- 
fended. 

This  “arrow”  is  regarded  as  the  warrant  or  command  of 
the  god  invoked  for  the  departure  of  the  evil  spirit,  or  the  ex- 
pulsion of  the  wicked  influences  Avhich  are  supposed  to  infect 
the  sick  person,  and  constitute  the  main  cause  of  his  illness. 

The  sick  person’s  illness  is  sometimes  attributed  to  the  spir- 
it of  his  or  her  former  wife  or  husband  (that  is,  in  a previous 
state  of  existence),  which,  after  long  search,  has  finally  suc- 
ceeded in  finding  its  partner.  The  sick  person  sometimes  de- 
clares this  to  be  the  fact,  or  rather  the  mouth  of  the  sick  is 
used  by  the  spirit  to  make  the  disclosure.  In  such  a case, 
some  one  of  the  family  makes  a vow  to  have  performed  a cer- 
tain ceremony,  the  object  of  which  is  to  “ ferry  over”  the  wan- 
dering spirit ; or  they  employ  a magician  to  perform  a certain 
other  ceremony  for  the  relief  of  the  sick,  by  “ catching ” the 
spirit  which  possesses  or  disturbs  him.  If  such  a procedure 
does  not  result  favorably,  a resort  is  finally  had  to  some  popu- 
lar divinity,  by  soliciting  an  arrow,  as  above  described. 

They  attribute  the  disease  to  the  anger  of  some  god. — Some- 
times a person  is  suddenly  attacked  with  an  unaccountable 
disease.  His  family  attribute  it  to  some  god  or  goddess  un- 
known, which  has  become  offended  through  some  act  or  word 
of  the  person,  and  which,  as  a punishment,  has  sent  the  disease 
upon  him.  After  such  a conclusion,  one  of  the  family  takes 
three  sticks  of  incense  in  his  hand,  approaches  the  individual, 
and  fervently  and  reverently  inquires,  in  substance,  “ What 
god  has  this  man  offended  that  he  is  thus  afflicted  ? I beg 
that  the  divinity  will  make  it  known  by  the  mouth  of  the  sick , 
so  that  I may  readily  go  and  render  thanks.'1''  If  the  sick  per- 
son then  should  speak  the  name  of  any  god  or  goddess,  it  is 
taken  for  granted  that  such  a god  or  goddess  has  been  the 
cause  of  his  illness.  Offerings  of  meats  and  vegetables,  to- 
gether with  incense,  candles,  and  mock-money,  are,  according 
to  custom,  prepared  and  presented  before  an  image  of  the  di- 
vinity whose  name  was  mentioned  by  the  afflicted  one.  The 
object  of  all  this  is  to  propitiate  the  good-will  of  the  divinity, 
and  thus  expedite  the  recovery  of  the  patient. 

Sometimes  recourse  is  had  to  divination,  by  means  of  a tor- 
toise-shell and  three  ancient  cash,  in  order  to  ascertain  what 


SICKNESS  ATTRIBUTED  TO  THE  ANGER  OF  A GOD.  147 

divinity  has  been  offended,  and  what  must  be  done  to  propi- 
tiate it,  and  where  the  ceremony  must  be  performed,  etc. 

Often  the  sick  person  will  himself  (speaking  for  the  god  of- 
fended) declare  the  day,  month,  and  year  when  he  abused  or 
paid  manifest  disrespect  to  some  idol  in  a specified  place,  and 
that  his  soul  is  to  be  taken  to  the  lower  regions  to  suffer  pun- 
ishment for  this  sin,  which  punishment  it  now  becomes  the  ob- 
ject of  the  family  to  prevent,  by  propitiating  the  offended  di- 
vinity through  offerings  of  meats,  incense,  and  mock-money. 

It  is  a very  prevalent  belief  among  the  common  people  that 
those  who  insult  the  images  of  the  gods  and  goddesses  wor- 
shiped here  will  be  seized  with  colic,  or  with  some  painful  dis- 
ease, as  the  positive  punishment  for  such  conduct.  Probably 
this  sentiment  conduces  very  much  to  the  respectful  treatment 
which  is  universally  shown  to  the  idols  carried  in  public  pro- 
cession through  the  streets,  even  by  persons  who  are  not  en- 
gaged in  them,  and  who  are  delayed  or  annoyed  by  them. 

It  is  not  unfrequently  remarked,  in  regard  to  the  sickness 
of  children,  that  perhaps  they  are  suffering  from  the  influence 
of  a goddess  of  children,  familiarly  called  “Mother;”  or,  in  re- 
gard to  the  ailments  of  a husband  or  a wife,  that  he  or  she,  as 
the  case  may  be,  has  offended  against  a certain  god  of  bad  re- 
pute worshiped  by  prostitutes.  These  divinities  must  be  pro- 
pitiated by  a presentation  of  meats,  mock-money,  etc.,  when  it 
is  supposed  the  persons  afflicted  will  speedily  recover. 

They  ascribe  the  disease  to  the  enmity  of  the  spirit  of  a de- 
ceased person. — Sometimes,  when  one  is  taken  with  sudden 
and  severe  pains,  and  becomes  quite  ill,  or  when  one’s  business 
goes  wrongly,  and  he  loses  money,  such  a state  of  things  is 
frequently  ascribed  to  the  grudge  or  enmity  of  the  spirit  of 
some  person,  now  deceased,  but  who  was  offended,  either  in 
the  present  or  in  a former  state  of  being,  by  the  sick  man,  or 
the  man  whose  business  languishes,  or  by  his  ancestors,  for 
whose  follies  or  for  whose  vices  he  is  held  responsible,  and  for 
whom  he  is  made  to  suffer.  In  view  of  such  suspicions,  the 
family  proceed  to  prepare  several  suits  of  paper  clothing,  a 
miniature  paper  umbrella,  several  pairs  of  small  straw  sandals, 
and  a large  sheet  of  paper.  They  provide  also  an  offering  of 
meats,  mock-money,  candles,  and  incense.  Several  priests  be- 
longing to  the  Tauist  religion  are  then  invited  to  repeat  the 


148 


SUPERSTITIOUS  TREATMENT  OF  DISEASE. 


formula  for  dissolving  or  untying  grudges.  They  perform 
the  ceremony  either  in  the  sick  man’s  house  or  in  some  tem- 
ple, burning  the  paper  articles  and  offering  the  eatables  ac- 
cording to  the  established  custom.  The  object  of  this  is  to 
propitiate  the  inimical  spirit,  or  cause  it  to  take  its  departure. 
Unless  this  is  done,  it  is  feared  that  the  same  ill  luck,  or  the 
sickness  arising  from  the  malevolence  of  an  injured  and  offend- 
ed spirit,  will  disturb  the  man  and  his  family  in  successive  gen- 
erations, or  at  least  until  the  revenge  or  the  enmity  of  the  un- 
friendly spirit  shall  have  been  satisfied.  Buddhist  priests  sel- 
dom or  never  engage  in  the  performance  of  the  ceremony  for 
dissipating  grudges.  Sometimes  some  of  the  members  of  the 
family  themselves  are  able  to  repeat  the  formularies  relating 
to  this  subject,  which  is  believed  to  answer  nearly  as  well  as 
though  it  were  done  by  hired  priests. 

They  invite  the  god  of  medicine  to  their  house. — If  one  has 
very  painful  ulcers,  malignant  sores,  or  inflamed  eyes,  recourse 
is  often  had,  by  some  of  his  family  on  his  behalf,  to  a god  of 
medicine,  in  somewhat  the  following  manner : The  friend  goes 
to  the  temple  erected  in  the  god’s  honor  and  for  his  worship, 
but,  as  the  god  is  quite  deaf,  he  must  be  aroused  and  interest- 
ed in  an  extraordinary  way.  Some,  therefore,  rub  or  tickle 
one  of  his  ears,  and  then  present  their  requests,  speaking  into 
his  organ  of  hearing  thus  excited.  Others  rub  the  part  of  the 
image  which  corresponds  to  the  part  of  the  body  of  the  sick 
man  which  is  affected,  in  order  that  the  god  may  know  pre- 
cisely where  his  services  are  needed.  The  suppliant,  having- 
burned  incense  and  candles  before  the  image  of  the  “ Doctor ,” 
returns  to  the  home  of  his  relative,  the  patient,  carrying  some 
of  the  ashes  taken  from  the  censer  standing  before  the  god,  or 
from  the  medicine-box  of  one  of  his  attendants,  whose  images 
stand  near  by.  Now  these  ashes  represent  the  “ Doctor,”  and 
must  therefore  be  treated  with  respect  and  reverence  by  the 
family.  They  are  done  up  in  red  paper,  and  placed  in  the  cen- 
ser belonging  to  the  household,  and  incense  and  candles  are 
daily  burned  before  them,  accompanied  with  kneeling  and 
bowing.  If  the  man’s  boils  or  ulcers  disappear  soon  after  this, 
it  is  attributed  to  the  efficacy  of  the  god  of  medicine,  and  the 
man  must  make  a thank-offering  to  him  in  his  temple,  consist- 
ing of  five  or  ten  dishes  of  vegetables  (no  meats),  with  the 


BECOMING  SECURITY  FOR  A SICK  MAN. 


149 


customary  burning  of  candles,  incense,  and  mock-money,  re- 
turning at  the  same  time  the  ashes  which  were  previously  ob- 
tained from  the  temple.  This  doctor  is  a Grahamite. 

They  get  ten  men  to  become  “ security ” for  the  sick  person. 
— When  one  is  sick,  and  medicine  seems  to  do  no  good,  some- 
times his  relatives  and  friends,  of  ten  different  families,  en- 
deavor to  benefit  him  by  becoming  a kind  of  “ security”  for 
him.  Each  family  contributes  one  hundred  cash,  which  is  paid 
into  the  hands  of  a member  of  his  family.  This  amount  not 
being  sufficient  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  subsequent  feast 
and  ceremonies,  what  is  needed  in  addition  is  furnished  by  the 
family.  They  purchase  a quantity  of  eatables,  as  pork,  fish, 
fowl,  eggs,  fruit,  wine,  cakes,  etc.,  and  provide  a feast  for  these 
ten  friends  in  a temple.  These  articles  are,  however,  first  pre- 
sented before  the  idol  worshiped  there,  as  an  offering,  in  order 
to  obtain  the  aid  of  the  god  in  restoring  the  sick  man  to  health. 
The  names  of  these  ten  persons,  written  on  a piece  of  paper, 
are  also  burned  before  the  idol,  as  a fancied  security  for  him. 
Besides,  several  priests  are  employed  to  recite  their  formulas, 
and  perform  certain  other  ceremonies  for  the  benefit  of  the 
sick  man.  After  the  conclusion  of  these  preliminaries,  the  ar- 
ticles provided  are  arranged  on  tables  for  eating,  and  the  ten 
friends,  the  priests,  and  other  guests,  if  any  have  been  invited, 
sit  down  to  the  feast.  When  the  representative  of  the  family 
returns  home,  he  carries  a certain  wooden  vessel,  holding  about 
a peck,  being  four-sided,  and  larger  at  the  top  than  at  the  bot- 
tom, containing  some  rice,  ten  chopsticks,  which  are  placed  in 
an  upright  position  around  the  sides  of  the  measure,  also  one 
pair  of  shears,  one  foot-measure,  one  metallic  mirror,  and  one 
money-balance  or  scales.  These  four  articles  are  placed  in  the 
centre  of  the  four  sides.  In  the  centre  of  the  measure  is  a 
burning  lamp,  in  front  of  Avhich,  or  on  the  sides  of  which,  are 
two  candles  and  three  sticks  of  incense,  all  lighted,  and,  final- 
ly, a small  wooden  stick  or  image  representing  the  sick  indi- 
vidual. 

As  soon  as  he  reaches  home,  some  of  the  rice  in  the  meas- 
ure is  immediately  taken  and  made  into  congee,  which  is  given 
to  the  sick  man  to  eat,  if  possible.  The  measure,  with  its  con- 
tents, is  placed  in  the  room  where  the  sick  one  is.  The  lamp, 
the  candles,  and  the  incense  are  allowed  to  burn  as  long  as 


150 


SUPERSTITIOUS  TREATMENT  OF  DISEASE. 


they  will.  They  must  go  out  of  themselves,  and  not  be  extin- 
guished by  design,  as  that  would  be  a very  inauspicious  omen. 

They  endeavor  to  bring  back  the  departing  spirit  of  the 
sick  man. — When  one  is  very  sick,  and  apparently  almost 
ready  to  die,  as  a last  resort  the  following  method  is  some- 
times adopted  to  prevent  the  death  of  the  sick  man,  and  re- 
store him  to  health : Several  priests  of  the  Tauist  sect  are  en- 
gaged to  repeat  their  formulas  in  a temple  for  his  benefit.  At 
the  house,  or  near  it,  another  ceremony  is  performed;  some- 
times, however,  that  too  is  performed  in  the  temple.  A bam- 
boo, eight  to  ten  feet  long,  having  fresh  green  leaves  at  its 
little  end,  is  provided.  Near  this  end  there  often  is  fasten- 
ed a white  cock.  One  end  of  a red  cord  is  tied  around  the 
centre  of  a two-foot  measure,  and  the  other  end  is  made  fast 
around  the  bamboo,  among  the  green  leaves.  A coat  belong- 
ing to  the  sick  man,  and  very  recently  worn,  is  suspended  on 
this  measure,  its  ends  being  put  into  the  arm-holes  of  the  gar- 
ment. A metallic  mirror,  having  a handle  to  it,  is  then  tied 
on  this  measure  in  such  a manner  that  it  will  come  a few 
inches  above  the  shoulders  of  the  garment,  in  the  place  where 
the  head  of  an  individual  would  come  were  the  coat  to  be 
worn.  Some  one  of  the  family  takes  this  bamboo  pole  and 


FOLLOWING  A BOOK  OF  CHARMS. 


151 


bolds  it  loosely  in  his  grasp  in  a perpendicular  position,  stand- 
ing not  far  from  the  house,  or  in  the  temple  if  conveniently 
near.  A priest  now  begins  to  call  over  the  name  of  the  sick 
person,  and  to  ring  his  bell,  and  to  repeat  certain  incantations, 
the  object  of  which  is  to  cause  the  sick  man’s  spirit  to  enter 
the  coat.  The  white  cock  and  the  bright  mirror  ai’e  supposed 
to  perform  an  important  part  in  effecting  this  desirable  ob- 
ject. After  a while  the  pole  is  sometimes  observed  to  turn 
round  slowly  in  the  hands  of  its  holder,  which  circumstance  is 
believed  to  be  a sure  proof  of  the  presence  of  the  spirit  of  the 
sick  man  in  the  coat.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  ceremonies 
the  coat  is  taken  from  its  place  on  the  bamboo  pole,  and 
placed  as  soon  as  possible  on  the  body  of  the  sick  man,  or  it  is 
spread  over  him  as  he  lies  on  his  bed,  if  he  is  too  sick  to  allow 
its  being  put  on  properly. 

It  should  have  been  premised  that  the  spirit  of  the  sick  man 
is  supposed  to  have  left  his  body,  and  yet  to  be  hovering 
around  in  the  vicinity.  It  is  supposed  also  that  it  can  be  in- 
duced by  the  performance  of  the  ceremonies  above  described 
to  return  to  the  coat  which  has  been  but  recently  worn  by  the 
person  to  whom  the  said  spirit  belongs ; and,  if  it  but  enters 
the  coat,  it  can  be  transferred  to  the  body  of  the  sick  man, 
and  perhaps  be  prevailed  upon  to  remain  there. 

They  follow  out  the  directions  of  a book  of  charms. — 
There  is  a very  singular  method  of  treating  unimportant  dis- 
eases of  children,  or  their  common  pains,  as  headache,  colic, 
etc.,  very  frequently  resorted  to  by  their  parents  at  this  place. 
A small  book,  said  to  have  been  made  a long  while  ago  by  one 
who  was  then  the  chief  of  Tauist  priests,  contains  a list  of 
days,  with  directions  how  children  should  be  treated  who  are 
taken  with  certain  symptoms  on  these  days.  If  a parent  wish- 
es to  follow  out  the  teachings  of  this  book,  wThen  his  child  is 
sick,  he  has  only  to  look  for  the  day  and  the  hour  when  it  was 
taken  unwell,  and  ascertain  whether  there  is  any  correspond- 
ence between  the  symptoms  given  therein  and  the  symptoms 
of  his  sick  child.  If  there  should  be  a correspondence,  he  is 
instructed  what  to  do  to  remove  the  disease  from  his  child, 
and  also  what  evil  spirit  is  the  cause  of  the  illness.  What  he 
is  instructed  to  do  is  designed  to  appease  this  spirit.  Sj)ecific 
directions  are  given,  according  to  the  time,  disease,  and  spirit 


152 


SUPERSTITIOUS  TREATMENT  OF  DISEASE. 


concerned.  Perhaps  he  must  buy  a certain  number  of  sheets 
of  white  and  of  yellow  mock-money.  He  must  prepare  a 
picture  of  a horse,  and  also  of  a boy  or  of  a girl,  as  the  case  may 
be,  like  the  pictures  of  the  horse,  the  boy  or  the  girl,  found  in 
the  book  as  patterns.  This  can  be  done  by  taking  a piece  of 
paper  and  laying  it  on  the  figure  found  in  the  volume,  and 
then  tracing  the  outlines  with  a pen.  These  must  be  burned 
with  the  face  of  the  performer  turned  toward  the  north,  east, 
south,  or  west,  according  to  the  directions  of  the  book.  Some- 
times, also,  a few  dishes  of  vegetables  and  cakes  are  to  be  of- 
fered to  the  mischievous  spirit,  all  according  to  this  doctor- 
book. 

They  burn  a paper  image  as  a kind  of  substitute. — When 
one  is  very  sick,  sometimes  a ceremony  is  performed,  the  ob- 
ject of  which  is  principally  to  propitiate  the  god  which,  accord- 
ing to  them,  rules  over  the  current  year.  The  ceremony  takes 
its  distinctive  name  from  a rude  picture  of  a human  being 
drawn  on  or  cut  out  of  a piece  of  paper,  rejwesenting  the  sick 
man.  This  is  pasted  on  a slip, of  bamboo.  About  one  hund- 
red pieces  of  mock -money  having  been  pasted  into  a cer- 
tain form,  and  placed  together  in  a square  or  round  package, 
the  paper  image  is  stuck  into  it  by  means  of  the  bamboo  slip. 
This  package  is  then  put  into  an  open,  shallow  bamboo  basket, 
such  as  farmers  use  oftentimes  for  drying  grain.  A plate  con- 
taining a small  piece  of  uncooked  pork,  one  duck’s  egg,  a little 
fowl’s  blood,  and  one  unbaked  cake,  is  also  placed  on  this  shal- 
low basket,  with  three  cups  of1  wine,  and  some  incense  and 
candles.  This  basket  and  its  contents  are  then  placed  under 
a table,  on  the  ground,  or  on  a low  stool.  On  the  top  of  this 
table  are  also  placed  a pair  of  candlesticks,  and  a censer  for 
candles  and  incense,  together  with  five,  or  eight,  or  ten  plates 
of  meats,  fish,  fowls,  bread,  and  vermicelli.  After  the  offici- 
ating priest  has  recited  his  formulas  and  incantations,  some 
member  of  the  sick  man’s  family  takes  the  package  of  mock- 
money,  having  the  paper  image  still  sticking  in  it,  and,  hold- 
ing it  so  that  the  face  or  front  of  the  image  shall  be  to- 
ward the  outside  of  the  house,  carries  it  out  of  doors.  The 
priest  follows  him  after  pronouncing  one  or  two  sentences,  or- 
dering the  departure  of  the  disease,  or  whatever  troubles  the 
sick  man.  After  both  parties  are  out  of  the  house,  and  while 


PRIEST  ASCENDING  A LADDER  OF  KNIVES.  153 


standing  in  the  street,  the  priest  spouts  from  his  mouth  some 
Avater  over  the  man,  and  the  mock-money,  and  the  representa- 
tive image.  Afterward  the  image  and  the  mock-money  are 
burned,  and  the  whole  ceremony  is  concluded  by  the  company 
feasting  on  the  edibles  Avhich  have  been  offered  to  the  presid- 
ing and  governing  deity  for  the  current  year.  This  represent- 
ative image  is  supposed  to 
carry  off  Avhatever  interferes 
Avith  the  recovery  of  the  sick 
man.  The  bread,  the  vermi- 
celli, and  the  duck’s  egg  are 
all  omens  of  good,  and  sus- 
tain an  important  relation. 

They  hire  one  to  ascend 
a ladder  of  knives. — Some- 
times a company  of  Tauist 
jA'iests  are  engaged  by  the 
family  of  a sick  man  to  per- 
' form  their  incantations  and 
A repeat  their  formulas  for  his 
benefit,  accompanied  by  as- 
cending a ladder  of  knives. 
A ladder  is  extemporized  for 


PRIEST  ASCENDING  A LADDER  OF  KNIVES. 

K 2 


154 


SUPERSTITIOUS  TREATMENT  OF  DISEASE. 


the  occasion,  the  rounds  of  which  consist  of  swords  or  long 
knives,  with  the  edge  upward.  At  a certain  part  of  the  per- 
formance, one  of  the  priests,  barefooted,  ascends  this  ladder, 
and,  after  arriving  at  the  top,  he  stands  there  a while  and  re- 
cites some  spells  for  the  relief  of  the  sick  man.  It  is  thought 
that  the  wicked  spirits,  who  take  delight  in  troubling  man- 
kind, will  see  the  swords,  and  will  be  frightened,  not  daring 
to  approach  the  man  to  do  more  evil.  The  gods,  too,  it  is 
hoped,  will  thus  be  influenced  to  take  pity  on  the  afflicted  man, 
and  expedite  his  recovery  to  accustomed  health.  This  ascend- 
ing a ladder  of  knives,  compared  with  some  of  the  other  meth- 
ods above  described,  for  the  benefit  of  a sick  person,  is  seldom 
practiced,  perhaps  because  of  the  danger  of  being  injured  by 
the  knives  on  the  part  of  the  individuals  who  engage  in  it. 

They  implore  the  Aid  of  certain  Divinities  in  curing  Small- 
pox and  Measles. 

The  Chinese  dread  the  ravages  of  the  small-pox  and  of 

the  measles  among  their  chil- 
dren. They  have  goddesses  to 
cure  these  diseases.  These  are 
ranked  among  the  most  popu- 
lar objects  of  worship  among 
all  classes  of  the  people  at  this 
place.  From  the  time  when  it 
is  known  that  a child  has  the 
small- pox  until  his  recovery, 
there  is  more  or  less  worship 
of  some  goddess  of  small-pox. 

On  the  third  day  after  the 
pustules  have  begun  to  appear, 
it  is  a universal  custom  for  one 
of  the  family  to  go  to  a baking 
establishment  and  procure  ten 
small  bits  of  Chinese  yeast. 
These  are  steamed  in  the  usual  vessel  for  steaming  rice  belong- 
ing to  the  family.  They  soon  begin  to  swell,  and  become  sev- 
eral times  larger  than  they  were  before  steaming.  These  are 
then  removed  from  the  steamer  and  placed  before  the  picture 
of  the  goddess,  or  whatever  represents  her  majesty.  The  de- 


GODDESS  OF  SMALL-POX. 


BEATING  A GONG  WHEN  IT  THUNDERS. 


• 155 


sign  of  tins  operation  is  to  cause  her  to  exert  her  influence  to 
have  the  pustules  redden,  fill  up,  and  swell  out,  in  resemblance 
of  the  swelling  out  of  the  balls  of  yeast  when  steamed.  Two 
days  after  this,  ten  more  of  the  yeast  bits  are  procured,  steam- 
ed, and  presented  before  the  goddess,  in  a similar  manner  and 
for  the  same  purpose.  After  waiting  two  days  more,  ten  bits 
of  yeast  are  again  treated  in  the  same  way.  The  most  im- 
portant and  critical  period  is  said  to  be  these  seven  days  after 
the  pustules  first  appear. 

On  the  ninth  day  an  offering  is  generally  made  to  the  god- 
dess, designed  as  an  expression  of  thanks  for  her  goodness  in 
case  the  pustules  have  filled  well,  and  the  child  is  getting  bet- 
ter. The  offering  consists  of  fish,  meat,  fowl,  and  vegetables. 
If  the  child  should  not  be  doing  Avell  on  the  ninth  day,  the 
thanksgiving  is  deferred,  or,  if  the  child  should  have  died,  no 
thanksgiving  is  made. 

After  the  pustules  have  come  out  and  before  the  end  of  the 
seventh  day,  whenever  it  thunders  some  member  of  the  fam- 
ily beats  on  a drum  or  gong,  placed  ready  for  use  when  cir- 
cumstances demand.  The  noise  produced  in  this  way  is  kept 
up  as  long  as  the  thunder  lasts.  The  beater  has  some  one  to 
assist  him,  telling  him  when  the  thunder  has  ceased,  as  the 
beater  of  the  drum  or  gong  is  unable  to  tell  when  there  is  no 
thunder.  The  object  of  this  is  to  prevent  the  pustules  of  the 
small-pox  from  breaking  or  bursting.  As  some  explain  the 
custom,  the  ringing  of  the  bell  or  the  beating  of  the  drum,  pro- 
ducing very  familiar  sounds,  is  designed  to  keep  the  lad  from 
being  frightened  by  the  noise  of  the  thunder,  and  from  doing 
any  thing  which  would  cause  the  pustules  to  break.  Others 
say  that  it  is  feared  that. the  noise  or  the  reverberations  of  the 
thunder  will  make  the  pustules  sink  down  and  dry  uji  sooner 
than  is  desirable,  and  therefore  they  use  the  gong  or  the  drum 
to  counteract  such  a result. 

On  the  fourteenth  day  after  the  lad  has  been  taken  down 
Avith  the  small-pox,  some  one  of  the  family  procures  a few 
black  beans  which  have  a small  green  speck  upon  them,  and 
roast  them  in  the  iron  vessel  used  for  cooking  rice.  After 
roasting  these  beans  until  they  become  brittle,  they  are  placed 
before  the  goddess  of  small-pox.  The  lad  who  is  the  object 
of  solicitude  is  placed  in  a sitting  posture  upon  a large  win- 


156  SUPERSTITIOUS  TREATMENT  OF  DISEASE. 

nowing  sieve  made  out  of  bamboo  splints.  On  tbe  top  of  his 
head  is  then  put  a small  piece  of  red  cloth,  and  the  parched 
beans  are  taken  from  before  the  goddess  and  laid  upon  this 
red  cloth,  whence  they  are  allowed  to  roll  off.  The  scars  left 
by  the  pustules  of  this  disease  are  thought  to  resemble  some- 
what this  bean  in  their  general  appearance.  The  name  for  the 
bean,  pronounced  in  the  dialect  of  this  place,  is  identical  in 
sound  with  the  common  name  for  the  small-pox.  This  iden- 
tity in  name,  and  this  similarity  in  appearance  between  the 
bean  and  the  small-pox,  have  probably  given  rise  to  the  cere- 
mony above  described,  which  indicates  the  strong  desire  that 
the  pustules  should  dry  up>,  and  become  in  appearance  like  the 
parched  bean  ! 

After  it  has  become  known  among  friends  and  relatives 
that  the  lad  has  broken  out  with  the  small-pox,  they  often- 
times send  to  his  family  a present,  such  as  a few  soft  sweet 
cakes,  one  or  two  pounds  of  white  sugar  or  the  white  date, 
one  or  two  parcels  of  arrow-root,  or  two  or  three  pounds  of 
ham.  The  design  of  making  these  presents  is  to  express  their 
sympathy  with  the  family  of  the  sick  lad,  and  to  indicate  their 
hopes  that  the  scabs  of  the  small-pox  may  fall  off.  In  other 
words,  these  presents  indicate  the  strong  wishes  of  the  donors 
for  the  happy  recovery  of  the  sick  lad.  The  period  for  mak- 
ing this  present,  which  is  named  the  11  scabs  of  the  small-pox 
falling  offf  extends  from  the  seventh  to  the  fourteenth  day 
after  the  pustules  begin  to  make  their  appearance. 

If  the  child  recovers,  the  family  make  to  those  who  present- 
ed the  tokens  of  their  sympathy  during  his  illness  a return 
present,  which  is  regarded  as  an  expression  of  their  gratitude 
to  them  for  their  kindness.  The  return  present  consists  prin- 
cipally of  Chinese  sandwiches.  The  number  of  these  sand- 
wiches sent  back  varies  from  fifteen  or  twenty  up  to  a hund- 
red to  each  family. 

At  the  end  of  one  month  from  the  appearance  of  the  disease, 
if  the  child  is  well,  the  family  make  a thank-offering  to  the 
goddess  of  small-pox  for  her  benevolent  and  powerful  aid  in 
restoring  the  child  to  health.  The  ceremony  is  oftentimes 
quite  imposing,  and  the  kinds  of  food  presented  numerous  and 
of  good  quality.  The  poor  are  frequently  able  to  make  but  a 
meagre  thank-offering  to  the  goddess,  though  it  is  probably  as 


GODDESS  OF  MEASLES  WORSHIPED. 


157 


sincere  and  as  kindly  received  as  a thank-offering  made  of 
costly  and  numerous  kinds  of  edibles. 

When  a child  has  broken  out  with  the  measles,  recourse  is 
usually  at  once  had  to  the  goddess  of  measles  for  her  aid  in 
bringing  it  to  a happy  termination.  At  various  times  during 
the  progress  of  the  measles,  more  or  less  applications  are  made 
to  her  majesty,  who  is  generally  represented  by  a slip  of  paper 
on  which  her  name  and  title  have  been  inscribed.  On  the  re- 
covery of  the  child,  the  family  offers  a thanksgiving  in  honor 
of  the  goddess  of  measles. 

They  employ  novel  Methods  for  curing  and  preventing  Chol- 
era and  other  epidemic  Diseases. 

The  cholera  suddenly  appeared  at  Fuhchau  in  the  summer 
of  1858,  and  in  the  course  of  a few  days  caused  great  excite- 
ment and  alarm  among  the  native  inhabitants.  Those  attack- 
ed by  it  often  died  in  less  than  half  a day.  It  usually  was  at- 
tended with  purging  and  vomiting,  though  sometimes  it  only 
produced  purging  without  vomiting,  or  vomiting  without  purg- 
ing. The  progress  of  the  disease  was  so  rapid  and  fatal,  that 
instances  occurred  where  the  sick  person  was  carried  out  in  a 
sedan  chair  to  the  burying-place  decided  upon  while  yet  alive, 
with  his  grave-clothes  and  coffin,  in  the  sure  expectation  of  his 
death. 

The  people  believe,  or  profess  to  believe,  that  epidemics  in 
summer,  and  malignant  diseases  in  general,  are  under  the  con- 
trol of  '■'■the  five  emperors  or  rulers .”  This  term  refers  to  five 
idols  or  images  much  feared  by  the  common  people  of  this 
place.  It  is  a very  usual  method  of  frightening  children  to 
obedience  to  tell  them  that  the  “five  emperors  will  catch 
them” — that  is,  will  give  them  the  colic. 

There  are  numerous  temples  dedicated  to  them.  These  rul- 
ers have  several  attendants.  The  representations  of  two  of 
them  are  very  frequently  paraded  through  the  streets,  espe- 
cially in  the  hot  summer  months,  forming  a part  of  an  “ idol 
procession.”  Foreigners  usually  call  them  “ the  tall  white 
devil”  and  “the  short  black  devil,”  from  their  general  appear- 
ance, size,  and  color.  The  former  is  often  eight  or  ten  feet 
high.  Its  body  consists  of  a slight  bamboo  frame-work,  usual- 
ly covered  with  light-colored  silk,  or  bluish  or  white  cotton 


158 


SUPERSTITIOUS  TREATMENT  OF  DISEASE. 


cloth.  It  has  a head,  arms, 
and  hands,  but,  as  it  appears 
in  the  streets,  no  feet,  and  is 
made  to  move  by  a man  who 
gets  into  it,  his  own  feet  be- 
ing seen  below  the  dress  of 
the  image.  There  is  a small 
hole  made  in  the  front  part  of 
it,  as  high  from  the  ground  as 
the  head  of  its  carrier  comes, 
so  that  he  can  see  out,  and 
thus  be  enabled  to  walk  with- 
out the  constant  danger  of  falling  down,  or  running  against 
objects.  The  other  image  is  from  four  to  five  feet  high,  very 
corpulent  and  very  black,  its  frame-work  being  in  like  manner 
made  of  bamboo.  It  is  also  carried  by  a man  or  boy  inside 
of  it.  A hole  is  made  in  its  hat,  so  that  the  person  inside  can 
see  out.  Both  of  these  “devils”  are  horrid-looking  objects, 
and  when  seen  by  the  foreigner  for  the  first  time,  parading  in 
an  idol  procession,  are  enough  to  strike  him  with  dismay,  as 
well  as  arouse  his  indignation. 


6HORT  BLACK  DEVIL. 


Idol  processions,  consisting  of  images  of  the  five  emperors 
borne  in  pomp  in  large  sedans  by  eight  bearers,  and  their 
servants,  the  white  and  the  black  devils,  attended  by  a numer- 
ous retinue  of  living  worshipers,  as  lictors,  heralds,  etc.,  had 


BURNING  PAPER  BOATS  BY  THE  RIVER. 


159 


thronged  the  streets  of  this  city  and  suburbs  in  greater  num- 
bers and  more  frequently  than  in  former  years  for  several 
weeks  previous  to  the  appearance  of  the  cholera.  These  pro- 
cessions marching  to  and  fro,  sometimes  in  the  day  and  some- 
times in  the  evening,  through  the  by-lanes  and  narrow  streets 
as  well  as  the  main  thoroughfares,  were  accompanied  by  men 
and  boys  furiously  beating  gongs  and  drums,  and  bearing 
lighted  incense  before  the  idols.  Each  temple  dedicated  to 
the  worship  of  the  five  emperors  sent  forth  its  portable  im- 
ages. Sometimes  the  companies  proceeding  from  different 
temples,  uniting  in  the  streets,  would  form  a long,  and,  in  the 
estimation  of  the  Chinese,  an  imposing  procession. 

The  object  of  this  display  was  to  propitiate  the  good-will 
of  the  five  emperors,  and  to  induce  them  to  banish,  or  to  keep 
away  from  this  city,  epidemics  and  the  diseases  which  usually 
prevail  in  hot  weather.  For  this  laudable  purpose  the  Chi- 
nese were  willing  to  subscribe  money  to  defray  the  necessary 
expenses,  which,  in  the  aggregate,  must  have  been  considera- 
ble. It  is  customary  for  these  processions  to  appear  in  the 
streets  in  July  and  August,  in  order  to  prevent  summer  com- 
plaints. 

These  processions  were  principally  brought  to  an  end  dur- 
ing the  first  part  of  August  with  the  burning,  on  the  banks 
of  the  River  Min,  of  several  tens  of  paper  boats  twenty  or 
thirty  feet  long.  These  boats,  whose  frames  were  made  out 
of  bamboo  covered  with  variously-colored  paper,  presented  a 
pretty  appearance  as  they  "were  borne  along  through  the 
streets  to  the  river-side  at  night  by  men  with  torches.  Pre- 
vious to  the  carrying  forth  of  each  boat  from  the  temple  to 
which  it  belonged,  there  was  a performance  of  superstitious 
ceremonies  before  it,  as  it  were  to  consecrate  it,  consisting,  in 
part,  of  the  burning  of  incense  and  candles,  the  chanting  of 
formulas  by  priests,  with  special  offerings  to  the  five  emper- 
ors, attended  with  the  beating  of  gongs  and  drums.  After 
arrival  at  the  side  of  the  river,  just  before  burning  the  boat, 
all  the  “ black”  and  “ white”  devils  which  happened  to  be 
there  ran  at  the  top  of  their  speed  around  the  boat,  and  then 
reverently  kneeled  down  in  a row  near  by  until  the  flames 
had  consumed  it.  The  object  designed  to  be  accomplished 
by  the  burning  of  these  boats  was  to  collect  and  send  out  to 


160 


SUPERSTITIOUS  TREATMENT  OF  DISEASE. 


sea  the  diseases  and  the  unhealthy  influences  which  the  five 
emperors  were  willing  to  send  away  from  the  place. 

But  these  precautionary  sanitary  measures  proved  unavail- 
ing. Only  a short  time  after  these  proceedings  were  finished, 
and  still  while  the  people  were  rejoicing  in  the  expected  ex- 
emption from  pestilence  in  consequence  of  the  conciliation  of 
the  gods,  and  the  large  amount  of  good  deeds  they  had  per- 
formed, the  cholera  broke  out.  In  a short  time  consternation 
spread  among  them,  and  changed  their  joy  into  solicitude. 

Some  of  a certain  class  of  persons,  who  profess  at  times  to 
be  possessed  of  the  spirit  of  the  gods,  reported  that  the  five 
emperors  had  revealed  to  them  the  cause  of  the  appearance 
of  the  cholera.  These  magicians  said  that  the  boats  were  not 
furnished  with  funds  sufficient  to  pay  the  expenses  of  the 
ocean  voyage ; others  said  that  the  boats  were  too  small  to 
answer  the  purpose  desired,  and  of  course  they  were  obliged 
to  return  to  port,  in  order  to  part  with  the  diseases  they  con- 
tained. According  to  the  hints  or  the  revelations  made  by 
these  men,  the  managers  of  some  of  the  temples  dedicated  to 
the  worship  of  the  five  emperors  again  determined  to  go 
through  the  operation  of  collecting  money,  sending  out  the  im- 
ages to  parade  the  streets,  and  burning  boats,  in  the  hope  to 
be  more  successful  in  securing  for  their  own  particular  neigh- 
borhoods exemption  from  the  ravages  of  the  dreaded  scourge. 

In  addition  to  these  processions,  which  were  specially  con- 
nected with  the  temples  of  the  five  emperors — which  to  dis- 
interested and  unsophisticated  foreigners  would  seem  to  be 
sufficient  to  accomplish  the  prevention  or  the  expulsion  of  epi- 
demic diseases,  if  any  sort  or  amount  of  idol  processions  could 
accomplish  it — there  was  another  kind,  which  became  quite  gen- 
eral and  popular  among  the  Chinese  here  in  view  of  the  alarm- 
ing prevalence  of  the  cholera.  It  was  said  that  resort  had  not 
been  had  to  this  particular  kind  of  idol  procession  for  thirty 
or  forty  years  to  any  thing  like  the  extent  which  it  reached 
during  the  August  of  1858. 

This  kind  of  procession  originates  with  the  inhabitants  of 
different  neighborhoods,  who  contribute  money  for  its  ex- 
penses, and  who  expect  to  share  its  benefits.  The  time  of 
performing  it  is  only  during  the  evening,  extending  until  near- 
ly or  quite  midnight.  It  consists,  in  part,  of  carrying  around 


EXTRAORDINARY  KIND  OF  IDOL  PROCESSION.  161 


fancy  lanterns,  lighted  with  tapers,  made  in  a large  variety  of 
sizes  and  shapes  out  of  several  kinds  of  gaudily-colored  paper. 
Some  of  these  were  of  the  form  and  dimension  of  the  official 
red  umbrellas  of  the  mandarins,  and,  being  made  to  revolve, 
looked  in  the  evening  very  prettily,  if  regarded  only  as  a toy. 
Others  took  the  shape  of  the  official  fans  carried  before  high 
mandarins  when  they  appear  in  the  street.  There  were  also 
men  and  boys  who  carried,  suspended  at  the  end  of  a bamboo 
pole,  common  cheap  lanterns,  or  who  bore  nothing  but  burn- 
ing torches.  Besides  these  there  were  also  some  persons 
who,  as  they  walked  along,  kept  beating  at  intervals  gongs 
and  drums  with  all  their  might,  and  others  who  played  on  va- 
rious other  kinds  of  musical  instruments  ; and  others  still  who 
bore  with  great  solemnity  some  idol  seated  in  a sedan  or  on  a 
kind  of  throne,  having  in  front,  either  carried  separately  by 
men  or  attached  to  the  sedan  or  throne,  incense  and  candles 
burning.  If  the  image  of  one  of  the  five  emperors  should  ap- 
pear in  the  procession,  then  his  two  servants,  the  black  devil 
and  the  white  devil,  would  be  sure  to  attend  him.  If  some 
other  idol  should  be  carried,  then  men,  dressed  in  a manner 
which  has  been  chosen  to  designate  or  represent  his  servants, 
would  attend  him, besides  many  others  with  lamps  or  lanterns 
and  torches.  The  kind  of  idol  for  the  occasion  being  decided 
upon  by  any  particular  neighborhood,  a certain  number  of 
persons  would  go  and  prepare  to  appear  in  the  procession,  im- 
itating the  dress,  position,  and  utensils  appropriated  to  the 
servants  of  that  idol. 

It  was  one  of  the  privileges  of  every  person  who  contributed 
to  pay  the  expenses  of  this  kind  of  procession  to  have  it  march 
in  order  past  his  door,  if  his  house  was  situated  upon  any 
street  or  alley  which  allowed  of  any  such  passing  by  of  the 
procession.  This  course  was  believed  to  insure  him  and  his 
household  immunity  from  the  attacks  of  the  epidemic  disease 
it  was  designed  to  avert. 

This  sort  of  procession,  besides  going  through  all  the  alleys 
and  lanes  of  its  own  neighborhood,  frequently  united  with  sim- 
ilar processions  belonging  to  adjacent  neighborhoods.  Then 
the  din  of  all  the  gongs  and  drums,  mingling  with  the  outcries 
of  the  excited  multitudes,  became  almost  deafening  and  dis- 
tracting to  any  one  who  was  nigh,  and  who  did  not  sympa- 


162 


SUPEKSTITIOUS  TREATMENT  OF  DISEASE. 


thize  in  the  performance.  It  was  asserted  that  by  this  means 
the  evil  influences  and  the  epidemic  diseases  which  existed  in 
one  neighborhood  or  district  would  surely  be  driven  away  to 
another,  and  then  from  that  neighborhood  to  another,  and  so 
on  until  the  city  and  the  suburbs  became  entirely  free  from 
their  influence  or  presence. 

All  classes  of  the  population  seemed  to  have  a personal  in- 
terest in  these  processions,  and  sanctioned  and  encouraged 
them  by  their  presence  and  their  active  assistance.  The 
amount  of  time  and  money  consumed  in  the  ways  above  indi- 
cated during  six  weeks  was  enormous.  But,  after  all  these 
means  to  prevent  it,  the  cholera  continued  to  rage  for  weeks, 
and  the  people  continued  to  be  mad  upon  their  idols.  Want 
of  success  seemed  only  to  encourage  them  to  more  arduous  ef- 
forts to  make  the  more  noise  and  pomp,  and  to  spend  the 
more  money. 

These  extraordinary  measures  to  cure  or  remove  cholera 
signally  failed  even  to  protect  the  performers  ; many  who  took 
an  active  part  in  the  processions  themselves  fell  a prey  to  the 
scourge  they  hoped  in  vain  to  expel.  The  people,  however, 
have  not  grown  wiser  by  their  failure.  Every  year,  in  the  hot- 
test months,  the  processions  of  the  five  emperors  and  their 
servants  parade  the  streets,  that  there  may  be  less  sickness  and 
fewer  deaths  than  there  otherwise  would  be. 

They  engage  in  Idol  Processions  as  a tolcen  of  gratitude  for 
the  recovery  of  their  Parents  from  Sickness , or  in  order  to 
secure  their  Longevity. 

For  two  days  in  the  spring  and  two  days  in  the  autumn,  the 
streets  of  the  city  and  its  southern  suburb  are  paraded  by  sev- 
eral thousand  men  and  boys,  in  connection  with  the  annual 
processions  of  two  of  the  highest  gods  worshiped  in  this  part 
of  the  empire,  in  the  performance  of  vows  which  they  have 
made. 

These  vows  are  made  either  under  the  open  heavens,  or  be- 
fore the  images  of  the  god  in  whose  processions  they  propose 
to  engage,  and  relate  to  their  own  health,  or  the  health  and 
long  life  of  their  parents,  grandparents,  and  brothers.  Most 
generally  the  vows  are  made  in  view  of  the  ill  health  of  par- 
ents, or  with  a desire  to  promote  their  continuance  in  health 


PUBLIC  THANK-OFFERING,  OR  ACT  OF  MERIT.  163 


and  their  longevity.  The  person  who  makes  a vow  promises 
to  perform  certain  acts  for  a specified  number  of. years,  as  for 
one,  two,  or  ten  years,  and  in  connection  with  the  annual  pro- 
cession of  a certain  idol  through  the  streets,  in  case  his  own 
health  or  the  health  of  his  sick  relative  should  be  restored. 

The  performance  of  this  vow,  if  it  relate  to  benefits  believed 
to  have  been  .already  received  by  himself  or  his  relative,  is  re- 
garded in  the  light  of  a public  thank-offering  ; if  it  relates  to 
benefits  yet  in  the  future,  it  is  regarded  in  the  light  of  a meri- 
torious act , in  view  of  which  it  is  hoped  that  the  god  will  be- 
stow the  desired  good.  In  the  case  of  a vow  made  in  behalf 
of  a sick  person,  unless  recovery  should  follow,  no  token  of 
gratitude  is  offered  in  the  public  procession. 

A few  days  before  the  time  fixed  for  the  public  procession, 
those  who,  in  the  fulfillment  of  their  vows,  expect  to  take  part 
in  it,  go  or  send  a friend  to  the  temple  of  the  god  in  whose 
honor  the  procession  is  to  be  made,  and  report  their  names, 
and  the  particular  nature  of  the  vow  they  have  made.  These 
items  are  recorded  in  a book  belonging  to  the  temple.  Each 
applicant  pays  the  clerk  of  the  temple  eight  or  ten  cents,  and 
receives  in  return  a printed  schedule,  which  is  filled  out  with 
his  name,  and  the  kind  of  vow  made,  and  a few  other  partic- 
ulars. This  paper  is  dated  and  numbered,  corresponding  to 
the  order  in  which  application  is  made.  Two  printed  slips  of 
paper  are  also  given  to  most  applicants,  which  are  numbered 
in  like  manner,  and  are  to  be  used  as  a kind  of  seal,  as  will  be 
hereafter  described. 

On  the  days  appointed 
for  the  procession,  each  of 
these  classes  of  perform- 
ers of  vows  appear  in  the 
streets,  dressed  according 
to  custom,  and  having  the 
appropriate  utensils. 

Some  have  a small  stool 
about  one  foot  long  and 
four  or  five  inches  wide 
and  high.  On  the  face  of 
this  stool  the  two  strips  of 
paper  received  from  the 


WORSHIPING  WITH  INCENSE  AND  STOOL. 


164 


SUPERSTITIOUS  TREATMENT  OF  DISEASE. 


temple  have  been  pasted  in  the  form  of  the  letter  X.  On  one 
end  of  the  stool  there  is  a nail,  or  a piece  of  iron,  extending 
upward,  having  a hole  in  it,  so  as  to  hold  sticks  of  incense. 
These  men  are  all  neatly  dressed  in  short  coats,  having  straw 
or  rush  sandals  on  their  feet,  and  a yellow  charm  stuck  into 
the  hair  of  their  heads.  Some  of  these  have  also  a large  wal- 
let suspended  from  their  necks,  coming  down  to  their  sides, 
for  the  purpose  of  holding  the  incense  which  they  intend  to 
use  during  the  time  of  parading  the  streets.  Thus  arrayed, 
they  join  the  procession  very  early  in  the  morning.  After 
walking  along  a few  paces  in  the  streets  through  which  the 
idol  they  honor  is  to  be  carried,  at  an  indefinite  distance  be- 
fore it , they  turn  round,  and,  facing  it,  though  it  may  be  out 
of  sight,  and  even  several  li  distant,  kneel  or  squat  down,  both 
hands  grasping  the  stool,  which  is  placed  on  the  ground.  Usu- 
ally their  knees  do  not  touch  the  earth,  they  only  making  be- 
lieve, or  pretend  to  kneel  down,  balancing  themselves  on  the 
stools.  The  end  of  the  stool  in  which  the  nail  is  driven,  hold- 
ing one  or  three  sticks  of  lighted  incense,  is  turned  from  the 
performers  and  toward  the  approaching  idol.  They  now  rise 
to  an  upright  position,  still  grasping  the  stool  with  both  hands, 
and  reverently  raising  it  about  as  high  as  their  heads.  Then 
lowering  it  about  as  low  as  their  waists,  they  wheel  about,  car- 
rying it  before  them,  take  a certain  number  of  steps  in  the 
street,  usually  seven  or  ten  steps,  when  they  turn  rouud,  and, 
facing  the  idol,  go  through  the  same  ceremony  again.  They 
then  turn  round,  go  the  same  distance,  wheel  about,  and  pre- 
tend to  kneel  again  in  a similar  manner,  and  so  on  until  they 
arrive  at  the  limit  of  the  procession  of  the  idol  for  that  day. 
On  returning  home  from  this  place,  they  do  not  bow  down  in 
the  streets,  as  they  did  in  going  to  that  place.  Sometimes  a 
company  of  four  or  five  persons  who  have  made  this  vow  hap- 
pen to  be  together,  or  very  near  each  other ; in  such  cases,  as 
they  simultaneously  turn  round  toward  the  idol,  place  the 
stool  on  the  ground,  pretend  to  kneel,  rise  to  an  upright  posi- 
tion, lift  up  their  stool  grasped  with  both  hands  as  high  as 
their  heads,  wheel  about,  walk  the  customary  distance,  again 
turn  round,  and  perform  the  same  ceremony,  they  present  a 
very  singular  and  unique  appearance,  which  never  fails  to  at- 
tract the  attention  of  those  passing  through  the  streets. 


WEARING  THE  CANGUE  IN  IDOL  PROCESSION.  165 


Those  who  thus  perform  their  vows  amount  to  several  hund- 
reds. 

Another  class  of  persons  appear  in  the  procession  having  a 
large  wooden  cangue  about  their  necks,  in  general  shape  and 


WEARING  THE  CANGUE  AS  A TOKEN  OF  GRATITUDE. 


appearance  like  the  cangues  worn  by  culprits  as  a punishment, 
though  not  so  heavy  nor  so  large.  The  two  slips  of  printed 
paper,  having  the  number  of  the  applicants  written  on  it,  given 
at  the  time  of  recording  their  names  at  the  temple,  are  pasted 
on  the  front  or  upper  side  of  the  cangues,  in  imitation  of  the 
written  inscriptions  put  by  authority  of  mandarins  on  the 
cangues  worn  by  culprits.  These  have  the  yellow  charm  stuck 
into  the  hair  on  their  heads  like  those  who  have  the  stools  and 
who  bow  every  few  paces.  They,  however,  do  not  kneel  down, 
but  walk  slowly  in  the  street  along  which  the  idol  is  to  be  car- 
ried. Their  number  generally  is  much  less  than  the  number 
of  those  who  carry  the  stool.  Some  also  wear  handcuffs. 

Another  class  of  these  performers  of  vows  have  much  smaller 
cangues  about  their  necks  than  the  class  just  described.  Some- 


166 


SUPERSTITIOUS  TREATMENT  OF  DISEASE. 


times  there  are  two  or  three  thousand  of  this  class  in  a single 
procession.  Besides  wearing  the  small  cangue,  which  has  the 
two  slips  of  paper  pasted  on  it  as  on  the  larger  cangues,  these 
persons  generally  have  their  hands  thrust  into  a kind  of  leath- 
ern or  wooden  cuffs.  To  these  cuffs  there  usually  is  attached 
a chain  made  out  of  brass  wire,  which  passes  over  the  necks 
of  the  wearers.  Sometimes  those  who  have  cuffs  on  their 
hands  have  no  cangue  about  their  necks,  but  in  its  place  a 
small  chain  which  is  locked  on  their  neck,  the  lock  coming 
under  their  chins.  The  ends  of  this  chain  hang  down,  or  are 
attached  to  the  cuffs  around  their  wrist. 

Sometimes  there  will  be  seen  in  the  procession  several  pei’- 
sons  who  have  on  a kind  of  red  coat  over  their  other  clothes, 
and  on  that  will  be  written  a few  words  denoting  in  substance 
that  the  wearer  is  to  be  beheaded.  These  simply  walk  slowly 
along  in  the  crowd. 

Another  class  of  persons  have  neither  the  cangue  for  their 
necks  nor  cuffs  on  their  hands,  nor  stools,  but  carry  a single 
stick  of  lighted  incense.  Every  few  paces  these  kneel  down 
in  the  streets,  having  first  turned  around  so  as  to  face  the 
idol,  and  still  holding  the  lighted  incense  in  their  hands.  They 
then  rise  up,  and,  wheeling  about,  walk  along  the  customary 
distance,  when  they  turn  around  and  kneel  down,  and  so  on, 
much  as  those  do  who  carry  the  stool,  as  above  described. 

On  returning  home  from  the  place  where  the  idol  is  to  turn 
around  and  be  carried  back  to  its  temple,  the  devotees  take  off 
their  cuffs,  cangue,  etc.,  and  carry  them  in  their  hands  or  under 
their  arms,  as  is  most  convenient. 

Those  who  dress  in  red,  and  who  thus  profess  themselves  as 
willing  to  suffer  capital  punishment,  are  regarded  as  those  who 
have  made  the  highest  or  greatest  vow  possible,  in  order  to 
promote  the  recovery  of  their  dear  relatives,  or  to  secure  their 
long  life.  Those  who  wear  cangues  on  their  necks  or  cuffs 
on  their  wrists  acknowledge  themselves  as  sinners  against  the 
idol  in  whose  honor  the  procession  is  made,  and  voluntarily 
take  the  place  of  culprits.  All  these  different  ways  of  testify- 
ing their  gratitude  for  the  recovery  of  sick  relatives,  or  to  pro- 
mote their  longevity,  have  a peculiar  significancy,  when  inter- 
preted according  to  the  popular  customs  of  this  place. 

In  the  course  of  a few  days  subsequent  to  the  public  proces- 


CEREMONY  BEFORE  THE  GREAT  KING. 


167 


sion,  all  those  who  received  a schedule  on  their  reporting  then- 
names  and  the  vow  they  have  made  at  the  temple  a short  time 
before  the  procession  took  place,  are  expected  to  take  this 
schedule  and  the  two  slips  of  paper  torn  off  their  stool  or 
cangue,  as  the  case  may  be,  to  the  neighborhood  temple  near 
which  they  live,  and  burn  them  before  the  image  of  the  Great 
King,  accompanied  with  the  burning  of  incense  and  candles. 
At  the  end  of  the  number  of  years  during  which  the  persons 
vowed  to  engage  in  the  procession  once  annually,  as  above  de- 
scribed, the  cangue  which  they  have  used  is  burnt  under  the 
open  heavens,  and  an  offering  of  meats  and  mock-money  is 
presented  before  the  Great  King.  This  Great  King  is  be- 
lieved, as  some  affirm,  to  act  the  part  of  a local  constable,  and 
report  these  transactions  to  his  superiors  in  the  other  world. 


168 


DEATH,  MOURNING,  AND  BURIAL. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

DEATH,  MOURNING,  AND  BURIAL. 

Singular  or  Superstitious  Customs  relating  to  Mourning  and  the  unburied  Dead  : 
Bidding  Farewell  at  Death. — Lighting  Candles  and  Incense. — Turning 
around  the  “Bridge-Ladder.” — Offering  Food  and  Wine  to  the  Dead. — 
Cash  used  before  the  Place  for  the  Spirit  of  the  Dead. — The  Burning  of 
a miniature  Paper  Sedan  for  the  Use  of  the  Dead. — Putting  “longevity” 
Clothes  on  the  Corpse. — Placing  the  Corpse  in  the  Coffin. — Arranging  a 
Table  before  the  Place  of  the  Spirit. — The  “longevity”  Picture. — Using 
Cash  to  inquire  of  the  Dead. — The  Servant  Devil. — Performing  the  Cer- 
emony for  the  Repose  of  the  Spirit  of  the  Dead. — Sleeping  by  the  Coffin. 
— Bringing  Water  in  the  Morning,  and  Waiting  on  the  Dead  at  Meal- 
time, and  bidding  “Good-night!” — The  Relatives  make  Presents  for  Use 
in  Sacrificing  to  the  Dead. — Worshiping  the  “longevity”  Picture. — In- 
forming the  Ten  Kings  of  Hell  of  the  Death  of  the  Individual. — Observ- 
ing a Ceremony  in  Honor  of  the  Seven  Kings. — Putting  on  Mourning  on 
the  Seventh  Day. — Celebrating  every  Seventh  Day  for  Seven  Times. — 
Ceasing  to  offer  Rice  at  Meal-time. — The  Present  received  by  the  mar- 
ried Daughter  to  dry  up  her  Tears. — Celebrating  the  Sixtieth  Day. — Ob- 
serving the  Fourteenth  and  Thirtieth  of  every  Month. — The  Celebration 
at  the  End  of  Three  Years,  and  Removing  the  Table  from  before  the 
Place  of  the  Spirit.  — Observing  the  Anniversary  of  the  Birth  and  the 
Death  of  the  Dead. — Meritorious  Ceremonies  performed  for  the  Benefit  of 
the  Dead:  Mounting  the  Platform. — Letting  go  the  Water  Lanterns. — 
Breaking  into  Hell. — Spirits  passing  over  the  Bridge. — Introductory  Serv- 
ice.— Issuing  the  Notification. — The  bright  Lantern  of  Seventeen  Buddhas. 
— Burning  a Paper  Sedan,  an  image  of  a Crane,  and  Trunks  of  mock- 
Money  and  mock-Clothing. — Sending  Money  to  pay  the  Debt  of  the  De- 
ceased, or  for  the  Use  of  the  Animal  to  which  he  b^ongs. — Public  Notice 
of  Meritorious  Ceremonies. — The  Water  Ceremony. — Service  of  using  the 
Names  of  1000  Buddhas. — Bloody-Pond  Ceremony. — Ceremony  to  propi- 
tiate the  Ten  Kings  of  Hell. 

Singular  or  Superstitous  Customs  relating  to  Mourning  and 
the  unburied  Dead. 

It  deserves  to  be  particularly  mentioned  that  when  chil- 
dren or  unmarried  persons  die,  many  of  the  customs  which 
will  be  described  are  not  observed.  Generally,  it  is  only  when 
the  deceased  is  an  adult  and  married,  and  the  head  of  a fam- 


BIDDING  FAREWELL  TO  THE  DEAD. 


169 


ily,  his  own  parents  or  grandparents  having  already  deceased, 
that  these  customs  are  observed. 

They  hid  farewell  at  separation  hy  death. — It  is  very  de- 
sirable that  the  members  of  a family  should  all  be  present,  if 
possible,  at  the  moment  of  the  death  of  its  head.  Sons,  daugh- 
ters, and  the  wives  of  sons,  grandchildren,  male  or  female,  as 
well  as  the  brothers  and  sisters  of  the  dying  man,  as  far  as 
practicable,  should  gather  around  his  bedside.  When  the 
last  breath  has  been  drawn,  all  simultaneously  break  out  into 
loud  lamentation  and  weeping.  Some  explain  this  custom  by 
saying  they  thus  bid  him  farewell.  The  departure  of  the  dead 
is  attended  Avith  doleful  outcries  and  with  passionate  expres- 
sions of  grief.  The  loud  lamentation  at  death  is  often  heard 
on  the  death  of  persons  not  married,  and  not  the  head  of  a 
family,  nor  arrived  at  adult  age. 

They  light  candles  and  burn  incense. — All  beyond  death  is 
regarded  as  dark  by  the  Chinese.  The  dead  are  believed  to 
be  unable  to  see  how  or  where  to  walk.  On  this  account,  a 
pair  of  candles  and  some  common  incense  are  lighted  just 
after  the  death  of  a relative,  being  generally  arranged  on  a 
chair  by  his  bedside,  or  on  the  bedstead.  The  incense  is  put 
upon  a bowl  filled  with  ashes,  in  a flat  position — that  is,  paral- 
lel with  the  surface  of  the  earth,  instead  of  being  placed  in  an 
upright  position,  as  usual  when  burning.  The  design  of  the 
candles  is  to  light  the  spirit  of  the  dead  on  its  way.  The 
candles  are  provided  by  his  children  or  members  of  his  family 
in  the  laudable  expectation  of  aiding  the  dead  to  find  and  keep 
the  right  path.  The  proverb  says,  “ One  living,  is  a man,  but 
dead,  is  a spirit.”  The  spirit  is  therefore  considered  able  and 
entitled  to  receive  the  odor  of  incense  lighted  for  its  benefit. 

They  move  or  turn  around  a kind  of  “ bridge -ladder T — 
After  the  body  has  been  laid  out,  this  singular  custom  is  ob- 
served in  many  families.  Sometimes  those  families  which 
have  no  married  or  betrothed  daughters  do  not  practice  it  on 
the  death  of  its  head.  The  married  daughters,  if  living  within 
reasonable  distance,  are  expected  to  return  home  with  their 
husbands  and  children. 

Several  Tauist  priests  are  employed  to  prepare  the  “bridge- 
ladder”  and  aid  in  the  celebration  of  the  ceremony,  at  the  ex- 
pense of  the  son-in-law  or  sons-in-law  of  the  deceased.  A 

Vol.  I.— H 


170  DEATH,  MOURNING,  AND  BURIAL. 

post  some  seven  or  eight  feet  high  is  placed  in  a socket  or 
frame  standing  on  the  ground,  in  a perpendicular  position. 
Into  holes  made  in  the  sides  of  this  post  are  fastened  several 
tiers  of  sticks  or  bamboo,  two  or  three  feet  long.  These  sticks 
project  outward  and  upward  a little  from  the  perpendicular 
post.  Sometimes  these  sticks  amount  to  several  tens.  The 
longer  ones  are  placed  toward  the  bottom,  and  the  shorter 
ones  toward  the  top,  the  lowest  tier  being  three  or  four  feet 
from  the  ground.  At  the  extreme  outer  end  of  each  is  sus- 
pended by  a wire  a kind  of  glass  cup  containing  oil  and  wick- 
ing,  the  whole  constituting  a lamp.  On  the  top  of  the  upright 
post  is  placed  a candle.  Into  a hole,  about  three  feet  from  the 
ground,  made  in  the  upright  post,  is  inserted  a pole,  project- 
ing at  a right  angle,  some  two  or  three  feet  longer  than  the 
longest  of  the  sticks  having  lamps  at  their  end.  This  “ bridge- 
ladder”  is  placed  in  the  middle  of  the  room.  On  one  side  of 
the  room  is  placed  a table  having  candles  and  incense  upon  it. 
On  the  wall  or  partition  of  the  room  by  this  table  are  susy 
pended  one  or  two  large  paper-hangings,  relating  to  the  infer- 
nal regions.  The  body  of  the  deceased  is  lying  on  one  side 
of  the  room,  or,  if  there  is  an  adjoining  room  which  can  be 
used,  it  is  placed  in  it. 

When  every  thing  is  ready,  the  ceremony  is  commenced  by 
lighting  the  lamps  and  candle  on  the  “ bridge-ladder,”  as  well 
as  the  candles  and  incense  on  the  table.  The  priests  chant 
their  liturgy  amid  the  noise  of  cymbals.  The  married  daugh- 
ter comes  forward,  having  a white  cotton  cloth  bound  about 
her  head,  partially  concealing  her  eyes,  or  she  holds  to  her 
eyes  a white  cotton  cloth  much  as  one  would  a handkerchief 
while  crying.  The  eldest  son  of  the  deceased,  if  there  be  a 
living  son,  now  advances,  and,  taking  hold  of  the  end  of  the 
long  pole,  pushes  gently  against  it ; the  post  turning  on  its 
socket,  the  entire  “bridge-ladder”  moves.  The  wife  of  the 
eldest  son,  his  younger  brothers  and  their  wives,  the  married 
daughter  of  the  deceased,  and  her  children,  etc.,  now  follow 
slowly  the  elder  brother  as  he  pushes  around  the  “bridge- 
ladder”  for  a few  times. 

In  case  there  is  no  son,  a married  or  affianced  daughter 
leads  the  company.  During  the  period  that  this  bridge-lad- 
der is  thus  made  to  revolve,  all  of  the  party  join  in  loud  lam- 


Hsraov'i-MMrafi,,  mi  asmmrv  iwirau 


OFFERING  FOOD  AND  WINE  TO  THE  DEAD.  173 


entation  and  wailing.  Their  outcry,  taken  in  connection  with 
the  chanting  of  the  priests  and  the  noise  of  the  cymbals,  make 
a very  confused  hubbub  and  tumult  of  voices  and  sounds. 
These,  together  with  the  sight  of  so  many  lamps  and  candles 
burning  brightly  in  broad  daylight,  produce  a very  singular 
spectacle  for  the  foreign  beholder,  which,  once  seen,  will  not 
be  quickly  forgotten. 

The  object  of  this  performance  with  the  bridge-ladder  is  to 
lighten  and  assist  the  deceased  on  his  way.  It  is  called 
“ bridge-ladder ” because  it  is  fancied  to  resemble  a bridge  and 
a ladder.  The  bridge  would  aid  the  dead  to  pass  rivers,  and 
the  ladder  would  help  him  to  climb  steep  places,  should  he  meet 
such  impediments  in  his  journey. 

They  offer  food  and  wine  to  the  dead. — After  the  ceremony 
of  “ turning  around  the  bridge-ladder ” has  been  concluded, 
and  after  the  body  has  been  dressed  for  the  coffin  according 
to  custom,  it  is  usually  placed  on  the  cover  of  the  coffin.  The 
eldest  son  now  approaches  and  kneels  down  before  the  corpse. 
He  then  takes  a cup  of  wine  and  offers  it  to  the  dead  three 
times.  He  then  takes  some  cooked  vermicelli,  by  means  of 
chopsticks,  out  of  a bowl,  and  presents  it  to  the  mouth  of  the 
dead  for  three  times.  After  this  he  takes  a bowl  of  cooked 
rice,  and  makes  a presentation  in  similar  manner  for  three 
times.  While  he  is  performing  these  filial  acts,  all  the  rest  of 
the  family,  brothers,  sisters,  and  grandchildren,  except  the 
partner  of  the  dead  and  those  higher  in  rank,  kneel  down 
around  the  corpse  and  pour  out  their  lamentations.  If  the 
eldest  son  of  the  deceased  has  previously  died,  his  eldest  son, 
if  he  has  one,  takes  his  place.  In  case  he  has  no  son  living, 
some  one  who  has  been  adopted  as  the  eldest  son  performs 
the  ceremony,  the  second  or  the  third,  or  any  other  of  their 
children,  never  performing  this  ceremony  unless  adopted  as 
the  heir  and  representative  of  the  eldest  son.  Sometimes,  in 
wealthy  families,  a professor  of  ceremonies  is  employed  to  di- 
rect the  eldest  son  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties  on  this  occa- 
sion according  to  established  rules.  The  eldest  son  at  this 
time  wears  a cap,  with  his  clothing  properly  arranged,  and 
having  shoes  upon  his  feet;  but  previously  he  has  appeared 
with  disheveled  hair,  clothing  disarranged,  and  in  his  stocking 
feet. 


174 


DEATH,  MOURNING,  AND  BURIAL. 


Tliey  provide  cash  to  be  used  before  the  place  for  the  spirit 
of  the  dead. — The  dead  man  can  not  speak.  He  is  unable  to 
express  his  approbation  or  disapprobation  of  what  is  done  for 
him  by  his  surviving  children.  But  this  difficulty  has  been 
remedied  by  the  Chinese,  who  fancy  they  can  tell  the  wishes 
or  feelings  of  the  dead  by  the  use  of  cash  in  a certain  manner. 
After  the  corpse  has  been  clothed,  and  is  about  to  be  put  into 
the  coffin,  some  one  takes  two  common  copper  cash,  and  ties 
them  loosely  together  by  a blue  or  white  thread  a few  inches 
in  length.  These  cash  are  then  placed  in  the  sleeve  of  the 
dead  man.  He  is  then  made,  by  some  one  taking  hold  of  his 
sleeve,  to  shake  them  out,  so  that  they  shall  fall  upon  the 
ground.  Their  relative  positions  as  they  strike  are  noted  and 
remembered,  whether  the  two  obverses  come  uppermost  or  the 
two  reverses,  or  one  reverse  and  one  obverse.  These  cash  are 
preserved  for  future  use  in  making  inquiries  of  the  dead,  pre- 
vious to  his  burial,  after  the  table  has  been  arranged  before 
the  place  of  his  spirit.  A description  of  the  process  of  such 
revelations  of  the  will  of  the  spirit  of  the  deceased,  alias  “ spir- 
itual revelations ,”  will  be  given  when  speaking  of  the  arrang- 
ing of  the  '■'•table  before  the  place  of  the  spirit .” 

They  burn  a miniature  paper  sedan-chair  for  the  use  of  the 
dead. — Soon  after  wine  and  food  have  been  offered  to  the  dead 
by  the  eldest  son,  and  before  the  corpse  is  arranged  in  its 
grave-clothes,  a small  sedan-chair,  made  of  bamboo  splints  and 
paper,  and  four  bamboo  and  paper  diminutive  bearers,  are  ar- 
ranged on  the  ground  near  the  house.  There  are  also  pro- 
vided four  cups  of  wine,  and  four  or  eight  bread-cakes ; one 
cup,  and  one  or  two  cakes,  being  put  before  each  bearer.  The 
chair  and  the  bearers,  when  every  thing  is  arranged,  are  set 
on  fire  by  some  member  of  the  family,  attended  by  one  or  two 
priests,  who  recite  their  liturgy  and  clap  their  cymbals  together 
in  approved  style.  The  chair  is  provided  for  the  use  of  the 
spirit  of  the  dead.  It  is  charitably  supposed  that  he  would 
enjoy  riding,  instead  of  being  obliged  to  walk  to  the  infernal 
regions.  Bearers  are  also  provided  for  conveying  the  chair 
and  its  occupant,  as  it  seems  to  be  doubtful  whether  sedan 
coolies  can  be  readily  engaged  in  the  other  world.  The  wine 
and  the  cakes  .are  regarded  as  their  wages,  though  it  would 
appear  to  be  very  scant  and  small  considering  the  length  of 


PUTTING  GRAVE-CLOTHES  ON  THE  CORPSE.  175 


the  journey.  The  wine  they  are  supposed  to  imbibe  when 
they  feel  the  need  of  something  exhilarating,  and  the  cakes 
they  use  for  luncheon  en  route.  Though  their  wages  are  paid 
entirely  in  advance,  there  seems  to  be  no  apprehension  lest 
they  should  fail  in  carrying  out  their  contract.  Some  families 
provide  a fifth  man,  who  is  furnished  with  an  umbrella  of 
state,  which  he  is  expected  to  carry  in  front  of  the  sedan  en 
route  to  the  world  of  shades.  He  is  also  thoughtfully  provided 
with  his  wages  in  advance.  Some  affirm  that  the  sedan  and 
bearers  are  provided  for  the  use  of  the  neighborhood  god , “the 
Great  King,”  while  he  is  conveying  the  spirit  of  the  dead  down 
to  Tartarus. 

They  put  the  “ longevity1"1  clothes  on  the  corpse. — The  pre- 
cise time  of  putting  on  the  longevity  or  grave  clothes  is  not 
fixed.  The  wealthy  families  in  this  place  spend  a great  deal 
of  money  in  procuring  these  garments  for  their  dead.  Often- 
times many  of  them  are  made  of  silk  or  crape , and  the  finest 
and  the  most  expensive  cotton  fabrics.  It  is  an  established 
custom  that,  if  three  garments  are  put  upon  the  lower  part  of 
the  person,  five  garments  must  be  put  upon  the  upper  part. 
The  rule  is  that  there  must  be  tioo  more  upon  the  upper  than 
upon  the  lower  part  of  the  corpse.  Oftentimes  there  are  nine 
upon  the  upper  and  seven  upon  the  lower.  Sometimes  rich 
families  provide  as  high  as  twenty-one  pieces  for  the  upper 
part  of  the  corpse,  and  nineteen  pieces  for  the  lower  part. 
Probably,  among  the  middle  classes,  about  twelve  garments 
are  commonly  used  in  dressing  a corpse  for  the  coffin.  After 
the  grave-clothes  have  been  put  on  the  corpse,  it  is  tightly 
bound  around  with  several  pieces  of  cloth,  usually  two  of 
which  are  Avhite,  and  one  is  red.  The  white  cloth  comes  next 
to  the  clothing.  Some  or  all  of  it  is  torn  up  into  strips,  and, 
after  being  wound  around  the  corpse  in  a certain  manner,  is 
tied  into  a kind  of  knot,  which  is  considered  auspicious  or  an 
omen  of  good.  The  body  is  all  covered  with  these  auspicious 
knots.  Over  the  white  cloth,  or  the  white  silk,  if  the  family 
can  afford  it,  is  put  the  red  cloth,  similarly  torn  into  strips, 
and  knotted.  The  two  ends  of  the  red  cloth  or  the  red  silk 
are  usually  cut  off,  one  piece  being  given  to  the  eldest  son,  I 
which  he  divides  among  his  brothers.  The  other  is  some- 
times given  to  the  sons-in-law  of  the  dead,  each  having  a little 


176  DEATH,  MOURNING,  AND  BURIAL. 

piece.  This  is  regarded  as  an  omen  of  good  to  those  who  ob- 
tain it. 

They  place  the  corpse  in  the  coffin.- — The  children,  grand- 
children, other  relatives,  and  personal  friends  gather  around 
to  witness  the  placing  of  the  body  in  the  coffin.  Preparatory 
to  this,  the  corpse , while  lying  on  the  cover  of  the  coffiu,  is 
turned  half  way  around , so  that  its  head  comes  where  its  feet 
were.  The  coffin  is  placed  so  that  its  head  is  toward  the  front 
door,  or  the  front  of  the  house.  When  every  thing  is  ready, 
the  corpse  is  lifted  from  the  coffin  cover  and  placed  in  the 
coffin,  while  the  children  and  grandchildren,  etc.,  break  forth 
into  loud  lamentation  and  wailing.  The  eldest  son  carries  the 
head  of  the  corpse,  and  his  brothers  or  other  family  relatives 
aid  him  in  placing  the  body  into  the  receptacle  provided. 
This  is  made  of  good  wood,  quite  thick.  In  consequence  of 
the  number  of  grave-clothes  put  upon  the  corpse,  the  coffin  is 
much  larger  than  otherwise  would  be  necessary  to  hold  the 
body.  On  the  bottom  of  the  coffin  there  has  been  a quantity 
of  ashes  spread,  and  over  the  ashes  some  sheets  of  paper  have 
been  placed.  Sometimes  a large  number  of  small  bundles  of 
ashes  or  lime  are  placed  in  the  bottom  of  the  coffin  and  along 
the  sides  of  the  corpse;  or,  in  place  of  the  ashes,  some  bun- 
dles of  the  pith  out  of  which  artificial  flowers  are  made,  com- 
monly called  rice-paper,  are  used  by  some  families.  Over  the 
corpse  a piece  of  cloth  is  spread,  and  the  cover  is  nailed  down. 

During  the  performance  of  all  these  customs,  candles  and 
incense  have  been  kept  burning.  Subsequently  the  candles 
give  place  to  oil  lamps  in  the  practice  of  some  families,  while 
incense  continues  to  be  incessantly  used. 

They  prut  a table  before  the  place  for  the  spirit. — Soon  after 
the  lid  of  the  coffin  has  been  nailed  down,  the  children  of  the 
deceased  produce  and  arrange  in  the  reception-room  of  the 
house  a chair , a table , and  a bamboo  or  wooden  frame.  The 
frame  usually  consists  of  four  small  posts,  about  five  or  six 
feet  high,  with  cross-pieces  or  bars,  so  as  to  be  four  or  five 
feet  wide,  and  one  or  two  feet  deep.  Sometimes  this  frame 
is  covered  over  with  white  paper  or  white  cloth,  and  the  “ lon- 
gevity picture'1''  is  hung  upon  it  so  that  one,  on  entering  the 
room,  can  see  it  readily.  The  table  is  placed  several  feet  from 
the  back  wall  or  the  partition  of  the  room.  Behind  it  is  placed 


ARRANGING  A TABLE  BEFORE  THE  SPIRIT.  177 


the  chair,  and  immediately  behind  the  chair  is  placed  the  frame, 
having  upon  it  the  longevity  picture.  Near  the  chair,  or  under 
it,  is  a small  foot-stool,  on  which  are  placed  a pair  of  shoes. 
On  the  chair  itself  is  often  placed  a coarse-looking  rag  doll,  or, 
rather,  a roll,  about  one  foot  high,  made  out  of  cotton  cloth, 
which  is  twisted  and  knotted,  or  tied  up  so  as  to  resemble  a 
human  being,  especially  by  the  aid  of  the  imagination.  This 
is  said  to  be  always  used,  in  case  there  is  no  longevity  picture, 
to  represent  the  deceased.  This  rag  doll  is  made  to  stand  up- 
right, leaning  against  the  back  of  the  chair. 

The  longevity  picture  is  intended  to  be  a likeness  of  the  per- 
son whose  death  is  mourned.  It  is  commonly  made  about  as 
large  as  a child  six  or  eight  years  old ; oftentimes  the  artist 
is  called  to  paint  it  after  the  death  of  the  individual.  It  rep- 
resents him  in  a sitting  posture,  and  dressed  in  his  official 
robes,  with  button  of  rank,  if  an  officer  or  a graduate ; if  not, 
he  is  represented  as  having  on  a nice  suit.  The  picture  is 
often  gaudily  painted. 

On  the  table  arranged  “ before  the  spirit ’ is  placed  a bowl 
having  incense  in  it,  which  is  kept  burning  for  forty-nine  days 
and  nights.  There  are  also  placed  on  it  a pair  of  candles  or 
lamps,  which  are  lighted  at  meal-time,  and  also  whenever  any 
thing  is  transacted  before  the  longevity  picture  with  reference 
to  the  dead ; also  two  chopsticks  for  the  use  of  the  spirit 
when  supposed  to  be  eating.  About  the  centre  of  the  table 
are  arranged  a bowl,  turned  bottom  side  upward,  professedly 
to  hold  rice,  and  a wine-cup,  also  bottom  side  up,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  holding  wine,  at  the  time  of  eating  or  of  offering  food 
and  wine  to  the  spirit  by  his  children.  If  the  bowl  and  cup 
are  used,  they  are,  after  being  washed,  placed  back  on  the  ta- 
ble, bottom  side  upward.  These  chopsticks,  the  bowl,  and  the 
cup  are  seldom  used  at  meal-time,  but  others  in  their  stead, 
they  remaining  in  statu  quo  on  the  table.  The  table,  chair, 
frame,  and  picture  usually  remain  unmoved  until  the  expira- 
tion of  forty-nine,  or  sixty,  or  a hundred  days  after  the  de- 
cease of  the  individual,  according  as  the  family  decide.  Some 
families  keep  the  whole  or  a part  in  position  until  the  expira- 
tion of  three  years. 

The  two  cash  which  have  been  mentioned  are  carefully  kept 
on  the  table,  or  are  hung  on  the  frame  on  which  the  longevity 

H 2 


178 


DEATH,  MOURNING,  AND  BURIAL. 


picture  is  suspended,  so  as  always  to  be  at  hand  for  use  when 
desired.  Whenever  the  family  wish  to  ask  any  thing  of  the 
dead,  these  cash  are  taken  by  some  one  and  held  in  the  smoke 
of  the  incense  kept  continually  burning  on  the  table,  the  per- 
son at  the  same  time  making  the  inquiry  or  stating  the  cir- 
cumstances in  such  a way  that  an  affirmative  or  negative  re- 
ply, “ yes”  or  “ no,”  can  be  given.  When  he  has  done  speak- 
ing, the  cash  are  dropped  on  the  table.  If  their  relative  posi- 
tions, as  they  lie  on  the  table,  are  the  same  as  when  dropped, 
the  reply  given  by  the  deceased  to  the  question  asked  by  his 
children  is  regarded  as  affirmative.  If  different,  the  reply  is 
regarded  as  negative.  In  such  a case  the  inquirer  must  make 
some  other  inquiry,  or  repeat  the  same  inquiry  in  substance  if 
he  pleases,  the  form  being  different,  and  try  the  cash  again, 
and  so  on  until  an  affirmative  answer  is  obtained,  as  it  would 
not  do  to  desist  when  the  answer  is  negative,  and  the  dead  ap- 
pears by  the  reply  to  be  displeased  or  dissatisfied. 

The  Chinese  believe  that  in  consequence  of  the  dead  man’s 
not  being  able  to  pick  his  way  safely  to  the  infernal  regions, 
but  liable  to  lose  the  right  path,  the  kings  of  Hades  furnish  a 
“ little  devil”  to  act  the  part  of  guide  and  servant  to  the  dead 
man.  Accordingly,  the  family  make  provision  for  the  wants 
of  this  servant-imp,  who  is  generally  spoken  of  as  the  “ devil 
who  follows ,”  by  placing  on  a corner  of  the  table  before  the 
“longevity  picture”  a chopstick  and  a small  bowl  for  his  use 
while  piloting  down  to  the  Land  of  Shades  the  mortal  recently 
deceased.  Surviving  relatives  are  anxious  to  treat  this  devil- 
servant  well,  so  that  it  will  serve  respectfully,  and  guide  safely 
the  manes  of  their  departed  parent ; consequently,  whenever 
they  give  any  rice  to  him,  they  are  always  careful  to  give  a 
little  to  the  imp ; and  when  they  burn  mock-money  for  their  de- 
ceased relative,  they  are  sure  to  burn  some  for  the  special  ben- 
efit of  the  servant,  thus  keeping  him  in  food  and  spending- 
money.  The  object  of  all  this  is  to  flatter  and  please  the  little 
devil,  so  that  he  may  perform  his  duty  faithfully  and  satisfac- 
torily to  the  dead  person.  Unless  he  be  treated  with  proper 
decorum,  it  is  feared  that  he  will  become  offended,  and  harm 
his  master,  lead  him  astray,  or  refuse  to  pilot  him. 

They  perform  a ceremony  for  the  repose  of  the  spirit  of  the 
dead. — After  the  various  things  which  have  been  described 


SONS  SLEEPING  BY  THE  SIDE  OF  THE  COFFIN.  179 


have  been  properly  arranged,  three  bowls  or  plates  of  food,  as 
meat,  fish,  etc.,  are  brought  and  placed  on  the  table.  The  eld- 
est son  approaches,  and,  kneeling  reverently  down  before  the 
table,  makes  three  solemn  bows  toward  the  ground,  crying  and 
wailing.  When  he  arises  and  retires,  sometimes  his  brothers, 
if  there  are  any,  come  and  kneel  down  in  similar  manner,  with 
tears  and  lamentations.  All  this  is  for  the  purpose  of  com- 
forting the  soul  of  the  dead,  or  one  of  its  three  souls,  as  the 
Chinese  believe.  This  soul  is  believed,  after  this  ceremony, 
to  be  or  to  remain  somewhere  in  close  proximity  with  the  ta- 
ble, the  chair,  or  the  longevity  picture.  Some  families,  who 
can  afford  the  expense,  employ  several  priests,  who  recite  their 
liturgy,  ring  their  cymbals  or  gongs,  and  perform  a variety  of 
ceremonies  having  for  their  object  the  pacification  and  repose 
of  the  soul  of  the  dead. 

They  sleep  by  the  coffin  as  companions  to  the  spirit  of  the 
dead. — The  eldest  son,  and  his  younger  brothers,  if  he  has  any, 
and  they  are  able  to  bear  the  exposure,  commence  the  observ- 
ance of  sleeping  by  the  side  of  the  coffin,  as  a token  of  their 
filial  and  dutiful  spirit.  They  keep  up  the  custom  until  the  ta- 
ble, chair,  and  the  picture  are  removed,  or  until  the  coffin  is 
taken  away.  During  the  night,  as  well  as  during  the  daytime, 
a particular  kind  of  incense  is  used  called  “ dry  incense .”  It 
is  like  a straight,  small  stick,  about  three  feet  long,  and  nearly 
as  large  as  one’s  little  finger,  designed  to  last  all  night.  It  is 
considered  quite  important,  as  far  as  the  dead  is  concerned, 
that  the  incense  should  not  go  out  duriug  the  night.  This  in- 
cense is  used,  it  is  said,  because  it  is  straight,  not  crooked,  and 
is  representative  of  a straight  road.  A straight  road  is  much 
less  likely  to  be  lost  by  the  spirit  of  the  dead  than  a crooked 
road.  Hence  the  “ dry  incense ” is  employed,  as  it  were,  to 
lighten  the  dead  man  on  his  way.  If  it  should  be  allowed  to 
go  out,  it  Avould  be  a matter  of  regret  to  the  family,  and  es- 
pecially to  the  eldest  son,  on  whom  the  main  responsibility 
rests  at  this  time,  as  it  might  be  the  occasion  of  the  dead  man’s 
losing  his  way  to  the  infernal  regions,  notwithstanding  the  aid 
of  his  servant  devil.  The  eldest  son  must  not  absent  himself 
from  the  coffin  at  night,  unless  too  ill  to  perform  his  duties 
and  trim  the  lights. 

They  bring  hot  water  in  the  morning , rice  at  meal-times , 


180 


DEATH,  MOURNING,  AND  BURIAL. 


and  bid  him  goocl-night  on  going  to  bed. — For  forty-nine,  six- 
ty, or  a hundred  days,  as  the  case  may  be,  the  following  cus- 
toms are  observed  by  the  children  of  the  deceased,  male  or 
female. 

They  bring  hot  water  in  a wash-basin  early  in  the  morning 
to  the  side  of  the  coffin,  as  if  for  the  dead  man  to  bathe  his 
hands  and  face.  This  is  attended  by  all  the  family  with  loud 
and  violent  outbursts  of  grief.  They  also  offer  him  refresh- 
ments, and  burn  mock-money  for  his  benefit. 

At  meal-time,  twice  per  day,  they  bring  to  the  side  of  the 
coffin,  before  they  have  eaten  themselves,  a bowl  of  cooked  rice, 
and  several  plates  of  vegetables  and  meats.  These  are  first 
placed  on  the  table,  after  which  they  weep  and  lament,  burn- 
ing mock-money  and  incense;  afterward  they  take  the  food 
away,  and  proceed  to  eat  their  own  meals. 

At  bedtime  they  all  come  again  to  the  table  with  weeping 
and  lamenting,  and,  as  usual,  inform  him  of  their  intentions  to 
“ go  to  bed”  as  it  were  “ bidding  the  dead good-niglit .” 

The  sons  sleep  by  the  coffin  on  straw,  without  matting  or 
pillows,  keeping  company  with  the  dead  by  night. 

The  relatives  make  presents  to  be  used  in  sacrificing  to  the 
manes  of  the  dead. — Not  long  subsequent  to  the  death  of  the 
head  of  a family,  the  eldest  son  sends  around  to  near  relatives 
a card  informing  them  of  the  year,  month,  day,  and  hour  of  the 
birth  of  the  deceased  ; the  year,  month,  day,  and  hour  of  his 
death,  and  stating  the  day  when  the  family  will  go  into  mourn- 
ing. Those  who  receive  such  a card  must  provide  some  mon- 
ey, and  put  it  in  an  envelope  made  of  yellow  or  white  paper. 
On  the  outside  of  this  envelope,  if  made  of  white  paper,  is  a 
strip  of  blue  paper  attached,  upon  which  they  write  a couple 
of  characters  denoting  the  object  for  which  the  money  is  de- 
signed and  the  name  of  the  donor,  with  three  words  meaning 
liT respectfully  bow  my  head,”  or  “ my  respectful  salutations.” 
This  is  sent  to  the  family,  together  with  a quantity  of  mock- 
money.  The  money  sent  varies  from  twenty  cents  to  eight  or 
ten  dollars.  The  two  words  written  on  the  outside  of  the  en- 
velope indicate  that  the  money  is  to  be  employed  for  buying 
something  to  be  used  in  sacrifice. 

Friends  and  relatives  sometimes  present  to  the  family  on 
this  occasion  a pair  of  hangings  made  of  paper,  or  silk,  or 


WORSHIP  BEFORE  THE  LONGEVITY  PICTURE.  181 


broadcloth,  on  which  are  inscribed  a couple  of  popular  mot- 
toes or  sentences.  These  are  hung  up  in  some  conspicuous 
place  in  the  rooms  occupied  for  public  purposes  during  the 
period  of  mourning. 

They  kneel  down  and  icorship  before  the  longevity  picture. 
— Friends  and  relatives,  who  call  to  present  their  condolences 
to  the  afflicted  family,  are  expected  to  kneel  down  and  wor- 
ship before  the  picture  representing  the  dead.  Whoever  thus 
worships,  never  worships  alone.  He  expects  some  of  the  fam- 
ily, the  eldest  son,  if  not  otherwise  engaged,  to  kneel  down  and 
bow  the  head  simultaneously  with  him,  to  keep  him  company. 
Some  kneel  down  only  once  and  bow  the  head  three  times. 
Daring  this  ceremony,  some  female  member  of  the  family,  hid 
from  view  behind  a white  screen  made  of  cotton  cloth,  or  made 
of  sackcloth,  which  is  placed  before  the  coffin  in  a corner  of 
the  room,  breaks  out  in  piteous  and  violent  weeping.  After 
the  parties  have  risen  to  their  feet,  and  before  they  retire  from 
before  the  table,  the  female  weeper  comes  forth  and  thanks 
the  friend  or  relative  for  this  expression  of  his  sympathy.  Ho 
friend  or  relative  would  be  willing  to  kneel  down  and  bow  his 
respects  before  the  longevity  picture  unless  he  was  sure  that 
some  one  was  in  readiness  behind  the  “ filial  screen”  to  w'eep 
and  lament  at  the  proper  time.  He  would  feel  very  indignant 
should  such  a thing  occur  as  paying  his  respects  unaccom- 
panied by  the  weeping  of  some  one,  feeling  that  they  could 
not  afford  to  weep,  though  he  came  to  mourn  and  condole 
with  them.  If  of  higher  rank,  he  is  not  expected  or  allowed 
by  the  customs  of  society  to  kneel  as  do  relatives  of  lower 
rank  and  common  friends.  He  simply  stands  erect,  and  pays 
his  respects  by  moving  his  hands,  clasped  together,  up  and 
down  in  the  approved  manner.  Few  persons  of  rank  higher 
than  the  deceased  come  to  condole  with  the  family ; general- 
ly only  those  come  who  are  of  equal  or  lower  rank. 

As  a general  rule,  friends  may  call  and  pay  their  condolences 
any  time  after  the  family  are  in  mourning,  until  a notice  is 
posted  up  on  the  outside  of  the  front  door  returning  thanks 
for  the  “ condolence”  which  has  been  received.  This  paper  is 
understood  to  indicate  that  hereafter  no  one  is  desired  or  per- 
mitted to  present  his  condolences.  In  the  case  of  poor  fam- 
ilies it  is  sometimes  put  up  on  the  tenth  day  after  the  death 


182 


DEATH,  MOURNING,  AND  BURIAL. 


of  its  head ; in  the  case  of  rich  families  it  is  not  put  up  till 
after  the  forty-ninth  or  sixtieth  day,  when  the  chair,  table,  and 
the  picture  before  which  condolences  are  expressed  are  some- 
times removed,  and  the  public  mourning  ceremonies  brought 
to  a conclusion. 

They  inform  the  ten  Icings  of  hell  of  the  death  of  the  indi- 
vidual.— Among  the  majority  of  the  families  at  this  place,  on 
the  sixth  day  after  the  death  of  its  head  there  is  performed  at 
the  house  a ceremony,  the  object  of  which  is  said  both  to  be 
to  inform  the  kings  of  the  infernal  regions  of  his  death  and 
also  to  pray  for  the  forgiveness  of  his  sins.  Several  Tauist 
priests  are  employed  to  officiate.  They  suspend  three  large 
hangings,  two  of  which  represents  the  ten  kings  of  hell,  and 
one  represents  the  Three  Pure  Ones,  divinities  worshiped  by 
the  priests  and  devotees  of  the  Tauist  sect.  They  also  ar- 
range a table  “ in  the  presence  of  heaven,”  having  on  it  eight 
or  ten  plates  of  meats,  vegetables,  and  wine.  The  offering  of 
these  things  to  the  ten  gods  is  accompanied  with  the  recita- 
tion of  formulas  and  the  ringing  of  cymbals.  At  the  conclu- 
sion of  the  ceremony,  two  of  the  priests  sit  down  by  the  side 
of  the  coffin  and  inform  the  deceased  of  what  has  been  done 
for  his  benefit,  saying  that  his  children,  married  and  unmar- 
ried, and  grandchildren,  are  present. 

Some  families  do  not  have  this  ceremony  performed  on  ac- 
count of  their  extreme  poverty,  others  because  their  ancestors 
were  not  in  the  practice  of  it,  and  still  others  because  they 
have  members  who  are  in  the  employ  of  the  emperor.  These 
simply  have  a certain  classic  chanted  before  some  images,  ac- 
companied with  the  burning  of  incense,  candles,  and  mock- 
money.  The  performances  on  this  day,  in  wealthy  families, 
often  consume  most  of  the  day.  It  is  regarded  as  an  import- 
ant and  interesting  occasion. 

They  observe  a ceremony  in  honor  of  the  seven  Icings. — 
This  is  done  for  the  first  time  on  the  seventh  day  after  the 
death  of  the  individual,  and  is  generally  repeated  on  every 
seventh  day  for  seven  times  in  families  which  are  able  to  bear 
the  expense  of  the  ceremony.  It  is  always  performed  before 
sacrifice  to  the  dead  on  these  days.  Its  special  object  is  to 
propitiate  the  good-will  of  seven  divinities,  who,  it  is  affirmed, 
will,  in  all  likelihood,  seize  and  beat  the  dead,  unless  this  cere- 


PUTTING  ON  MOUKNING. 


183 


emony  is  performed  in  their  honor.  It  principally  consists  in 
placing  a common  table  “ before  the  heavens,”  having  upon  it 
three  cups  of  wine,  three  bowls  or  plates  of  vegetables,  two 
candles,  and  mock-money.  The  candles  and  the  incense  are 
lighted,  but  the  latter  is  not  put  upon  the  table,  but  on  the 
ground  or  floor,  where  it  is  left  for  a while.  The  sons  of  the 
dead,  wearing  hempen  clothes  as  badges  of  mourning,  kneel 
down,  the  eldest  son  taking  three  cups  of  wine  in  succession 
and  pouring  out  some  of  the  contents  on  the  ground,  all  mak- 
ing three  bows  toward  the  ground.  On  rising,  the  mock- 
money  is  set  on  fire  and  left  to  consume,  together  with  the 
incense  on  the  ground.  The  candles  and  eatables  are  taken 
and  placed  on  the  table  before  the  place  of  the  spirit  of  the 
dead,  as  an  offering  to  him.  This  is  done  or  concluded  usual- 
ly about  eleven  o’clock  in  the  morning,  when  other  services  or 
ceremonies  may  be  had,  according  to  the  programme  settled 
upon  by  the  family.  The  coffin  is  oftentimes  painted  on  each 
of  these  days. 

They  put  on  mourning  for  the  dead  on  the  seventh  day. — 
Generally,  after  the  preceding  ceremony  in  honor  of  the  seven 
kings,  priests  are  employed  to  perform  certain  ceremonies, 
beating  their  cymbals,  and  chanting  their  formulas  for  a short 
time,  having  regard  to  the  rulers  of  the  infernal  regions.  After 
this  the  family  put  on  mourning.  This  is  a very  formal  and 
important  affair.  The  sons  put  on  garments  made  of  hemp 
cloth,  of  the  natural  color,  over  their  other  clothing.  The 
grandsons  put  on  garments  made  of  hemp  cloth,  but  of  a yel- 
lowish tinge.  Sons,  daughters,  and  grandchildren,  according 
to  strict  rules,  have  braided  in  their  cues  threads  of  hemp,  or 
blue  or  white  cotton.  No  red  garment  must  be  worn,  nor 
silks  nor  satins,  for  the  nominal  period  of  three  years,  which 
is  understood  to  mean  twenty-seven  months.  The  dutiful 
sons  of  the  deceased  may  not  sleep  on  a bedstead  at  night,  nor 
may  they  sit  on  a chair  for  the  space  of  forty-nine  or  sixty 
days  if  any  guests  or  friends  are  present.  They  must  stand 
or  sit  on  the  floor.  They  wear  a white  strip  of  cotton  cloth 
as  a belt,  and  their  caps,  collars,  and  shoes  are  decked  in 
mourning.  On  every  seventh  day  for  seven  times  the  sons 
wear  brown  sackcloth  over  their  ordinary  clothing,  and  grand- 
sons yellow  sackcloth,  when  engaged  in  sacrificing  to  the 


184  DEATH,  MOURNING,  AND  BURIAL. 

manes  of  the  dead  when 
guests  or  friends  are 
present.  On  other  days 
they  may  wear  white 
cotton  garments.  The 
eldest  son,  on  every  sev- 
enth day,  when  going 
out  to  meet  and  escort 
guests,  carries  a staff 
about  three  or  four  feet 
long,  on  which,  com- 
mencing at  a few  inches 
from  the  top  down  to 
the  bottom,  at  intervals 
of  a few  inches,  are 
pasted  small  slips  of 
white  paper. 

On  the  first  seventh 
day,  those  relatives  and 
friends  who  have  been 
specially  invited  are  ex- 
pected to  be  present  at 
the  time  of  offering  sacrifice  to  the  manes  of  the  dead.  This 
is  done  usually  in  respectable  families  under  the  superintend- 
ence of  a professor  of  ceremonies.  The  sacrifice  consists  in 
jmesenting  eatables,  wine,  incense,  and  mock-money,  attended 
with  kneeling  and  bowing  on  the  part  of  the  filial  sons,  the 
eldest  son  taking  the  lead.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  sacrifice 
and  worship,  the  invited  relatives  and  friends  are  feasted. 

The  rich  and  many  families  in  the  middle  class  of  society 
begin  on  this  first  seventh  day  a series  of  so-called  “ merito- 
rious” ceremonies  for  the  benefit  of  the  dead,  which  will  be 
hereafter  described.  These  ceremonies  are  performed  by 
Buddhist  or  Tauist  priests,  as  the  family  please  to  decide. 

On  the  fourteenth  day  — that  is,  the  second  seventh  day 
after  the  death  of  the  individual,  occurs  another  ceremony, 
attended  with  the  presentation  of  four  plates,  consisting  of 
various  kinds  of  vegetables  and  wine,  arranged  on  a table 
placed  before  the  table  in  front  of  the  spirit’s  place.  Its  par- 
ticular object  is  to  implore  Buddha  to  ferry  over  the  soul  of 


ELDEST  SON  DRESSED  IN  MOURNING  AND  CARRYING 
THE  FILIAL  STAFF. 


GUESTS  WORSHIP  THE  DEAD. 


185 


the  dead.  The  Chinese  are  taught  to  believe  that  his  soul  in 
this  manner  becomes  comparatively  free  from  guilt. 

On  the  twenty-first  day  the  afflicted  family  generally  pro- 
vides an  entertainment  for  those  relatives  and  friends  whom 
they  see  fit  or  are  compelled  by  the  usages  of  society  to  in- 
vite. The  guests  are  expected  to  worship  the  dead  in  the 
way  which  has  been  previously  described.  The  feast  is  first 
offered  in  the  usual  way  on  a table  in  honor  of  the  ten  kings 
of  hell.  A professor  of  ceremony  is  employed  to  read  at  the 
proper  time  a kind  of  sacrificial  ode  or  prayer,  praising  the 
dead  for  his  virtues,  and  calling  for  pity  on  his  soul.  After 
the  guests  are  seated  at  the  tables,  the  professor  of  ceremonies 
calls  out  the  “ filial ” sons  and  grandsons,  and  great-grandsons, 
if  any,  of  the  dead,  from  an  adjoining  room.  They  come  for- 
ward, and,  kneeling  down  on  the  floor,  incline  their  heads  to- 
ward the  floor  three  times  in  front  of  the  guests,  which  per- 
formance is  designed  to  be  an  expression  of  their  thanks  to 
these  guests  for  their  generous  presents  of  money  to  the  liv- 
ing, as  well  as  for  their  kindness  to  the  dead,  as  evinced  by 
their  coming  to  condole  with  the  bereaved  family. 

The  relatives  and  friends  who  do  not  come  in  person  or 
send  a representative  to  the  feast  on  this  day  give  great  occa- 
sion for  offense  and  hard  feeling  on  the  part  of  the  family. 
The  presents  of  such  are  very  likely  to  be  returned. 

On  the  twenty-eighth  and  on  the  thirty-fifth  day,  the  family 
purchase  food  and  other  articles,  and  present  them  before  the 
picture  of  the  deceased,  so  similar  in  manner  to  the  ceremo- 
nies performed  on  previous  days  that  it  is  not  necessary  to 
describe  them.  The  rich  continue  to  have  some  meritorious 
performance  on  these  days  done  by  priests,  but  the  poor  sel- 
dom have  any  thing  more  than  a few  dishes  of  food  and  a 
quantity  of  incense  offered  or  burned  at  the  established  place, 
as  a kind  of  sacrifice  to  the  dead. 

The  forty-second  day  is  generally  regarded  as  a very  im- 
portant occasion.  If  the  deceased  have  married  daughters,  it 
is  their  duty,  and  doubtless  they  feel  it  is  a privilege,  to  be  at 
the  expense  of  ceremonies  which  are  believed  to  benefit  their 
departed  parent.  They  are  at  the  expense  of  a feast  to  the 
invited  friends  and  relatives  of  the  dead  at  the  house  occupied 
by  his  family. 


186 


DEATH,  MOURNING,  AND  BURIAL. 


They  employ  a professor  of  ceremony  to  read  the  sacrificial 
prayer  and  direct  in  worshiping  the  dead.  They  usually  send 
from  their  own  houses  a quantity  of  boiled  rice,  several  plates 
of  meats,  wine,  a large  quantity  of  mock-money,  incense,  and 
candles.  They  also  provide  tea,  tobacco,  cakes,  or  betel-nut, 
and  a large  variety  of  articles,  for  use  as  luncheon  for  the  liv- 
ing, and  for  the  worship  of  the  deceased.  They  themselves 
make  it  a point  to  be  present,  when  possible.  After  the  obla- 
tions of  food  have  been  made  to  the  manes  of  the  dead,  their 
brothers  call  men,  and  send  back  to  the  houses  of  their  sisters 
a large  part  of  the  meats  and  some  of  the  other  articles.  The 
brothers  add,  at  their  own  expense,  several  feet  or  a whole 
piece  of  red  cloth  or  silk,  a quantity  of  velvet  flowers,  ten  pairs 
of  chopsticks,  ten  bowls,  three  plates  of  vegetables,  one  fish, 
one  crab,  and  one  fowl.  The  design  of  these  presents  to  their 
sisters  on  this  occasion  is  to  furnish  them  with  “ food  and 
clothing .”  “Food  and  clothing,”  as  the  expression  is  used  on 
felicitous  and  mournful  occasions,  is  full  of  import  to  the  Chi- 
nese, being  ominous  of  good. 

If  their  sisters  are  wealthy,  they  also  employ  several  Bud- 
dhist priests  to  recite  their  classics,  and  worship  images  of 
Buddha,  for  the  particular  benefit  of  their  parent,  who,  they 
imagine,  may  be  in  troublous  circumstances  at  this  time.  The 
performance  is  classed  among  those  which  are  called  meritori- 
ous, and  is  done  on  the  premises  occupied  by  the  family  of 
the  deceased. 

In  case  there  are  no  married  daughters,  the  sons  send  to  an 
eating-house  and  purchase  boiled  rice,  to  be  used  on  the  occa- 
sion just  as  though  it  were  furnished  by  their  married  sisters. 
The  custom  is  fixed  not  to  use  l’ice  which  is  cooked  in  the 
house  on  this  day.  The  sons  carry  on  the  ceremonies,  on  a 
diminished  scale,  at  their  own  expense,  not  sending  any  thing 
away  as  if  sending  to  the  homes  of  their  sisters. 

It  is  the  popular  belief  that  the  dead  arrives  on  this  day  at 
a certain  place  in  the  spirit  world,  whence  he  looks  back  on 
his  home  and  neighborhood,  and  becomes,  for  the  first  time, 
aware  of  his  own  decease.  Consequently,  sad  and  afflicted  in 
mind,  he  loses  his  appetite,  and  is  unable  to  partake  of  rice 
cooked  at  home.  In  consequence  of  this  belief,  the  family  are 
unwilling  to  use  rice  cooked  at  home  in  these  ceremonies. 


CEREMONIES  OF  THE  FORTY-NINTH  DAY. 


187 


The  forty-ninth  day  is  also  regarded  as  a very  important  oc- 
casion. Its  services  consist  principally  in  performing  “ meri- 
torious acts ” of  various  kinds.  The  mourning  family  again 
provide  a feast  for  invited  relatives  and  friends.  These  first, 
one  by  one,  kneel  down  before  the  table  in  front  of  the  longev- 
ity picture,  and  bow  their  heads  toward  the  earth  for  three 
times.  After  the  food,  wine,  etc.,  have  been  offered  in  sacri- 
fice to  the  dead,  the  friends  and  relatives  present  proceed  to 
feast  upon  it.  The  sacrifice  is,  of  course,  attended  with  weep- 
ing on  the  part  of  the  sons,  daughters,  and  grandchildren  of 
the  dead.  Some  families  have  a particular  ceremony  perform- 
ed, which  indicates  that  the  “ sevens”  that  is,  the  “ meritorious” 
and  other  mourning  services  which  have  been  performed  on 
the  seventh  days  from  the  date  of  the  death  of  the  individual, 
are  now  discontinued.  This  is  a very  busy  and  eventful  day. 

They  perform  the  ceremony  called  “ ceasing  to  offer  the 
rice — This  ceremony  is  usually  performed  on  the  forty-ninth 
day,  but  some  families  defer  it  to  the  sixtieth,  or  even  the 
hundredth  day.  The  custom  is  always  observed  whenever 
the  family  decide  to  discontinue  the  offering  of  food  to  the 
dead  at  the  regular  meal-times.  Some  families  procure  sever- 
al plates  of  meats,  as  pork,  flesh  of  the  goat,  fowl,  some  vegeta- 
ble dishes,  bean-curd,  wine,  rice  tea,  tobacco,  salt,  a kitchen- 
knife,  a wooden  block,  some  wood,  oil,  water,  and  some  luxu- 
ries d la  Chinois,  and  place  them  on  the  table.  Other  fami- 
lies only  provide  a few  small  bundles  of  wood,  a little  uncook- 
ed rice,  some  salt,  and  some  oil. 

This  is  to  indicate  to  the  dead  that  he  must  procure  and 
cook  his  own  food  after  this,  as  his  surviving  descendants  do 
not  propose  to  furnish  it  to  him  any  longer,  cooked  or  uncook- 
ed, at  regular  meal-time.  It  is  imagined  the  dead  will  under- 
stand these  gentle  hints,  and  make  provision  for  his  wants  ac- 
cordingly. In  order  to  supply  him  with  spending-money,  a 
large  quantity  of  mock-money  is  prepared  and  burnt  at  this 
time,  his  filial  children  readily  believing  that  now,  as  he  must 
board  himself,  he  will  require  a larger  sum  of  ready  cash  than 
usual.  At  this  time  is  burnt  one  stick  of  incense  and  one  can- 
dle; the  sons,  daughters,  and  grandchildren  kneel  down  in 
front  of  the  table,  and  break  out  into  most  piteous  weeping, 
calling  on  the  dead,  using  the  most  affectionate  and  endearing 


188 


DEATH,  MOURNING,  AND  BURIAL. 


appellations,  according  to  the  relation  they  formerly  sustained 
to  him  whom  they  now  lament,  as  wife,  son,  daughter,  etc. 

After  this  ceremony  they  do  not  offer  the  customary  articles 
of  food  at  meal-time  to  the  dead. 

The  married  daughter  receives  a present  from  her  father  to 
enable  her  to  dry  tip  her  tears. — When  a daughter’s  husband’s 
father  or  mother  dies,  it  is  customary  for  the  family  to  which 
the  daughter  belonged  to  send  to  the  afflicted  family,  on  the 
day  they  put  on  mourning,  a quantity  of  common  mock-money, 
and  paper  representing  silk,  incense  and  candles,  cash  for  buy- 
ing articles  to  be  used  in  sacrifice,  a sacrificial  prayer,  a “gold” 
mountain  and  a “ silver”  mountain,  that  is,  paper  made  in 
shape  like  mountains,  and  covered  with  tin  foil,  some  of  a nat- 
ural or  silvery  color,  and  some  colored  to  resemble  gold,  all  to 
be  used  in  sacrifices  to  the  dead.  On  the  twenty-first  day 
they  make  another  small  present  for  a similar  design.  On  or 
after  the  forty-ninth  day  they  send  a present  of  two  kinds,  as 
it  is  termed,  designed  to  be  eaten  by  the  daughter , called  a 
present  to  dry  up  the  tears.  The  idea  is  that  for  the  last  forty- 
nine  days  she  has  wept  a great  deal  for  the  dead,  and  now  it 
is  time  to  dry  up  the  fountain  of  tears,  and  partake  of  suitable 
food ; in  other  words,  it  is  now  high  time  to  stop  her  crying. 
The  meat  is  always  of  some  kind  which  is  regarded  as  partic- 
ularly palatable  and  nutritious. 

They  celebrate  the  sixtieth  day. — On  this  occasion  they  pro- 
vide a number  of  plates  of  food,  and  incense,  etc.  But,  besides 
these  customary  offerings,  which  are  placed  on  the  table,  they 
place  on  it  a wash-bowl  full  of  water.  On  the  water  they  put 
the  half  of  the  shell  of  a duck’s  egg,  which  is  left  to  float  on 
the  surface.  A likeness  of  a duck,  made  of  bamboo  splints 
covered  with  paper,  and  painted,  is  brought  forward.  A pa- 
per image  made  in  imitation  of  the  human  figure  is  placed  on 
the  duck,  and  the  duck  is  caused  to  stand  in  the  water  in  the 
wash-basin.  The  paper  image  personates  the  deceased  indi- 
vidual. The  egg-shell  denotes  a boat  provided  for  his  use. 
The  duck  signifies  the  means  by  which  he  gets  over!  The 
presentation  of  these  emblems,  and  the  more  substantial  arti- 
cles of  food,  are  accompanied  with  the  usual  tokens  of  grief 
on  the  part  of  the  members  of  the  family. 

They  observe  the  fourteenth  and  the  thirtieth  of  every  month. 


THEY  THINK  OF  THE  DEPARTED. 


189 


— It  is  a general  practice  at  this  place,  on  the  occurrence  of  the 
fourteenth  and  the  thirtieth  of  every  month,  after  the  family 
have  intimated  that  no  more  rice  will  he  offered  to  the  manes 
of  the  dead  at  meal-time,  to  observe  the  following  ceremony : 
In  the  evening  the  sons  and  daughters  of  the  family  all  assem- 
ble together,  if  practicable.  They  provide  a plateful  of  biscuit 
or  bread-cakes,  a plate  of  bean-curd,  plates  of  meat,  fish,  cook- 
ed rice,  a cup  of  wine,  a stick  of  incense,  and  a pair  of  candles, 
which  are  placed  on  the  table  before  the  place  of  the  spirit. 
They  remember  to  provide  a little  of  something  for  the  special 
use  of  the  servant-devil.  The  family  simultaneously  weep  and 
cry  bitterly,  and  think  of  the  departed.  The  alleged  rea- 
son why  they  observe  this  custom  on  the  fourteenth  and  the 
thirtieth  of  the  month  is  because  it  is  believed  that  the  spirit 
of  the  departed  parent  or  relative  returns  home  on  these  days, 
and  therefore  the  family  are  in  duty  bound  to  provide  a plen- 
tiful repast  for  it,  and  to  show  it  proper  respect  and  ho.nor — 
which  surely  is  a good  reason,  if  the  fact  be  as  believed.  This 
custom  is  kept  up  on  the  days  specified  until  the  three  years 
of  mourning  are  completed,  or  until  the  ancestral  tablet  repre- 
senting the  deceased  is  put  in  the  niche  or  on  the  shelf  where 
the  other  family  tablets  are  kept. 

At  the  end  of  one  hundred  days,  and  at  the  close  of  one 
year  from  the  date  of  the  death  of  the  individual,  several  plates 
of  food,  wine,  etc.,  are  offered  on  the  table,  attended  with  weep- 
ing, much  as  on  the  sixtieth  day,  with  this  icide  difference , 
there  is  no  paper  man,  no  shell  of  a duck’s  egg,  no  bamboo  and 
paper  duck,  and  no  wash-basin  with  water  in  it,  placed  on  the 
table  or  used  on  the  occasion.  At  the  expiration  of  one  com- 
plete year  married  daughters  and  grandchildren  remove  then- 
badges  of  mourning,  while  sons  and  their  wives,  and  the  wid- 
ow of  the  deceased,  if  a man,  are  required  still  to  wear  their 
badges  of  mourning  nominally  two  years  longer. 

They  celebrate  the  expiration  of  three  years , and  remove  the 
table  before  the  place  of  the  spirit. — At  the  end  of  three  years 
in  theory,  in  fact  at  the  end  of  twenty-four  months,  the  sons, 
daughters-in-law,  and  the  widow  remove  their  deep  mourning, 
and  put  on  light  or  half  mourning,  to  be  worn  for  three  months. 
Before  the  deep  .mourning  is  removed  from  their  garments, 
caps,  and  cues,  several  plates  of  eatables  are  offered  on  the  ta- 


190 


DEATH,  MOURNING,  AND  BURIAL. 


ble,  and  incense  and  mock-money  are  burned.  All  kneel  down, 
bow  their  faces  toward  the  ground,  and  weep  with  accustomed 
bitterness.  The  rejected  badges  of  grief  are  thrown  into  the 
censer  or  furnace  where  the  mock-money  is  burned.  They 
then  place  the  ancestral  tablet  in  its  niche,  if  ready,  and  not 
already  placed  there,  again  offering  food  to  the  dead,  kneeling 
down  as  usual.  They  now  remove  the  table,  the  chair,  and 
the  frame  having  the  longevity  picture  upon  it  from  the  places 
where  they  have  been  for  so  long  a time,  if  these  things  have 
not  been  previously  taken  away;  the  chopsticks  and  bowls, 
which  usually  were  to  be  found  on  the  table,  the  chair,  and  the 
stool  which  stood  behind  it,  together  with  the  two  cash  which 
have  been  used  so  many  times  in  questioning  the  dead,  are 
never  hereafter  used  in  the  family. 

Some,  perhaps  most  families  at  the  end  of  sixty  days,  remove 
the  longevity  picture  or  turn  its  face  to  the  wall,  leaving  it 
until  the  coffin  is  buried,  or  until  the  end  of  three  years,  the 
table,  cash,  bowls,  and  the  chair  also  remaining.  Sometimes 
the  table  is,  at  the  end  of  sixty  days,  turned  around  or  placed 
nearer  the  wall  than  before.  When  the  coffin  is  buried,  wheth- 
er sooner  or  later,  the  tablet  is  placed  in  its  niche  or  shrine, 
and  the  table,  chair,  picture,  etc.,  are  taken  away.  The  cere- 
mony called  “ observing  the  three  years”  is  never  omitted. 

They  observe  the  anniversary  of  the  day  of  the  birth  and  of 
the  death  of  their  dead. — After  the  tablet  has  been  placed  in 
the  family  shrine,  the  family  twice  per  annum  must  observe  a 
ceremony  like  the  following,  in  memory  of  the  day  of  the  birth 
and  the  day  of  the  death  of  their  honored  dead.  Several 
plates  of  meats,  cooked  rice,  with  cups  of  wine,  incense,  can- 
dles, and  a quantity  of  mock-money,  are  provided.  They  are 
presented  to  the  spirit  of  the  dead,  before  his  tablet,  in  the 
usual  manner.  Some  families  only  observe  this  ceremony  to 
the  third  generation,  while  most  families  observe  it  to  the  fifth 
generation.  At  the  end  of  five  generations,  some  of  the  Chi- 
nese believe  the  spirits  or  souls  of  the  dead  maybe  born  again 
into  this  world,  or  become  the  spirits  of  birds,  beasts,  or  rep- 
tiles, according  to  their  deserts,  in  obedience  to  the  laws  or 
principles  of  the  doctrine  of  the  transmigration  of  souls.  Hence 
no  tablet  of  the  dead  is  worshiped  after  the  posterity  of  the  in- 
dividual it  represents  have  reached  the  fifth  generation. 


CEREMONIES  INSIDE  OF  FORTY-NINE  DAYS.  191 


Meritorious  Ceremonies  performed  for  the  Benefit  of  the 
Dead. 

Some  of  the  ceremonies  above  mentioned  properly  come  un- 
der the  classification  of  “ meritorious”  in  the  estimation  of  the 
Chinese,  the  performance  of  which  will  benefit  the  soul  of  the 
departed.  Other  ceremonies,  also  called  meritorious,  will  now 
be  described. 

They  are  got  up  at  the  expense  of  the  family  of  the  deceased, 
though  the  merit  is  understood  to  be  put  to  the  credit  of  him 
they  mourn.  The  performers  are  either  priests  belonging  to 
the  Tauist  or  the  Buddhist  sects,  or  priests  of  each  religion, 
according  to  the  pleasure  of  the  family.  If  both  are  engaged 
at  the  same  time,  they  perform  in  different  parts  of  the  house, 
never  mingling  together  and  acting  in  concert  in  the  perform- 
ance of  the  same  ceremony. 

Some  families  employ  priests  twice  or  thrice,  or  more  of 
the  seventh  days  which  succeed  the  decease  of  the  individual. 
These  ceremonies  must  not  be  performed  on  any  day  but  on 
some  one  of  the  seventh,  fourteenth,  twenty-first,  twenty- 
eighth,  thirty-fifth,  forty-second,  or  forty-ninth  day  after  his 
death,  or  on  all  of  these  days,  as  the  family  decide.  Much  de- 
pends upon  the  wealth  of  the  family,  the  social  standing  or 
age  of  the  individual,  whether  the  meritorious  ceremonies  are 
few  or  many,  cheap  or  expensive.  It  has  been  estimated  that 
half  of  the  trading  and  the  mercantile  class,  four  fifths  of  the 
rich,  and  three  or  four  tenths  of  the  literary  class,  have  the 
meritorious  ceremonies  now  to  be  described  performed  with 
more  or  less  show  and  eclat  when  any  of  their  number  die. 

Of  the  ceremonies  which  are  almost  always  performed  on 
the  last  day,  viz.,  the  forty-ninth , four  will  be  described  when 
speaking  of  “four  superstitions  practiced  for  the  benefit  of 
destitute  and  unfortunate  spirits,”  viz.,  “ mounting  the  plat- 
form ,”  “ letting  go  the  water  lanterns ,”  “ breaking  into  hellf 
and  “ spirits  passing  over  the  bridge .”  It  is  not  necessary  to 
dwell  on  these  ceremonies  here,  except  to  say  that  as  perform- 
ed in  private  houses  with  special  regard  to  the  soul  of  a single 
person,  and  at  the  expense  of  a single  family,  they  are  on  a 
much  smaller  scale  than  when  performed  in  some  public  place 
and  at  public  expense,  and  with  reference  to  the  hosts  of  des- 


192 


DEATH,  MOURNING,  AND  BURIAL. 


titute  and  unfortunate  spirits  which  are  believed  to  abound  in 
the  land  of  shades  or  roam  about  in  this  upper  world. 

The  ceremony  of  “ informing  the  ten  kings  of  hell  of  the 
death  of  the  individual ” is  introductory  to  all  these  meritori- 
ous ceremonies.  After  its  celebration  by  families  which  de- 
cide to  have  others  performed  on  the  following  day,  arrange- 
ments are  made  for  the  notification  of  the  “ supreme  ruler , the 
pearly  emperor ,”  of  the  proposed  celebrations.  This  service 
is  performed  late  in  th.e  afternoon  or  early  in  the  evening,  and 
consists  principally  of  burning  two  paper  horses  and  two  pa- 
per riders,  and  a document  in  the  name  of  the  eldest  son,  giv- 
ing information  to  his  “pearly”  majesty  of  the  transactions  to 
be  performed  on  the  following  day.  This  is  done  by  priests, 
who  burn  incense  and  candles,  beat  the  drum,  and  recite  the 
usual  formulas.  This  preparatory  ceremony  is  performed  only 
once  during  all  the  celebrations.  Some  explain  its  object  to 
be  to  inform  the  gods  generally  in  regard  to  the  transactions 
of  the  succeeding  day. 

On  the  same  evening,  after  the  issue  of  the  notification , a 
long  bamboo  pole  is  erected  in  front  of  the  house.  On  the  top 
of  the  bamboo  is  fastened  the  image  of  a crane,  made  princi- 
pally out  of  bamboo  splints  and  the  fibres  of  the  bark  of  a 
palm-tree.  Under  this  image  is  a covering,  oftentimes  several 
feet  square,  made  also  out  of  the  fibres  of  the  same  material, 
and  so  constructed  as  to  ward  off  the  rain,  in  ordinary  storms, 
from  a lantern  which  is  placed  underneath.  On  the  outside 
of  this  lantern,  which  is  coarsely  constructed  out  of  bamboo 
splints  and  white  paper,  are  written  in  black  or  in  red  ink  the 
names  or  titles  of  seventeen  Buddhas  or  gods.  Hence  the 
name  of  the  lantern,  the  “ bright  lantern  of  the  seventeen  Bud- 
dhas” A candle  is  lighted  in  the  lantern  every  evening.  It 
is  lowered  and  raised  to  its  place  by  means  of  a rope  and  pul- 
ley. Now  the  grand  object  of  thus  erecting  the  lantern  is  said 
to  be  to  let  all  the  Buddhas  and  the  gods  know  of  the  perform- 
ances soon  to  be  transacted,  so  that  they  can  be  present  and 
partake  of  the  food  which  will  be  offered.  During  the  next 
day  the  meritorious  ceremonies  decided  on  are  commenced. 

In  the  afternoon,  the  priests  who  are  employed  to  officiate, 
and  the  dutiful  sons  of  the  deceased,  go  forth  to  some  hill,  if 
there  be  one  sufficiently  near  the  house.  Here  the  priests 


SENDING  MONEY  AND  CLOTHING  TO  THE  DEAD.  193 

light  incense  and  candles,  and  chant  their  formulas  a short 
time ; some  one  then  sets  on  fire  a sheet  of  paper,  which  has  a 
statement  designed  for  the  inspection  of  the  “ supreme  ruler” 
informing  him  of  the  approaching  completion  of  certain  cere- 
monies. They  soon  after  return  to  the  house.  Some  families 
never  perform  this  ceremony  on  a hill-top,  but  always  at  home, 
and  in  or  by  the  house. 

For  convenience  sake,  several  ceremonies  are  here  grouped 
together.  A paper  image,  which  has  been  provided,  is  taken 
by  one  of  the  sons  and  placed  in  a small  paper  sedan-chair,  to 
which  wheels  have  been  attached.  In  front  of  the  sedan,  and 
connected  with  it  by  means  of  two  pieces  of  bamboo,  which  keep 
it  three  or  four  feet  from  the  ground,  is  a paper  image  of  the 
crane,  just  as  though  the  crane  was  to  act  the  part  of  a flying 
pony  and  drag  along  the  sedan.  In  front  of  the  crane,  and  in 
a row,  there  are  arranged  several  paper  trunks,  which  contain 
mock-clothing  and  mock-money  of  various  kinds,  represent- 
ing, in  the  fancy  of  this  people,  sycee,  gold,  dollars,  and  cash. 
The  paper  clothing  is  either  paper  cut  into  miniature  articles 
of  clothing  and  pasted  together,  or  paper  on  which  the  like- 
ness of  coats,  caps,  and  shoes  have  been  printed  or  stamped, 
or  it  is  simply  rolls  of  paper  of  various  colors,  which  are  imag- 
ined to  be  silks,  satins,  or  cotton  goods. 

Sometimes  friends  and  neighbors  of  the  deceased  embrace 
the  opportunity  of  sending  to  their  relatives  and  friends  in 
the  world  of  spirits  boxes  or  trunks  of  clothing  and  money  by 
the  “ politeness”  of  the  individual  for  whose  special  benefit 
these  ceremonies  are  principally  designed.  As  the  living  take 
advantage  often  of  a neighbor  or  a relative  who  intends  to 
travel  for  health,  or  pleasure,  or  business,  to  send  to  distant 
friends  parcels  of  value,  so  the  Chinese  have  invented  the  hap- 
py expedient  of  sending  to  their  deceased  dear  ones,  by  the 
care  of  the  dead , money  and  clothing.  It  is  certainly  a cheap, 
expeditious,  and  convenient  method  of  making  remittances  to 
the  other  world,  if  really  sure  of  accomplishing  its  object.  It 
is  believed  that  the  dead  man  will  deliver  to  its  real  owners 
the  valuable  property  intrusted  to  his  care  immediately  on  its 
reaching  its  destination.  But  whether  the  real  owner  in  the 
spirit  land  gives  a receipt  for  it  on  delivery  the  Chinese  do 
not  seem  to  know.  They  appear  to  trust  implicitly  to  the 
Vol.  I.— I 


194 


DEATH,  MOURNING,  AND  BURIAL. 


honesty  of  their  acquaintance  or  relative  recently  deceased. 
Each  trunk  intrusted  to  his  care  is  generally  sealed  up  by  two 
strips  of  pajjer,  which  are  pasted  upon  its  top  from  opposite 
corners,  much  like  the  letter  X.  These  strips  or  seals  are  usu- 
ally furnished  by  a priest.  He  also  provides  a strip  of  stamp- 
ed paper  having  the  name  of  the  owners  of  these  trunks  who 
are  in  the  infernal  regions.  This  is  called  the  “proof”  and  it 
may  be  considered  a letter  to  these  persons  on  the  subject  of 
the  articles  sent.  At  the  proper  time  it  is  burnt  along  with 
the  trunks. 

When  every  thing  is  ready,  a priest  recites  a particular  form- 
ula, the  object  of  which  is  to  procure  the  services  of  a guide 
to  conduct  the  occupant  of  the  sedan  on  his  journey.  All  the 
sons,  daughters,  sons-in-law  and  daughters-in-law,  grandchil- 
dren, etc.,  reverently  kneel  down  on  the  ground  at  some  little 
distance  from  the  sedan,  weeping  and  lamenting.  The  priest 
now- sets  on  fire  those  trunks  which  are  most  remote  from  the 
sedan,  and,  gradually  coming  nearer  and  nearer  the  sedan,  he 
at  last  sets  it  on  fire,  and  the  effigy  of  the  deceased,  the  crane 
pony,  and  the  paper  sedan  are  shortly  turned  into  ashes,  amid 
the  loud,  mournful  outcries  of  the  bereaved  family. 

Among  the  paper  trunks  filled  with  clothing  and  money, 
burnt  at  the  close  of  the  ceremony  just  described,  there  is  oft- 
entimes a small  paper  mouey-chest  of  a particular  kind,  and 
designed  for  a particular  purpose.  The  Chinese  differ  widely 
among  themselves  in  regard  to  the  special  object  to  be  attain- 
ed by  the  burning  of  this  trunk. 

Some  say  that  the  design  of  these  funds  is  to  pay  the  debts 
of  the  deceased,  whether  known  or  unknown  to  him.  It  is  in- 
tended as  a kind  of  squaring  up  of  his  accounts.  His  surviv- 
ing relatives  do  not  wish  him  to  be  annoyed  by  demands  pre- 
sented in  the  other  world  for  the  debts  of  this,  and  therefore 
furnish  a box  of  cash  for  the  express  purpose  of  liquidating 
these  liabilities. 

Others  explain  the  remittance  of  the  ready  money  as  de- 
signed to  be  for  the  use  of  the  animal  under  which  the  de- 
ceased was  born.  It  is  designed  to  aid  him  in  getting  the 
good  will  of  the  animal  in  question,  without  which  he  will  be 
obliged  to  carry  said  animal  after  he  arrives  in  the  world  of 
shadows.  Now  every  Chinese  is  believed  to  “ belong”  to  some 


ADVERTISEMENT  OF  MERITORIOUS  CEREMONIES.  195 

animal,  i.  e.,  he  is  born  in  a year  which  is  said  to  belong  to 
some  animal.  For  example,  if  born  in  a certain  year,  he  wTill 
“belong”  to  the  “ Hat ,”  the  rat  being  the  horary  character 
which,  in  the  Chinese  Cycle,  repi-esents  that  particular  year. 
If  born  in  a certain  year  he  will  “ belong ” to  the  '•'•Buffalo”  for 
a similar  reason.  If  born  in  a certain  other  year,  he  will“ie- 
long‘'>  to  the  Rabbit.  In  some  way,  the  animal  to  which  he 
“ belongs ,”  unless  he  brings  a chest  of  money  to  propitiate  it, 
is  believed  to  get  the  possession  or  the  control  of  the  dead 
man  on  his  arrival  in  Tartarus,  making  him  carry  it.  To  avoid 
such  a fate  for  their  lamented  parent  or  relative,  the  members 
of  his  family  send  along  a trunk  full  of  ready  cash,  for  the  spe- 
cial benefit  of  the  animal.  How  the  latter  manages  to  use  the 
money  so  kindly  or  so  selfishly  furnished,  the  Chinese  do  not 
explain. 

Besides  the  meritorious  services  which  have  been  now  de- 
scribed or  referred  to,  which  are  performed  at  stated  periods 
during  the  forty-nine  days,  there  are  several  others  which  some 
families  have  performed  when  they  imagine  there  seems  to  be 
a particular  necessity  or  propriety  for  them,  considering  the 
character  of  the  deceased  and  the  circumstances  of  his  death. 
What  now  remains  to  be  mentioned  are  probably  never  per- 
formed on  the  forty-ninth  day,  but  on  some  of  the  other  set 
days,  at  the  pleasure  of  the  family. 

On  all  of  these  occasions  there  are  several  priests  employed 
to  officiate.  Usually,  meats,  vegetables,  wine,  and  sometimes 
a vase  of  fresh  flowers,  incense,  candles,  and  mock-money  are 
provided.  The  ceremonies  are  supposed,  as  a whole,  to  con- 
stitute prayers  “for  the  diminishing  of  the  calamities  and  the 
loosening  of  the  difficulties”  which  the  dead  may  have  to  en- 
counter in  the  spirit  world.  The  principle  acted  upon  is,  the 
more  wmrship  and  the  more  ceremony  performed  by  the  living, 
the  better  will  it  be  for  the  dead. 

A large  sheet  is  always  put  up  for  the  inspection  and  infor- 
mation of  the  public  when  any  expensive  and  attractive  meri- 
torious ceremony  is  to  be  performed.  This  notification  or  ad- 
vertisement specifies  what  kind  of  performance  is  to  come  off. 
It  often  gives  the  name  of  the  deceased,  the  names  of  his  chil- 
dren, and  the  names  of  the  relatives  who  unitedly  make  this 
effort  to  secure  his  forgiveness,  or  a betterment  of  his  condi- 
tion in  the  other  world. 


196 


DEATH,  MOURNING,  AND  BURIAL. 


The  particular  design  of  one  ceremony  is  to  free  the  dead 
from  any  calamity  which  might  be  sent  on  him  as  a punish- 
ment for  using  in  any  way  too  much  water  in  this  world,  or 
for  using  it  in  an  unworthy  manner.  Such  a course  offends 
the  god  of  water,  and  he  very  properly  punishes  the  sin  in 
the  other  world.  A certain  classic  or  formula,  relating  to  this 
subject,  is  chanted.  The  recitation  of  this  particular  formula 
makes  the  distinction  between  this  and  other  ceremonies  per- 
formed on  the  death  of  relatives.  If  children,  on  the  death  of 
a parent, do  not  have  this  ceremony  performed, they  are  liable 
to  be  charged  with  a deficiency  of  filial  regard  for  the  happi- 
ness of  him  who,  perhaps,  is  suffering  from  the  cause  above 
specified. 

There  is  a ceremony  when  a book  said  to  contain  the  names 
of  one  thousand  Buddhas  is  repeated  by  each  Buddhist  priest 
employed.  All  their  voices  blend  together  as  they  chant  it  in 
concert.  The  object  of  this  ceremony  is  the  general  one  of 
engaging  the  friendly  and  the  powerful  offices  of  the  Buddhas 
whose  names  are  chanted  to  “ ferry"  the  spirit  of  the  dead 
across.  There  is  no  meat  used  on  the  occasion.  All  the  of- 
ferings designed  for  food  consist  of  vegetables,  as  the  Buddhist 
priests  are  pledged  by  vow  only  to  the  eating  of  vegetable 
food.  There  is  no  other  essential  difference  between  this  and 
other  ceremonies. 

A ceremony  called  the  “ Bloody-Pond”  ceremony,  as  some 
explain,  relates  to  married  women  who  die,  it  may  be,  several 
years  subsequent  to  their  having  children ; others  assert  it  re- 
fers to  those  women  who,  having  borne  a girl,  die  within  four 
months,  or  who,  having  borne  a boy,  die  within  one  month. 
These  say  that  a woman’s  uncleanness,  in  the  case  of  having 
given  birth  to  a boy,  extends  only  to  one  month,  while  it  ex- 
tends to  four  months  in  case  of  having  given  birth  to  a girl. 
The  Chinese  believe  that  in  the  infernal  regions  there  is  a 
pond  of  blood,  into  which  deceased  married  women  generally, 
or,  as  some  say,  women  who  have  died  in  childbirth,  or  within 
one  or  four  months  after  confinement,  are  plunged  on  their  en- 
trance into  that  world.  Virgins,  and  married  women  who 
have  never  borne  children,  on  their  death  never  have  this  cer- 
emony performed  on  their  account.  The  object  of  the  Bloody- 
Pond  ceremony  is  to  save  the  spirit  of  a deceased  mother  from 


PROPITIATING  THE  TEN  KINGS  OF  HELL. 


197 


the  punishment  of  the  Bloody  Pond.  Sometimes  it  is  per- 
formed several  times  on  the  death  of  the  mother  of  a family 
of  children.  This  is  one  way  by  which  they  manifest  their 
filial  love  for  the  deceased.  The  classic  or  formula,  -which  is 
supposed  to  be  peculiarly  adapted  to  securing  the  benevolent 
end  desired,  is  repeated  by  each  priest  employed.  Either 
Tauist  or  Buddhist  priests  may  officiate  at  this  ceremony,  at 
the  pleasure  of  the  family.  The  very  poor  can  not  afford  the 
expense,  but  the  rich  often  make  a great  display  on  the  death 
of  their  mother,  by  having  the  ceremony  now  referred  to  per- 
formed several  times,  or  at  least  once  on  a grand  scale,  before 
the  conclusion  of  their  public  mourning  ceremonies. 

A ceremony  designed  to  propitiate  the  good-will  of  the  ten 
kings  who  rule  over  the  affairs  in  the  lower  world  is  often 
performed  for  the  benefit  of  either  parent.  It  is  believed  that 
the  punishment  of  the  dead  may  be  alleviated  by  obtaining 
favor  with  the  governors  of  the  ten  departments  of  hell, 
through  which  they  will  be  obliged  to  pass,  and  in  which  they 
will  be  obliged  to  suffer  punishment  for  the  sins  of  this  life. 

If  these  kings  are  willing,  they  are  suj:>posed  to  have  the  pre-  * 
rogative,  or,  at  least,  to  be  in  the  practice  of  punishing  the 
dead  but  slightly,  imposing  on  him  such  penalties  as  are  easi- 
ly borne,  or  even  of  passing  him  along  through  the  different 
departments  without  any  penalty.  Thus  do  this  people  fancy 
they  can  bribe  the  rulers  of  hell! 

Let  the  above  suffice  to  give  an  insight  into  the  practices 
and  the  opinions  of  this  people  in  regal’d  to  the  condition  of 
their  beloved  friends  and  relatives  after  death.  Surely  no 
Christian,  after  reading  these  statements,  will  say,  “ The  Chi- 
nese are  well  enough  off  without  the  Bible ; let  them  alone! 
They  do  not  need  any  other  religion  than  what  they  already 
have.” 


198 


DEATH,  MOURNING,  AND  BURIAL. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

death,  mourning,  and  burial  — Continued. 

Singular  or  Superstitious  Customs  relating  to  Burial:  Blood  Burial. — The 
Coffin  sometimes  deposited  temporarily  in  a Dead-house. — Ceremonies 
of  Depositing  it  there. — Order  of  Funeral  Processions. — “Buying  the 
Road.” — “ Gods  Opening  the  Road.” — “Arranging  a Sacrifice”  in  Honor 
of  the  Dead  in  the  Street  or  at  the  House.— Lowering  the  Coffin  into  the 
Grave. — Eating  certain  Cakes  as  an  Omen  of  Good. — Offerings  to  the 
Gods  of  the  Hills,  and  to  the  Spirits  of  Beggars  and  Lepers  in  Hell. — 
Conclusion  of  the  Ceremonies  at  the  Grave. — Tablet  of  the  Dead  carried 
Home. — The  “Dotting”  of  the  Tablet. — Miscellaneous  Practices  and  Opin- 
ions relating  to  the  Dead:  Badges  of  Mourning  worn  by  Widows  and  Wid- 
owers.— White  “Cloths  to  cry  with.” — Presents  to  counteract  unlucky 
Influences. — Grave-clothes  sometimes  only  basted  or  pasted  together. — 
Begetting  Children  during  the  Period  of  Mourning  unlawful. — Solicitude 
relating  to  Coffins. — Incidents. — Purchase  of  Coffins  during  Lifetime. — 
Preparing  for  Death. — The  golden  Lad  and  the  gemmeous  Lass. — Use 
of  a white  Cock  on  the  Coffin. 

Singular  or  Superstitious  Customs  relating  to  Burial. 
The  very  poor  are  often  obliged,  in  order  to  save  expense, 
or  for  other  reasons,  to  bury  their  dead  in  the  course  of  a few 
days  after  death.  This  is  likened  to  a mandarin  who  proceeds 
to  his  official  trust  by  the  swiftest  post,  without  the  usual  de- 
lays, receptions  of  honor,  etc.,  en  route.  It  is  considered  dis- 
reputable, and  a mark  of  the  very  lowest  poverty,  or  that  the 
dead  is  destitute  of  friends  and  relatives  who  take  an  interest 
in  the  honor  of  the  family. 

If  the  body  is  buried  in  the  course  of  a few  days  after 
death,  it  is  called  “ blood  burial ,”  or  a burial  of  blood.  The 
corpse  is  believed  to  have  blood  in  it,  or  the  blood  has  not 
yet  dried  up.  '■'■Blood  buriaV  is  used  as  a term  of  reproach, 
and  refers  to  hasty  burials,  preceded  by  few  mourning  solem- 
nities. 

On  the  decease  of  the  paternal  head  of  the  family,  it  be- 
comes the  duty  of  the  sons  to  procure  a burial-place,  unless  it 
has  been  previously  purchased,  sufficiently  large  to  contain  at 


USING  TWO  LANTERNS  AS  OMENS  OF  GOOD.  199 


least  two  graves,  side  by  side.  The  coffin  of  the  father  must 
be  placed  on  the  left  side,  leaving  the  other  for  the  coffin  of 
the  mother.  If  the  mother  die  first,  her  coffin  must  be  placed 
on  the  right  side,  in  like  manner  leaving  room  for  the  father’s 
coffin.  It  is  considered  a mark  of  want  of  filial  respect  to 
separate  widely  the  coffins  of  one’s  parents,  unless  circum- 
stances make  it  necessary. 

If  the  ground  for  burial  is  not  ready  for  any  reason,  and  it 
is  not  convenient  to  have  the  coffin  remain  in  the  house  until 
the  burial-ground  is  ready,  a dead-house  is  built  or  rented,  in 
which  the  coffin  is  placed  for  the  time  being.  In  front  of  this 
house,  just  after  the  coffin  has  been  deposited  in  it,  three  plates 
of  food  are  placed  on  the  ground,  and  incense,  candles,  and 
mock-money  are  lighted.  These  are  designed  as  offerings  for 
the  local  deity  presiding  over  the  ground  in  that  neighbor- 
hood. The  coffin,  while  being  conveyed  to  this  temporary 
resting  place,  is  followed  by  the  dutiful  sons. 

Near  the  coffin  are  arranged,  as  an  offering  to  the  dead,  a ' 
bucket  of  boiled  rice,  plates  of  meats,  fish,  vegetables,  and  a 
kind  of  cakes  called  si,  and  two  small  lanterns,  on  one  of  which 
are  the  two  characters  which  mean  “ hundred  children ,”  and 
on  the  other  are  the  two  characters  which  mean  “ thousand 
l trandchildrenr  While  these  things  are  being  offered  in  sac- 
rifice to  the  manes  of  the  dead,  the  sons  kneel  down  and  bow 
their  heads  toward  the  coffin. 

The  tablet  to  represent  the  dead,  and  which  has  been  lying 
on  the  coffin,  is  taken  by  the  eldest  son  and  placed  in  a sedan, 
and  carried  home ; or  he  sometimes  takes  it  in  his  arms,  and, 
entering  a sedan,  carries  it  carefully  to  his  home,  with  the  lan- 
terns above  referred  to  hung  from  the  poles  of  his  sedan  as  an 
omen  of  good,  they  being  lighted  writh  a candle,  though  (it  be 
in  midday. 

Rich  families,  and  families  which  have  children  employed  as 
mandarins,  when  the  time  has  arrived  to  bury  their  dead,  oft- 
en rent  a kind  of  hearse,  on  which  the  coffin  is  placed  and  car- 
ried to  the  burial-ground.  Before  the  coffin  is  placed  upon  it, 
a sacrifice  is  made  unto  it  or  the  god  which  is  supposed  to 
control  it.  This  procedure,  it  is  thought,  will  cause  the  soul 
of  the  departed  to  be  more  peaceful  en  route  to  the  grave 
than  it  would  have  been  had  the  sacrifice  not  been  made.  It 


200 


DEATH,  MOURNING,  AND  BURIAL. 


will  help  the  hearers  to  carry  it  more  easily.  It  is  feared,  un- 
less it  is  done,  the  god  of  the  hearse  will  injure  the  coffin  in 
some  way,  making  it  difficult  and  heavy  to  bear.  Either  eight, 
sixteen,  or  thirty-two  bearers  are  employed  in  carrying  this 
hearse  and  coffin,  according  to  the  rank  or  the  wealth  of  the 
family.  The  hearse  is  trimmed  with  emblems  of  mourning, 
having  strips  of  white  cloth,  which  cross  each  other  at  inter- 
vals, and  are  tied  in  knots,  on  various  parts  of  it. 

-The  order  observed  in  funeral  processions  while  going  to 
the  burying-ground,  for  the  middle  classes,  is  usually  much  like 
the  following,  though  there  is  no  general  rule : 

First  come  a pair  of  large  white  lanterns  and  a company  of 
musicians,  who  play  at  intervals  along  the  road. 

Then  comes  a portable  open  pavilion,  carried  by  four  bear- 
ers, and  containing  the  longevity  picture  and  the  tablet  of  the 
deceased,  usually  having  burning  incense  in  it. 

Afterward  appears  a man  scattering  at  intervals  along  the 
street  mock-money  of  a particular  kind. 

Relatives  and  friends  of  the  deceased  come  next,  who  are 
sometimes  attended  by  a band  of  music. 

Then  the  coffin,  with  its  bearers  often  wearing  white  coats, 
furnished  at  the  expense  of  the  family. 

Following  the  coffin  are  the  sons  of  the  dead,  and  his  grand- 
sons and  great-grandsons,  if  any,  all  dressed  in  mourning. 
These  are  all  on  foot,  if  able  to  walk,  and  weep  and  cry  as  they 
walk  along. 

Next  come  sedans  containing  the  females  belonging  to  the 
family  of  the  deceased.  The  occupants  of  the  sedans  endeav- 
or to  keep  up  a continuous  Availing  and  Aveeping  along  the 
streets. 

Finally  come  men  with  rice  and  food  for  offerings  at  the 
grave,  incense,  candles,  and  mock-money.  Unless  provision 
has  been  made  for  taking  the  tablet  in  the  front  of  the  proces- 
sion, it  is  carried  by  one  of  the  men  a\t1io  are  employed  to  car- 
ry articles  for  sacrificial  use  at  the  burial-place. 

As  intimated  above,  near  the  front  part  of  the  funeral  pro- 
cession go  one  or  tAvo  men,  who  scatter  along  the  road  pieces 
of  mock-money.  These  usually  are  of  Avhite  and  yelloAV  col- 
ors, and  about  two  and  a half  or  three  inches  in  diameter,  per- 
forated in  the  centre.  This  monejr  is  designed  to  propitiate 


rAKT  OF  a FITNKBAL  PEO0BS81ON. 


BUYING  THE  RIGHT  OF  WAY  FOR  THE  COFFIN.  208 


the  spirits  along  the  road  which  may  be  disposed  to  make  dis- 
turbance affecting  the  coffin  or  its  contents.  In  this  manner 
the  right  of  way  is  secured  for  the  remains  of  the  dead.  It 
is  literally  called  “ buying  the  road,"  and  the  cash-money  em- 
ployed are  variously  called  the  “ cash  which  buy  the  road"  or 
the  “ cash  which  open  the  road."  The  unseen  spirits  allow 
the  coffin  to  pass  without  molestation  on  receiving  the  cash. 
Sometimes  the  mock-money  used  is  not  the  round  kind  above 
described,  but  pieces  of  coarse  paper  in  the  shape  of  a paral- 
lelogram, some  five  or  six  inches  long,  each  sheet  being  per- 
forated several  times.  Each  sheet  represents  as  many  cash  as 
it  has  holes. 

In  the  front  of  a funeral  procession,  when  a high  mandarin 
is  carried  to  his  burial,  sometimes  will  be  seen  two  immense 
likenesses  of  men,  one  dressed  to  represent  a civil,  and  the  oth- 
er to  represent  a military  officer.  These  are  very  light  com- 
pared with  their  size,  being  made  out  of  bamboo  splints,  cov- 
ered principally  with  red  paper.  Each  is  borne  in  a horizon- 
tal position  by  two  men.  They  are  from  ten  to  fifteen  feet 
long,  and  four  or  five  feet  in  diameter.  These  are  burned  in 
front  of  the  grave.  Their  design  is  to  open  and  clear  the  road 
over  which  the  dead  is  about  to  pass.  The  spirits  which  in- 
fest the  road  flee  when  they  perceive  these  “ gods  opening  the 
road"  as  they  are  called.  Some  explain  their  use  by  refer- 
ring to  the  practice  of  great  mandarins  while  living,  to  have 
runners  or  lictors  precede  them  and  clear  the  way  when  they 
go  forth  into  the  streets.  These  objects  are  never  used  by  the 
common  people  while  conveying  to  the  last  resting-place  the 
remains  of  their  honored  dead. 

An  imposing  ceremony  is  sometimes  performed,  at  the  ex- 
pense of  personal  friends  or  relatives,  in  honor  of  a distin- 
guished man,  either  a civilian  or  mandarin,  at  the  house  of  the 
dead,  and  while  the  coffin  is  en  route  to  the  grave.  Its  distinctive 
name  is  “ displaying  or  arranging  a sacrifice"  In  the  sum- 
mer of  1850  an  illustration  of  this  custom  occurred  at  Fuh- 
chau  on  the  occasion  of  bringing  home  for  burial  the  corpse 
of  ex-Commissioner  Lin,  of  Canton  opium-destroying  notori- 
ety, who  died  while  engaged  in  an  expedition  against  the 
long-haired  insurgents  who  have  since  attracted  such  atten- 
tion, but  who  were  at  that  time  just  beginning  to  elicit  serious 


204 


DEATH,  MOURNING,  AND  BURIAL. 


action  from  the  Peking  government.  A large  number  of  ta- 
bles were  arranged  along  the  sides  of  the  street  on  the  island 
in  the  river  at  this  place.  As  observed  at  that  time,  the  ex- 
hibition of  articles  offered  in  sacrifice  to  the  manes  of  the  hon- 
ored dead  was  far  more  extensive  than  is  generally  employed 
when  making  a sacrifice  on  the  premises  occupied  by  the  fam- 
ily of  the  deceased. 

The  ceremony  performed  at  private  houses  is  sometimes  as 
follows : 

Several  tables  are  placed  in  a convenient  court,  having  three 
sizes  of  bowls  or  plates  arranged  upon  them.  These  hold 
meats  and  vegetables.  There  are  also  sixteen  saucers — four 
holding  the  gizzards  or  livers  of  fowls,  ducks,  and  pigs’  tongues, 
and  preserved  duck  eggs  ; four  holding  fruits  preserved  in  sug- 
ar ; four  holding  ripe  fruits  of  the  season  ; and  four  holding 
dried  water-melon  seeds.  There  are  also  arranged  on  the  ta- 
bles either  two  or  three,  or  all  of  the  following  animals,  roast- 
ed or  broiled  whole  : pig,  fowl,  duck,  goose,  or  goat,  and  two 
or  three  kinds  of  mock-money,  representing  silver  and  gold. 
There  is  also  a pail  full  of  boiled  rice,  five  bowls  of  five  differ- 
ent colors  of  bread  balls,  each  bowl  having  one  color;  five 
bowls  of  five  kinds  of  cakes,  each  bowl  having  one  cake ; five 
small  bread  images  of  five  animals,  tiger,  lion,  elephant,  buffa- 
lo, leopard ; also  two  paper  deer  and  two  paper  cranes.  Some- 
times there  are  five  large  representatives  of  animals  made  of 
paper  and  bamboo  splints,  and  placed  on  the  ground.  Fam- 
ilies which  have  married  with  the  family  of  the  deceased,  on 
such  occasions  are  expected  to  furnish  also  a quantity  of  mock- 
money,  and  some  mock  material  for  clothing,  and  paper  imita- 
tions of  a silver  and  a golden  mountain  about  three  feet  high 
and  two  feet  long. 

When  every  thing  is  ready,  one  of  the  principal  persons 
who  unite  in  making  the  sacrifice  to  the  manes  of  the  dead  ap- 
proaches and  kneels  down  before  “ the  place  of  the  sjririt ,”  or 
before  the  coffin.  Some  of  the  articles  are  brought  in  and 
handed  to  the  man  on  his  knees,  who  presents  it  toward  the 
dead.  These  are  then  put  on  the  table  standing  before  the 
“ longevity  picture.”  He  retires,  when  another  person  takes 
his  place,  kneeling,  receiving  and  presenting  some  food.  The 
food  is  afterward  removed  and  placed  on  the  tables  whence  it 


LOWERING  THE  COFFIN  INTO  THE  GRAVE.  205 

was  taken  when  the  offerers  have  departed.  The  food,  or  a 
part  of  it,  after  a day  or  two  is  eaten  bythe  family. 

A part  of  the  sacrifice  to  the  manes  of  the  dead,  when  ar- 
ranged on  tables  by  the  roadside  while  the  coffin  is  en  route  to 
the  burying-place,  is  presented  in  a manner  similar  to  that  just 
now  described  by  some  of  those  who  unitedly  make  the  offer- 
ing, While  the  sacrifice  is  being  presented,  the  procession 
stops,  and  the  coffin  is  quite  near  those  who  kneel  down  and 
present  the  articles  toward  it.  Such  a sacrifice  honors  the 
memory  and  the  virtues  of  the  departed  in  a manner  very 
gratifying  to  the  family  of  which  he  was  once  a member. 

At  the  appointed  time  fixed  by  a fortune-teller,  the  coffin  is 
lowered  into  the  grave  amid  the  tears  of  the  mourners.  Im- 
mediately afterward,  the  sons  of  the  deceased  hasten  to  scatter 
some  earth  into  the  grave.  This  earth  they  have  previously 
put  into  the  lap  of  their  sackcloth  mourning  garments,  which 
they  manage  to  shake  out  so  as  to  fall  upon  the  coffin  if  possi- 
ble, After  the  grave  has  been  filled  up  by  the  grave-diggers, 
the  sons  place  in  a perpendicular  position  their  mourning 
slaves  on  the  new-made  grave. 

Afterward  an  offering  is  made  to  the  buried  man  in  the  fol- 
lowing manner:  a pail  full  of  cooked  rice,  with  several  plates 
of  meats,  is  placed  directly  in  front  of  the  grave  and  quite  near 
it.  Among  the  eatables  presented  are  two  pails  full  of  small 
round  white  cakes,  made  of  the  flour  of  rice.  The  ceremony 
takes  its  name  from  these  cakes,  called  in  this  dialect  “si.” 

At  the  proper  time  incense  and  candles  are  lighted,  and  a 
quantity  of  mock-money  is  burnt,  attended  with  the  usual  sol- 
emn ceremonies.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  sacrifice  to  the 
manes  of  the  dead,  the  cakes  are  divided  among  his  children 
and  grandchildren,  attending  relatives  and  friends,  not  forget- 
ting the  grave-diggers.  Each  consumes  his  portion  of  the  si 
on  the  spot.  Now  the  name  of  these  cakes  being  in  the  dia- 
lect of  this  place  the  same  in  sound  as  the  Chinese  word  for 
“ time’'’  or  “ times ,”  the  eating  of  them  under  such  circum- 
stances is  regarded  as  a wish  that  the  eaters  '•'•may  have  a 
good  time”  or  that  the  times  may  be  jwopitious  and  happy  to 
the  parties.  The  rice  is  always  taken  home  with  the  other 
eatables  offered  in  sacrifice  at  the  grave. 

It  is  believed  that  the  hills  which  are  used  as  burial-places 


206 


DEATH,  MOURNING,  AND  BURIAL. 


in  this  vicinity  have  gods  which  protect  the  graves  of  those 
who  are  buried  there.  The  friends  and  relatives  of  him  who 
has  just  been  buried  must  pay  proper  reverence  to  these  local 
divinities,  or  they  need  not  expect  the  coffin  will  remain  un- 
disturbed, or  the  spirit  of  its  occupant  rest  in  peace  in  the  low- 
er regions.  They  therefore,  before  sacrificing  to  the  dead  on 
the  day  of  burial,  as  well  as  on  subsequent  sacrificial  occasions, 
must  offer  three  plates  of  meats,  wine,  incense,  candles,  and 
various  kinds  of  mock-money,  all  placed  on  the  ground  for  the 
use  of  these  local  divinities. 

Usually  about  this  time  of  the  proceedings  an  offering  is 
also  made  to  the  distressed  and  destitute  spirits  in  the  infernal 
regions,  such  as  the  spirits  of  lepers  and  beggars.  The  offer- 
ings consist  principally  of  mock-clothing  and  mock-money  of 
a very  inferior  kind,  incense,  and  several  plates  of  steamed 
cakes,  of  a particular  sort  of  which  these  spirits  are  supposed 
to  be  very  fond.  Seldom  is  any  meat  offered  to  these  unhap- 
py creatures,  but  sometimes  a little  cooked  rice,  and  a bowl  of 
vegetable  soup,  bean-curd,  vermicelli,  or  a plate  of  bread-cakes 
or  biscuits.  It  is  a matter  of  wonder  that  the  immense  num- 
ber of  these  hungry  and  naked  spirits,  which  are  believed  to 
swarm  about  on  such  occasions,  can  be  contented  with  such 
scant  and  poor  provisions.  But,  according  to  the  general  sup- 
position, they,  on  receiving  what  the  friends  of  the  dead  are 
disposed  to  bestow  upon  them,  allow  the  sacrifice  to  the  dead 
to  go  on  without  interruption. 

These  degraded  spirits  are  objects  of  frequent  worship  at 
this  place,  and  in  much  the  same  manner  as  is  described  above, 
both  on  the  part  of  shopkeepers  in  the  streets  in  front  of  their 
shops,  and  on  the  part  of  the  common  people  in  front  of  their 
residences.  In  case  of  a slight  illness,  as  well  as  oftentimes  on 
planning  business  affairs,  if  one  fears  the  matter  will  not  suc- 
ceed to  his  satisfaction,  at  dusk  he  causes  mock-clothing  and 
mock-money  to  be  burnt  for  the  use  of  these  “ gentlemen  of  the 
lower  regions ,”  as  they  are  often  called,  and  also  some  cakes 
are  presented  for  their  entertainment.  These  offerings  are  al- 
ways placed  on  the  ground.  These  imps  are  believed  to  have 
great  influence  in  these  upper  regions,  injuring  the  health  of 
individuals,  and  causing  derangement  in  business,  etc.,  so  that 
many  are  led  to  fear  them,  and  to  make  them  numerous  pres- 


DOTTING  THE  ANCESTEAL  TABLET. 


207 


ents  in  order  to  propitiate  their  good  offices.  Health  and  suc- 
cess, if  they  are  to  be  secured  by  the  use  of  these  means,  are 
within  the  reach  of  most  mortals. 

During  the  performance  of  sacrificing  to  the  dead  described 
above,  the  tablet  which  has  been  provided  to  represent  the 
buried  dead  is  placed  in  front  of  the  headstone,  or  of  the  place 
where  that  is  to  stand.  The  mourners  now  kneel  down  be- 
fore it,  while  the  eldest  son,  also  kneeling,  repeats  some  sen- 
tence to  the  purport,  '■'•Let  the  bones  and  the  flesh  return  to  the 
earth , and  the  spirit  enter  the  tablet .”  Ever  afterward  this 
tablet  is  regarded  with  great  interest,  and  especial  care  is  ta- 
ken of  it.  Sometimes  the  eldest  son  of  the  deceased  enters  a 
sedan  and  carries  it  home  in  his  arms ; or  it  is  placed  in  a kind 
of  open  pavilion,  and  carried  back  to  the  homestead  with  pomp. 
The  poor  carry  it  home  frequently  placed  on  the  pail  of  cook- 
ed rice,  which  constitutes  one  end  of  the  load  of  a servant,  as 
suspended  across  his  shoulders.  A man  is  frequently  sent  with 
two  small  buckets  to  get  water  from  the  hill  on  which  the 
grave  is  made,  if  he  can  find  it,  carrying  it  to  the  residence  of 
the  family.  It  is  called  “ dragon  water  P It  is  regarded  as  an 
omen  of  good,  inasmuch  as  it  comes  from  the  dragon's  hill , 
the  hill  where  the  grave  has  been  made  being  referred  to  un- 
der this  appellation,  which  is  esteemed  an  auspicious  term. 

The  tablet,  on  arrival  at  the  home  of  the  deceased,  is  first 
“ dotted,”  and  then  placed  in  the  niche  among  the  ancestral 
tablets  of  the  family.  An  acting  mandarin,  if  possible  to  en- 
gage the  services  of  such  a man  for  the  occasion,  is  called  in ; 
the  higher  his  rank,  the  greater  or  the  more  auspicious  the 
omen  for  good  to  the  descendants  of  the  person  whose  tablet 
is  to  be  dotted.  It  must  be  premised  that,  to  this  period,  one 
of  the  characters  which  have  been  written  upon  its  front  is  de- 
ficient in  one  dot  or  stroke.  The  deficient  character,  meaning 
“king,” by  receiving  a small  dot  above  the  uppermost  parallel 
stroke,  becomes  “ lord,”  which  is  what  is  desired.  The  man- 
darin dotter,  or  the  dotter  whatever  his  rank,  uses  a vermilion 
pencil.  The  eldest  son  kneels  down  reverently  before  the  dot- 
ter, who  dots  the  “ king”  character  with  the  required  stroke, 
making  it  into  the  “lord”  character.  He  then  returns  it  to 
the  kneeling  son,  who  reverently  places  it  in  the  niche  provided, 
where  it  represents  the  dead  for  three  or  five  generations. 


208 


DEATH,  MOURNING,  AND  BURIAL. 


Some  refer  the  dotting  ceremony,  when  performed  by  a 
mandarin  with  a vermilion  pencil,  to  the  dotting  of  the  eyes 
of  the  dragon’s  head  which  has  been  engraven  upon  the  front 
of  the  upper  part  of  the  tablet.  Of  course  but  few  families 
are  favored  enough  to  have  mandarins  to  assist  in  the  ceremo- 
ny, whether  it  refers  to  the  dotting  of  the  eyes  of  the  dragon, 
or  the  dotting  of  the  “king"  character,  as  above  described; 
and  oftentimes  it  is  performed  with  a common  pencil,  using 
black  ink,  by  a member  of  the  family  or  a friend,  without  much 
pomp  or  ceremony.  After  this  time  the  tablet  is  regarded  as 
a bona  fide  residence  of  one  of  the  three  spirits  of  the  departed. 
The  performance  is  considered  auspicious. 

Soon  after  the  performance  of  the  important  ceremony  of 
“ dotting  the  tablet ,”  the  relatives  who  have  been  invited  sit 
down  to  a plentiful  repast,  and  endeavor  to  assuage  their  sor- 
row of  mind  by  replenishing  the  wants  of  their  stomachs. 

Miscellaneous  Practices  and  Opinions  relating  to  the  Dead. 

The  widow  on  the  death  of  her  husband  is  requiied  to  wear 
deep  mourning  for  three  years.  No  red  maybe  worn.  After 
the  expiration  of  that  time,  when  all  the  rest  of  her  family 
cease  wearing  mourning,  and  when  they  may  wear  whatever 
kind  of  clothing  and  of  any  color  they  please,  she,  if  belonging 
to  the  small-footed  class,  must  on  no  account  put  on  a bright 
red  skirt,  such  as  women  of  her  class  whose  husbands  are  alive 
always  wear  when  they  appear  in  public  or  dress  for  com- 
pany ; she  may  wear  blue,  black,  or  green,  but  may  not  wear  a 
red  skirt.  The  widow  of  more  than  three  years’  standing,  if 
belonging  to  the  large-footed  class,  usually  has  something 
about  her  dress  or  the  ornaments  on  her  head  which  point  her 
out  as  a widow.  Of  course,  when  widows  marry,  every  trace 
or  badge  of  widowhood  is  removed.  The  widow  is  required 
to  take  a prominent  part  in  the  weeping  and  wailing  on-  re- 
ceiving the  condolences  of  friends  at  the  set  periods  of  public 
mourning.  The  widower  is  not  required  to  put  on  as  deep 
mourning  on  the  death  of  his  wife  as  a widow  is  required  to 
use  on  the  death  of  her  husband.  He  does  not  wear  sackcloth 
at  the  stated  periods  of  weeping  and  wailing,  nor  does  he 
weep  loud  and  long,  if  at  all,  on  these  occasions.  At  such  times 
he  wears  a white  coat  over  his  other  garments,  a cap  without 


PRESENTING  WHITE  CLOTHS  TO  CRY  WITH.  209 

tm 

red  tassels,  and  a white  cotton-cloth  girdle  about  his  waist. 
At  other  times  he  may  wear  garments  made  of  silk  or  satin, 
if  not  of  a gaudy  color.  He  is  required  to  wear  the  white 
girdle  for  one  year-  If  he  should  take  another  wife  before  the 
expiration  of  a year  from  the  death  of  his  first  wife,  still  he 
must,  as  some  say,  wear  the  white  girdle  at  the  time  of  his 
marriage  and  until  the  end  of  a year.  Others  say  he  may,  at 
the  time  of  his  marriage,  leave  off  the  girdle,  but  must  resume 
it  in  the  course  of  a few  days,  and  wear  it  until  a year  is  com- 
pleted. Those  who  marry  before  the  expiration  of  a full  year 
are  apt  to  be  laughed  at  by  their  neighbors  and  friends,  be- 
cause they  do  it  while  in  mourning  for  deceased  wives. 

If  one’s  father  or  mother  dies,  and  there  is  no  member  of 
the  family  living  as  high  in  rank  as  grandparent,  it  is  custom- 
ary for  the  family  to  prepare  strips  of  narrow  white  cloth, 
about  two  feet  in  length  by  one  in  width,,  measuring  by  the 
chopsticks  used  in  the  family.  These  are  given  to  a class  of 
relatives  who  come  to  weep  with  the  family  for  the  dead.  A 
bit  of  red  paper  is  pasted  on  each  piece.  A female  relative 
coming  to  mingle  her  tears  with  the  bereaved  family  receives 
also,  in  addition  to  the  white  cloth,  two  artificial  flowers,  as 
omens  of  good.  These  strips  of  white  cloth  are  called  cloths 
to  cry  with , and  are  designed  to  be  used  for  wiping  away  the 
tears,  and  for  holding  up  to  the  face  or  eyes  of  the  weepers 
while  lamenting,  according  to  established  rule.  White  being 
an  emblem  of  evil  or  sorrow,  the  red  paper  is  auspicious  of 
good  or  joy  to  the  possessors,  indicating  that  they  will,  after 
all  their  grief,  have  food  and  clothing  in  their  family.  These 
strips  are  always  taken  away  by  their  owners  when  they  re- 
turn home. 

When  two  families  are  living  in  the  same  house,  having  a 
common  hall  for  receiving  company,  and  a death  occurs  in  one 
of  them,  the  coffin  is  usually  placed  in  the  hall  during  the  pe- 
riod of  mourning,  and  the  established  ceremonies  are  perform- 
ed there.  The  afflicted  family  purchases  some  artificial  flow- 
ers and  a set  of  red  chopsticks,  and  presents  them  to  the  other 
family  as  an  omen  of  good.  Rich  families  buy  also  a piece  of 
red  cloth  or  red  silk  and  present  it,  in  order  to  aid  in  prevent- 
ing any  unlucky  consequences  to  the  other  family.  As  death 
is  an  inauspicious  event,  and  the  presence  of  the  coffin  contain- 


210 


DEATH,  MOURNING,  AND  BURIAL. 


ing  the  corpse  in  the  common  hall  is  an  inauspicious  circum- 
stance, the  Chinese  have  endeavored  to  dispel  or  prevent  any 
unhappy  results  from  reaching  to  the  other  family  by  the  ex- 
pedient of  presenting  red  articles.  These,  under  the  circum- 
stances, are  emblematical  of  continued  good  fortune  to  that 
family,  and  are  considered  a surety  that  it  will  certainly  have 
sufficient  “food  and  clothing,”  the  unlucky  presence  of  the 
coffin,  tending  to  the  contrary  result,  notwithstanding. 

There  are  shops  where  ready-made  grave-clothes  can  be  had. 
These  are  patronized  principally  by  the  poor,  who  can  not  af- 
ford to  buy  good  material  and  have  it  made  up  by  tailors. 
What  is  strange  and  singular  about  these  establishments  is, 
that  the  caps  and  boots  offered  for  sale,  to  be  worn  by  the 
dead,  are  usually  made  of  paper,  or  the  very  poorest  silk  or 
satin,  and  simply  pasted  together.  At  a short  distance,  and 
unless  closely  examined,  they  look  quite  well.  The  boots  have 
soles  nearly  an  inch  thick,  which  are  made  very  white  by  a 
kind  of  wash.  The  coats,  pantaloons,  skirts,  etc.,  are  also 
sometimes  pasted  together,  or,  at  the  best,  are  but  slightly 
basted  together.  Those  who  purchase  such  grave-clothes  for 
their  honored  dead  feel  that,  to  be  considered  respectable  by 
their  neighbors  and  relatives,  they  must  conform  to  the  absurd 
custom  which  requires  that  the  dead  should  be  clothed  in  sev- 
eral suits  of  garments  when  laid  in  the  coffin,  although  they 
can  not  really  afford  the  expense  of  procuring  respectable  ma- 
terials out  of  which  to  construct  these  garments.  Fashion,  to 
save  public  appearances,  grinds  the  face  of  the  poor  in  China 
as  hardly  as  it  does  the  faces  of  the  poor  in  Western  lands. 
The  son  who  should  fail  of  dressing  the  dead  body  of  his  fa- 
ther with  several  suits  would  be  regarded  as  destitute  of  filial 
respect ; and,  instead  of  being  laughed  at  should  he  feel  him- 
self obliged  to  use  paper  boots  or  paper  caps,  and  garments 
made  of  very  inferior  material,  and  but  basted  or  pasted  to- 
gether, he  is  regarded  as  exhibiting  a dutiful  and  filial  spirit 
provided  the  suits  used  were  enough  in  number.  Grave-clothes 
never  have  metal  buttons,  but  are  fastened  together,  if  neces- 
sary, by  strings. 

It  is  unlawful  for  one  to  beget  children  for  three  years  after 
the  death  of  his  father  or  mother — that  is,  during  the  period 
of  mourning.  In  case  this  law  is  violated  by  the  members  of 


SOLICITUDE  ABOUT  COFFINS. 


211 


poor  and  obscure  families,  as  a general  rule,  no  notice  would 
be  taken  of  the  circumstance  by  the  officers  of  the  government. 
But  if  it  should  be  transgressed  by  mandarins,  or  the  gentry, 
or  by  literary  men  who  have  acquired  the  privilege  of  wearing 
a button  in  their  caps,  denoting  that  they  are  graduates,  dur- 
ing the  fixed  period  of  mourning,  it  is  affirmed  that  they  would 
be  fined,  or  degraded,  or  punished,  unless  they  should  be  able 
to  succeed  in  bribing  those  who  otherwise  would  prosecute 
them  for  their  unfilial  conduct.  The  violation  of  this  law  is 
regarded  as  proof  of  a want  of  the  respect  they  should  bear 
the  memory  of  their  deceased  parent — as  proof  that  they  are 
largely  destitute  of  the  sentiments  of  filial  piety. 

The  coffin  is  an  object  of  great  solicitude  and  interest  in 
China,  as  many  instances  might  be  adduced  to  show. 

Several  years  since,  a literary  person  stated  to  a foreign 
friend  his  perplexity  of  mind  concerning  the  best  way  of  in- 
vesting a sum  of  money  which  he  had  lately  received.  One 
of  the  ways  which  had  suggested  themselves  to  him  was  the 
purchasing  of  some  '•'•longevity  boards' ’ as  the  four  heavy 
pieces  of  timber  out  of  which  coffins  principally  are  construct- 
ed are  politely  called,  for  the  use  of  his  aged  adopted  mother, 
when  she  should  have  need  of  such  an  article.  The  argument 
which  seemed  to  weigh  upon  his  mind  was  that,  if  he  waited 
till  she  should  die,  he  might  not  have  sufficient  ready  money 
to  procure  the  “longevity  boards”  and  prepare  them  into  a 
suitable  coffin ; and,  besides,  such  a present  from  her  adopted 
son  would  be  all  the  more  acceptable  to  her,  as  it  would  be  a 
visible  and  tangible  proof  that  he  was  intending  to  honor  her 
memory  in  a becoming  manner  when  Providence  should  fur- 
nish the  occasion.  On  the  other  hand  were  to  be  considered 
the  discouragements  to  purchasing  the  “boards,”  as  want  of 
storeroom,  danger  from  fire,  and  the  expense  of  transportation 
in  case  he  should  be  obliged  to  move. 

Five  or  six  years  ago,  a poor  old  widow  woman  living  at 
Fuhchau  came  into  the  possession  of  fifteen  dollars  ready 
money.  In  order  to  secure  having  available  funds  for  pur- 
chasing a coffin,  and  in  part  for  other  incidental  expenses 
connected  with  her  burial,  in  view  of  the  poverty  of  her  fam- 
ily and  relatives,  she  determined  to  lay  out  this  sum  in  gold 
earrings , which  she  could  use  during  her  lifetime,  and  which 


212 


death,  mourning,  and  burial. 


could  be  at  once  converted  into  current  money  on  her  death. 
This  purpose  she  carried  out,  and  it  proved  a good  invest- 
ment ; for,  on  her  death,  her  earrings  were  sold,  and  the  avails 
used  in  the  manner  she  designed. 

These  two  instances  may  serve  as  illustrations  of  the  solici- 
tude felt  by  this  people  to  have  a respectable  coffin  for  the 
use  of  their  honored  dead,  or  for  themselves  after  death. 

When  the  head  of  a family  has  arrived  at  the  age  of  seventy 
or  eighty  years,  if  the  family  are  in  good  circumstances,  it  is 
no  uncommon  occurrence  to  purchase  materials  for  grave- 
clothes  and  for  the  coffin,  and  have  them  all  made  up  in  proper 
order,  so  as  to  have  them  in  readiness  when  death  calls  away 
the  beloved  parent  or  grandparent.  A piece  of  red  silk  or 
cloth  is  put  on  the  coffin  after  it  is  finished,  as  an  omen  of 
good.  Some  red  silk  or  cloth  is  also  hung  over  the  door  on 
every  succeeding  birthday  of  the  aged  relative  until  he  dies. 
An  intercalary  year  is  often  selected ; also  a feast  is  made  on 
the  occasion,  relatives,  intimate  friends,  and  near  neighbors  of 
respectability  being  invited.  The  guests  come  and  congratu- 
late the  aged  one  on  having  these  arrangements  completed, 
the  idea  being,  not  may  you  die  soon,  but  may  you  live  a 
long  while.  The  intercalary  year  is  an  omen  of  good  in  this 
connection,  because  it  has  thirteen  instead  of  twelve  months. 
This  circumstance  interpreted  means,  may  your  precious  life 
be  lengthened  out  and  made  longer  than  the  lives  of  ordinary 
persons,  just  as  this  year  is  longer  than  usual.  A large  piece 
of  red  paper  is  pasted  on  the  coffin,  on  which  is  written  a sen- 
tence of  four  characters,  which  may  be  rendered  “ enduring 
as  the  heavens,  and  lasting  as  the  earth?' 

The  expression  “ preparing  for  death,”  which,  as  used  in 
Western  lands,  often  means  to  settle  one’s  worldly  affairs,  or 
to  leave  them  in  such  a state  that  heirs  or  executors  can  easi- 
ly arrange  them,  or  which  often  means  to  repent  of  sin,  leave 
off  all  wicked  habits,  and  believe  in  the  Savior,  among  the 
Chinese  would  rather  be  understood  to  indicate  the  import- 
ance of  purchasing  the  coffin  boards,  and  the  materials  for  the 
grave-clothes,  or  the  gathering  together  of  a sufficient  amount 
of  money  for  these  and  other  necessary  expenses  connected 
with  mourning  and  burial,  so  that  it  would  be  immediately 
available  on  the  death  of  a parent  or  grandparent. 


THE  GOLDEN  LAD  AND  THE  GEMMEOUS  LASS.  213 


The  coffin  is  first  made  air-tight  by  the  use  of  a preparation 
made  of  Chinese  varnish  and  lime,  or  varnish  and  broken 
crockery  pounded  fine  like  sand.  This  preparation  is  put  into 
all  the  cracks  and  crevices  on  the  inside,  together  with  strips 
of  cloth.  This,  of  itself,  makes  the  coffin  very  tight.  In  ad- 
dition, sometimes  it  is  painted  or  varnished  on  the  inside,  at 
the  expense  of  the  sons-in-law  of  the  deceased. 

It  is  subsequently  painted  several  times  with  oil,  in  which 
pounded  crockery,  or  lime,  or  some  other  substance  has  been 
mingled  to  make  the  coating  hard  and  firm,  always  on  one 
of  the  seventh  days  after  the  decease  of  its  occupant.  At  the 
last  course  the  coffin  is  covered  with  black  varnish.  The  rich 
usually  have  the  coffin  of  their  honored  dead  painted  or  var- 
nished on  every  seventh  day  for  seven  times.  A coffin  made 
of  good  material,  and  treated  in  the  way  just  described,  may 
be  left  unburied  for  a long  period  of  years  without  producing 
any  unpleasant  effects. 

No  coffin  with  a corpse  inclosed  is  allowed  to  "be  carried 
into  the  city  of  Fuhchau,  nor  are  those  who  die  within  the 
city  walls  allowed  to  be  buried  in  the  city.  One  ancient  grave, 
said  to  be  the  grave  of  one  of  the  kings  or  princes  who  reigned 
here  in  olden  times,  is  pointed  out  in  the  northern  part  of  the 
city.  But  nowadays  the  corpses  of  even  the  highest  officers, 
and  of  the  oldest  and  the  richest  families  and  proprietors,  are 
all  required  to  be  interred  outside,  though  there  is  considera- 
ble unoccupied  ground  on  the  hills  and  elsewhere  within  the 
city  walls. 

When  the  head  of  a family  which  has  been  in  the  habit  of 
having  servants  dies,  and  it  is  determined  to  have  meritorious 
ceremonies  performed  on  an  extensive  scale,  it  is  also  general- 
ly decided  to  provide  the  dead  with  a male  and  a female  serv- 
ant to  wait  upon  him  in  the  other  world.  For  this  purpose 
an  effigy  is  made  to  represent  the  dead  person,  which  is  placed 
in  the  chair  between  the  table  for  the  place  of  the  spirit  and 
the  “ longevity  picture .”  On  one  side  of  the  chair,  and  near 
one  end  of  the  table,  is  placed  a paper  and  bamboo  representa- 
tion of  a male  servant,  called  the  “ golden  lad y”  and  on  the 
other  side  of  the  chair,  and  near  the  other  end  of  the  table,  is 
placed  a corresponding  representation  of  a female  servant,  call- 
ed “ gemmeous  lass .”  The  servant -boy  is  made  to  hold  in 


214 


DEATH,  MOURNING,  AND  BURIAL. 


his  hands  the  tobacco-pipe  and  tobacco-pouch,  while  the  serv- 
ant-girl is  made  to  hold  in  her  hands  a tea-cup  and  saucer,  or 
some  other  household  utensil.  These  are  designed  as  slaves 
or  servants  to  the  dead  man  in  the  future  world.  If  not  pro- 
vided by  his  family,  he,  it  is  thought,  would  miss  the  attend- 
ance which  he  has  always  been  accustomed  to  have  in  this 
world,  and  would  be  made  so  much  the  more  unhappy.  At 
the  conclusion  of  the  ceremonies,  when  the  sedau,  with  its 
crane  attached  in  front,  is  burned,  these  three  effigies  are  also 
consumed.  The  effigy  of  the  deceased  is  put  in  the  sedan,  and 
they  take  their  departure  for  the  world  of  spirits,  the  lad  and 
lass  keeping  up  with  their  master  en  route , or,  finding  him 
after  arrival,  serve  him  according  to  the  understanding  in  this 
world. 

A singular  custom  prevails  in  this  part  of  China  in  connec- 
tion with  transporting  to  the  residence  of  his  family  the  corpse 
of  one  who  dies  while  away  from  home.  When  still  at  a dis- 
tance, some  of  the  family  go  forth  to  meet  the  coffin,  taking 
with  them  a living  'white  cock , or  an  image  of  a ichite  cock, 
made  as  large  as  life  out  of  bamboo  splint  and  paper,  colored 
so  as  to  appear  quite  natural. 


WHITE  COCK  ON  A COFFIN  LURING  HOME  ONE  OF  THE  SPIRITS  OF  THE  DEAD. 


The  fowl,  with  feet  tied  together,  is  usually  made  to  stand 
on  the  coffin,  and  the  procession  proceeds  homeward,  the  cock 
retaining  its  position,  amid  the  wailing  of  the  mourners. 
Sometimes,  as  in  the  case  of  high  officials,  the  cock  is  placed 


SUPERSTITIOUS  USE  OF  A WHITE  COCK. 


215 


in  a sedan-chair,  and  borne  home  by  four  or  eight  bearers,  ac- 
cording to  the  rank  of  the  deceased.  Sometimes  it  is  placed 
on  the  top  of  the  sedan  which  contains  the  wife  of  the  de- 
ceased or  the  nearest  of  kin  present.  It  is  not  an  unusual 
sight  to  see  a white  cock  perched  upon  the  top  of  a coffin  or 
the  top  of  a hearse,  where  he  rides  along  with  a dignified  grav- 
ity, as  though  the  procession  was  designed  to  do  him  honor. 
The  live  cock  retains  its  proper  position,  while  the  image  of  a 
cock  most  usually  assumes  an  unnatural  position,  being  in- 
clined backward  or  forward,  or  over  to  one  side,  or  some  of  its 
parts  become  broken  or  bent. 

The  Chinese  say  that  one  of  the  three  spirits  of  the  dead 
comes  into  the  cock  at  the  time  of  meeting  the  corpse,  and  that 
the  spirit  is  thus  allured  back  to  the  residence  of  the  family. 
In  case  the  corpse  is  not  brought  home  to  be  buried,  a letter, 
or  some  of  the  clothing  recently  worn  by  the  deceased,  or  his 
shoes,  or  part  of  his  baggage,  is  often  sent  instead.  The  white 
cock  and  the  mourners  go  forth  to  meet  the  letter  or  relic  of 
the  departed,  just  as  they  would  go  to  meet  the  corpse.  On 
meeting  the  letter  or  the  relic,  the  spirit  passes  as  readily  into 
the  fowl  as  it  Avould  pass  into  it  were  the  corpse  itself  met, 
and  the  spirit  is  conducted  home  just  as  surely. 

Occasionally  along  the  road,  and  specially  at  the  corners  of 
the  streets,  the  name  of  the  deceased  is  loudly  called  by  one 
of  the  procession.  Sometimes  two  priests  are  engaged  to  beat 
along  the  road  each  a brazen  instrument,  and  the  spirit  is  great- 
ly aided  in  finding  its  way  by  following  their  peculiar  sound. 
At  such  times  the  spirit  is  not  believed  to  have  entered  the 
cock,  but  simply  to  regard  it  as  a kind  of  escort. 

After  having  served  as  a temporary  residence  or  the  escort 
of  a spirit  of  the  dead,  the  fowl  is  never  killed  for  the  table, 
but  is  nourished  Avith  care  until  it  dies  a natural  death.  The 
Chinese  seldom  eat  the  flesh  of  a Avhite  foAvl,  and  many  will 
not  rear  such  a foAvl  on  their  premises.  Some  explain  this 
fact,  and  the  use  of  a purely  white  to  the  exclusion  of  any  oth- 
er colored  cock  on  such  occasions,  by  saying  that  Avhite  is  the 
badge  of  mourning ; others  by  saying  that  the  white  cock  is  a 
“ divine ” or  “ spiritual”  foAvl. 

The  Chinese  can  not  explain  the  origin  of  this  custom,  or 
shoAV  its  reasonableness  or  adaptedness  to  the  end  desired  by 


216 


DEATH,  MOURNING,  AND  BURIAL. 


any  course  of  argument.  They  are  remarkably  fond  of  ac- 
counting for  their  established  customs  by  saying  that  '•'■ancient- 
ly people  did  thus  and  so,  and  we  noioadays  imitate  their  ex- 
ample,They  seem  to  think  that  this  is  a most  satisfactory 
reason  why  they  should  do  as  they  are  in  the  habit  of  doing. 
They  admit  readily  that  there  is  no  more  reasonable  or  more 
satisfactory  explanation  which  can  be  given  for  the  observance 
of  this  custom  than  that  their  forefathers  observed  it  before 
them,  and  that  they  have  been  taught  to  observe  it.  They 
seem  not  to  care  about  investigating  into  the  origin  of  then- 
superstitions,  nor  do  they  leave  them  off  when  they  fail  to  dis- 
cern any  connection  between  the  desired  object  and  the  means 
they  have  been  in  the  habit  of  employing  to  attain  it.  They 
will  readily  confess  the  absurdity  of  many  customs,  and  even 
the  utter  impossibility  of  obtaining  the  object  which  they  wish 
to  obtain  by  the  customary  means ; but,  on  the  next  occasion, 
they  will  perform  with  the  greatest  outward  decorum  and  ap- 
parent sincerity  what  they  have  previously  derided  aud  pro- 
nounced irrational  and  useless. 


ORIGIN  OF  THE  ANCESTRAL  TABLET. 


217 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

ANCESTRAL  TABLETS  AND  ANCESTRAL  HALLS. 

The  ancestral  Tablet  used  in  private  Houses  : Two  Accounts  of  the  Origin  of 
the  ancestral  Tablet. — Size  and  Appearance  of  the  Tablet  erected  by  the 
eldest  Son. — Daughters  not  permitted  to  erect  a Tablet. — Description  of 
general  Tablet  erected  by  any  Son  but  the  Eldest. — Worshiped  for  three 
or  five  Generations. — Fixed  Times  for  worshiping  the  Tablet. — Worship 
■of  Ancestors  in  ancestral  Halls : General  and  branch  Halls. — Permanent 
Fund  for  Expenses  of  Worship. — Six  specified  Times  for  annual  Worship 
in  them. — Visit  to  an  ancestral  Hall : Description  of  the  Hall  visited. — 
Cost  of  Erection. — Manner  of  Worship  on  the  Day  of  the  autumnal  Sac- 
rifice. 

The  ancestral  Tablet  used  in  private  Houses. 

There  are  at  least  two  traditionary  records  relating  to  the 
origin  of  the  ancestral  tablet.  According  to  one  account,  it 
originated  during  the  Chau  Dynasty,  B.C.  350.  An  attendant 
on  the  Prince  of  Tsin  cut  a piece  of  flesh  from  his  thigh  and 
had  it  cooked  for  his  master,  who  was  perishing  from  hunger. 
He  was  unable  to  continue  to  travel  on  account  of  pain.  He 
was  afterward  burnt  to  death  in  a wood  which  had  been  set 
on  fire.  His  prince  found  his  corpse,  and  erected  a tablet  to 
his  memory,  and  offered  incense  before  it  daily. 

The  other  account  is  derived  from  one  of  twenty-four  popu- 
lar stories  relating  to  filial  piety.  According  to  this  story, 
Some  time  during  the  Han  Dynasty,  which  ended  about  25 
A.D.,  lived  Ting  Sean,  who,  having  lost  his  father  and  his  moth- 
er when  he  was  young,  never  was  able  to  obey  and  support 
them.  While  thinking  of  their  toils  and  troubles  on  his  ac- 
count, he  carved  images  of  them  and  served  them  as  though 
they  were  alive.  His  wife  would  not  reverence  them.  One 
day  she  took  a needle,  and  in  sport  pricked  their  fingers,  when 
blood  ran  out.  Sean  afterward,  on  looking  at  the  wooden 
images,  observed  their  eyes  filled  with  tears.  Inquiring  of  his 
wife,  he  learned  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  and  immediate- 
ly divorced  her. 

In  another  edition  of  the  book  a different  story  is  given  of 
Vol.  I— K 


218  ANCESTRAL  TABLETS  AND  ANCESTRAL  HALLS. 


the  treatment  which  the  wooden  images  received.  It  is  there 
said  that  a neighbor’s  wife  one  day  desired  to  borrow  some 
article,  Sean’s  wife  first  inquired  of  the  images  in  the  usual 
way.  They  returned  for  answer  that  they  were  unwilling  to 
lend  the  article,  and  consequently  she  did  not  produce  and 
lend  it.  On  receiving  this  refusal  and  understanding  the  rea- 
son, the  neighbor’s  wife  was  angry,  and,  taking  a stick,  struck 
the  images,  whereupon  they  wept.  Sean,  seeing  them  shed 
tears,  inquired  the  reason.  His  wife  having  informed  him  of 
the  circumstances,  he  was  very  much  exasperated,  and  pro- 
ceeded not  only  to  beat  his  neighbor’s  wife,  but  prosecuted 
her  before  the  magistrate.  The  magistrate  eulogized  him  for 
his  filial  devotion,  and  petitioned  the  emperor  to  bestow  on 
him  an  honorary  tablet  to  put  up  over  his  door. 

According  to  another  tradition,  when  a little  boy,  Ting  Sean 
was  disobedient  to  his  parents,  but  finally  became  very  docile 
and  filial.  One  day,  as  his  mother  was  taking  some  refresh- 
ment to  him  while  laboring  in  the  field,  she  tripped  her  foot 
against  the  root  of  a fir-tree  and  fell  to  the  ground.  From  the 
effects  of  this  fall  she  died ; whereupon  Sean  took  the  root  of 
this  tree,  and  made  some  images  of  his  parents. 

If  what  Ting  Sean  did  was  the  origin  of  the  ancestral  tab- 
let, he  doubtless  did  what  he  had  no  intention  of  doing.  He 
easily  and  unwittingly  effected  what  few  are  able  to  achieve, 
though  myriads  spend  their  lives  in  the  pursuit — he  made  his 
name  immortal  in  history — he  inaugurated  a custom  which 
has  been  imitated  by  untold  millions — that  of  worshiping  de- 
ceased parents  and  ancestors  under  some  visible  and  tangible 
symbol.  'V 

Perhaps  it  is  impossible  to  ascertain  at  the  present  day,  and 
practically  it  is  of  little  consequence,  whether  Ting  Sean,  or 
the  Prince  of  Tsin,  or  some  other  ancient  personage  had  the 
honor  of  originating  the  worship  of  a wooden  tablet  represent- 
ing the  dead.  Some  one  in  very  ancient  times  did  certainly 
originate  the  tablet,  and  the  worship  of  it  by  one  third  of  the 
human  race  has  long  since  been  firmly  and  universally  estab- 
lished in  this  empire. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  original  appearance  of  the  an- 
cestral tablet,  it  now  retains  no  resemblance  to  a human  form. 
A minute  description  of  its  size  and  appearance,  as  found  to 


-DESCRIPTION  OF  AN  ANCESTRAL  TABLET.  219 
f 

prevail  in  one  part  of  the  country,  will  not  be  applicable  to  an- 
other part  of  the  country. 

The  ancestral 
tablet,  as  used  at 
this  place  in  fami- 
lies, varies  from 
eight  or  nine  inch- 
es to  about  one 
foot  and  a half  in 
height,  and  from 
two  inches  to 
three  and  a half 
or  four  inches  in 
width.  The  best 
are  made  of  fra- 
grant wood,  parts 
of  which  are  elab- 
orately carved, 
costing  sometimes 
several  dollars  a 
piece ; while  the 
most  inferior  and 
the  cheapest  are 
made  out  of  com- 
mon wood,  and 
can  be  purchased 
for  less  than  a 
quarter  of  a dol- 
lar. It  consists 
of  three  pieces 
of  wood,  one  of 
which  serves  as  a 
pedestal,  and  the 
other  two  as  up- 
right pieces.  The 
tablets  used  in 
ancestral  halls, 
where  the  repre- 
sentatives of  a 
family  clan  meet 


ANCESTRAL  TABLET  REPRESENTING  ONE  PERSON. 


220  ANCESTRAL  TABLETS  AND  ANCESTRAL  HALLS. 


several  times  a year  to  worship  their  ancestors,  and  the  tab- 
lets commemorating  ancient  sages  and  worthies  placed  in  tem- 
ples, are  much  lai'ger  than  those  used  in  private  houses,  and 
often  are  made  of  only  two  pieces  of  cheap  wood,  viz.,  a pedes- 
tal and  a perpendicular  piece. 

A block,  varying  from  about  four  to  seven  inches  long,  and 
from  about  one  to  two  and  a half  inches  thick,  and  from  about 
two  to  three  and  a half  inches  wide,  constitutes  the  pedestal 
of  such  tablets  as  are  generally  used  in  private  dwellings. 
Into  a mortise  made  in  the  upper  side  of  this  block,  the  two 
other  pieces  are  inserted  by  tenons,  the  mortise  and  tenons  fit- 
ting loosely,  so  as  to  admit  of  being  taken  apart  at  pleasure. 
The  two  upright  pieces  are  of  unequal  lengths.  The  longer 
one  is  placed  on  the  back  side,  and  terminates  on  the  top  in  a 
knob  or  head,  which  projects  in  front  from  one  to  three  inches. 
The  surfaces  of  these  two  pieces,  which  impinge  on  each  oth- 
er, are  planed  smooth,  the  front  and  shorter  one  being  held  in 
its  place  by  a small  tenon  which  enters  a corresponding  mor- 
tise on  the  under  side  of  the  projecting  knob  of  the  other. 

On  the  front  side  of  the  block  which  forms  the  pedestal  of 
the  tablet  there  is  usually  carved  the  image  of  a fabulous  an- 
imal which  is  said  to  flourish  only  when  sages  appear.  On 
the  front  of  the  projecting  knob  of  the  longer  of  the  upright 
pieces  is  carved  the  head  of  the  Chinese  dragon,  another  fabu- 
lous animal  said  to  have  existed  in  ancient  times.  On  the 
right  and  the  left  hand  sides  of  the  front  of  the  shorter  of  the 
upright  pieces  are  often  engraved  what  are  regarded  as  side 
views  of  the  dragon.  It  is  on  the  central  portion  of  the  same 
piece,  in  a straight  line  beginning  at  the  top  and  extending 
downward,  that  the  name  of  the  reigning  dynasty,  the  title  (if 
it  has  any)  of  the  deceased  whom  the  tablet  is  designed  to 
commemorate,  his  ancestral  and  his  given  name,  are  engraven, 
usually  in  raised  characters ; sometimes,  however,  the  inscrip- 
tion is  made  with  black  ink,  the  strip  on  which  the  characters 
are  written  having  been  neatly  painted  or  varnished.  The 
name  of  the  son  who  erects  the  tablet  is  also  similarly  carved 
or  written,  but  in  smaller  characters,  and  is  placed  a little  to 
the  left-hand  side  of  the  bottom  of  the  other  characters.  In 
the  case  of  a tablet  erected  by  a son  in  memory  of  his  mother, 
the  ancestral  name  of  her  father,  that  is,  her  maiden  surname, 


DAUGHTERS  NOT  PERMITTED  TO  ERECT  A TABLET.  221 

as  well  as  that  of  her  husband,  is  put  upon  the  tablet.  The 
engraved  and  the  lettered  portions  of  the  tablet  are  generally 
overlaid  with  gold  leaf.  The  other  portions  are  often  left  of 
the  natural  color  of  the  wood,  though  sometimes  they  are 
painted.  The  flat  surfaces  of  the  two  upright  pieces,  where 
they  impinge  upon  each  other,  are  always  left  unpainted.  The 
dates  of  the  birth  and  the  death  of  the  person,  and  the  place 
of  the  grave,  are  sometimes  recorded  in  black  ink  on  the  inner 
surface  of  one  of  the  upright  pieces. 

This  tablet  represents  only  one  deceased  individual,  either 
male  or  female,  as  the  case  may  be.  The  tablet  for  the  father 
and  the  tablet  for  the  mother  of  a family  are  alike  in  form, 
though  they  may  vary  in  size.  The  essential  difference  con- 
sists in  the  inscription  or  the  engraving  on  it.  Only  one  tab- 
let of  the  above  description  is  allowed  to  be  erected  in  honor 
of  one’s  father  or  mother.  This  belongs  to  the  eldest  son,  and 
is  usually  kept  in  his  house.  All  the  ancestral  tablets  which 
belong  to  the  father  and  mother  of  a family  descend  to  the  eld- 
est son,  and  become  his  property  on  their  death.  When  the 
eldest  son  dies,  they  fall  into  the  hands  of  his  son,  if  he  has 
any.  Almost  invariably,  "when  the  eldest  son,  if  of  adult  age 
and  married,  has  no  son,  he  adopts  some  child  of  his  younger 
brothers,  or  some  other  relation,  in  order  to  keep  up  the  fam- 
ily name  and  retain  the  tablets  in  his  own  family  line. 

Daughters  are  not  allowed  a tablet  of  either  parent.  After 
marriage  they  worship  the  tablets  belonging  to  their  husband’s 
family.  On  their  death  their  tablet  is  placed  among  the  tab- 
lets which  belong  to  their  eldest  sons,  never  among  those  which 
are  worshiped  in  the  families  of  their  own  brothers. 

As  long  as  the  sons  of  a family  live  together,  they  worship 
the  tablet  erected  by  the  eldest  son.  When,  however,  the 
family  breaks  up,  and  the  younger  sons,  receiving  their  share 
of  the  patrimony,  separate  to  live  each  by  himself,  if  married, 
they  may  each  erect  a kind  of  tablet,  quite  different  in  several 
respects  from  the  tablet  already  described.  The  tablet  which 
the  younger  brothers  may  provide  for  their  own  use  consists 
of  a single  piece  of* board,  from  ten  to  twelve  inches  square, 
fitted  into  a frame  a few  inches  high.  It  is  then  painted  or 
varnished  either  black  or  reddish.  In  the  middle  of  the  front 
side,  reaching  from  the  top  toward  the  bottom,  there  is  a sen- 


222  ANCESTRAL  TABLETS  AHD  ANCESTRAL  HALLS. 


tence  written  or  engraved,  and  frequently  gilded,  which  indi- 
cates that  the  tablet  represents  or  commemorates  all  the  an- 
cestors of  the  family  of  a certain  surname.  The  person  who 
erects  it  also,  if  he  pleases,  has  recorded  on  it  the  names  of  his 
male  ancestors,  beginning  with  his  father,  back  to  three  or  five 
generations,  on  the  right  of  the  inscription  in  the  centre,  his 
father’s  name  occupying  the  place  nearest  the  right  edge  of 
the  board.  In  similar  manner,  he  may  have  recorded  on  the 
left  of  the  centre  the  surnames  of  his  maternal  ancestors,  both 
before  and  after  their  marriage,  back  to  the  same  number  of 
generations,  commencing  with  his  mother’s  surname,  rvhicli  is 
placed  nearest  the  left  edge  of  the  tablet.  The  names  of  his 
grandfather  and  of  his  grandmother  are  respectively  placed 
next  to  the  names  of  their  father  and  mother,  and  so  on  ; the 
more  remote  the  ancestor,  the  nearer  his  or  her  name  comes 
to  the  centre  of  the  board.  This  kind  of  tablet,  as  will  be 
readily  understood,  is  a general  tablet  for  all  his  ancestors  in 
common,  and  for  his  ancestors  of  three  or  five  generations  in 
particular,  as  he  chooses  to  inscribe  the  names  for  three  or  five 
generations.  At  his  death  this  descends  to  his  eldest  son,  who 
has  the  exclusive  right  to  erect  the  other  kind  of  tablet  to  the 
memory  of  his  father  and  mother,  while  his  younger  sons  may 
each  erect  the  general  tablet  to  the  memory  of  their  father  and 
mother,  and  of  their  more  remote  ancestors  having  the  family 
surname. 

The  ancestral  tablet  representing  one’s  father  or  mother  is 
usually  worshiped  only  for  three  or  five  generations.  During 
this  period  it  is  preserved  with  care  in  a portable  niche  or 
shrine,  made  in  the  general  shape  of  a house,  but  only  a few 
feet  square.  If  unable  to  procure  such  a niche,  the  tablets  are 
simply  arranged  on  a shelf  or  table.  If  the  family  has  a niche, 
it  is  usually  placed  in  some  of  the  inner  apartments,  where 
easy  access  can  be  had  to  it  for  the  purpose  of  performing  the 
customary  worship  before  it.  The  niche  is  designed  to  hold 
all  the  tablets  worshiped  by  the  family  and  belonging  to  it, 
unless  they  are  too  numerous.  After  the  third  or  the  fifth 
generation  has  passed  away,  the  tablets  which  represent  it  are 
sometimes  taken  away  and  buried  in  or  near  the  graves  of  the 
persons  they  represent,  or  they  may  be  burned  to  ashes ; at 
least  they  must  be  removed  from  the  niche,  to  furnish  room 


MANNER  OF  WORSHIPING  THE  TABLET. 


223 


for  the  tablets  representing  the  individuals  of  a less  remote 
period,  every  generation  furnishing  two  tablets. 

The  ancestral  tablets  of  both  kinds  are  worshiped  at  fixed 
times  or  occasions,  and  according  to  certain  established  forms. 


WORSHIPING  THE  ANCESTRAL  TABLET  IN  ITS  NICHE. 


On  the  first  and  fifteenth  of  every  month,  tapers  or  candles 
and  incense  are  regularly  burned  before  them.  Two  tapers 

and  three  sticks  of  incense 
are  lighted  in  the  morning. 
The  incense  is  permitted  to 
burn  up,  but  the  tapers  oft- 
entimes are  put  out  when 
about  half  consumed.  At 
evening  the  tapers  are  re- 
lighted, and  three  more  in- 


CENSER. 


224  ANCESTRAL  TABLETS  AND  ANCESTRAL  HALLS. 


cense  sticks  are  burnt.  For  use  in  worshiping  the  tablets,  a 
censer  to  hold  the  incense  is  placed  before  them,  and  a pair  of 
candlesticks  is  arranged  one  on  each  side  of  the  censer,  to  hold 
the  candles. 

On  the  recurrence  of  the  anniversary  of  the  birthday  of  any 
living  member  of  the  family,  or  on  the  occasion  of  preparing 
cards  to  be  used  in  negotiating  for  the  engagement  in  mar- 
riage of  any  of  the  family,  as  well  as  on  the  evening  of  the 
twenty-ninth  of  the  first  month  of  the  year,  tapers  and  incense 
are  burned  before  the  tablets.  On  the  birthdays  an  addition- 
al offering  of  three  bowls  of  a kind  of  vermicelli  is  also  made. 
On  the  evening  of  the  twenty-ninth  day  of  the  first  month  re- 
ferred to,  besides  the  burning  of  tapers  and  incense,  there  are 
presented  before  the  tablets  several  bowls  of  a black-looking, 
dirty  kind  of  rice-soup  or  congee,  in  which  have  been  boiled 
together  various  articles,  such  as  sugar,  dates,  and  pea-nuts. 
The  offering  of  this  soup  is  believed  to  indicate  the  strong  fil- 
ial affection  which  exists  in  the  heart  of  the  offerer. 

On  the  occurrence  of  joyous  events,  or  on  the  anniversary 
of  the  death  of  an  ancestor  whose  tablet  is  among  those  wor- 
shiped, not  only  are  tapers  and  incense  burned, but  offerings  to 
the  dead  are  made  of  several  kinds  of  meat,  as  fowl,  fish,  and 
pork.  On  the  fourth  day  of  the  first  month  of  the  Chinese 
year,  and  on  the  last  evening  of  the  year,  some  boiled  rice,  in 
addition  to  meats,  tapers,  and  incense,  is  presented.  On  the 
festival  of  sweeping  the  tombs  in  the  second  or  third  month, 
besides  the  meats,  etc.,  some  greenish  cakes,  made  of  rice-flour, 
and  colored  with  the  juice  of  a certain  vegetable,  are  offered 
to  the  ancestral  dead. 

On  the  fifteenth  of  the  first  month,  and  at  the  festival  of  the 
Dragon  Boats  on  the  fifth  day  of  the  fifth  month,  and  at  the 
festival  held  about  the  middle  of  the  seventh  month,  and  at 
the  festival  of  mid-autumn,  and  at  a certain  time  in  the  twelfth 
month,  tapers,  incense,  and  meats  are  presented  before  them. 
The  ceremony  in  the  seventh  month  referred  to  is  also  attend- 
ed with  the  burning  of  mock-clothing  and  paper  houses,  i.  e., 
paper  on  which  the  shape  of  different  kinds  of  clothing,  as 
caps,  coats,  shoes,  etc.,  has  been  stamped ; miniature  houses 
and  household  furniture,  all  made  of  paper,  are  also  burned  for 
the  use  of  the  departed  relative  in  the  spirit  world.  These 


MAKING  INQUIRIES  OF  THE  DEAD. 


225 


are  believed  to  be  changed  into  clothing,  houses,  and 'furniture, . 
by  the  process  of  burning,  owing  to  the  potent  agency  of  a 
charm  which  is  also  burned  at  the  same  time. 

At  certain  festivals  in  the  ninth  and  eleventh  months  re- 
spectively, besides  the  meats,  candles,  and  incense,  there  are 
also  offered  before  the  tablets  a plate  of  a certain  kind  of  rice 
cake  and  a quantity  of  rice  balls,  as  a token  of  continued  filial 
regard  and  remembrance. 

Whenever  there  is  an  offering  of  any  thing  besides  tapers 
and  incense,  it  is  customary  for  all  the  adult  male  members  of 
the  family  present  to  kneel  down  once  before  the  tablets,  and 
bow  their  heads  toward  the  earth  several  times.  They  also 
on  such  occasions  burn  a quantity  of  paper  pi’epared  in  differ- 
ent ways,  which  is  believed  to  represent  gold,  silver,  and  cash. 
In  this  easy  and  cheap  method  are  remittances  supposed  to  be 
made  for  the  use  of  deceased  relatives. 

On  the  anniversary  of  the  death  of  an  ancestor,  his  surviving 
descendant  embraces  the  opportunity  to  make  of  him  or  of 
her,  as  the  case  may  be,  some  friendly  and  kind  inquiries  in 
regard  to  health  or  food,  by  dropping  on  the  floor  before  the 
tablet  two  pieces  of  wood,  each  piece  having  an  oval  and  a flat 
side.  The  character  of  the  answer  of  the  dead  is  supposed  to 
be  indicated  by  the  relative  positions  of  the  same  after  reach- 
ing the  floor.  If  the  first  reply  is  unfavorable,  another  trial  is 
made,  proposing  perhaps  a different  question,  and  so  on,  until 
a satisfactory  reply  is  given,  for  it  would  never  do  to  desist 
inquiring  so  long  as  the  reply  indicated  displeasure  or  dissat- 
isfaction on  the  part  of  the  deceased. 

Worship  of  Ancestors  in  ancestral  Halls. 

Few  foreign  residents  in  China,  who  have  not  made  partic- 
ular inquiries  on  the  subject,  have  any  adequate  idea  of  the 
amount  of  ancestral  worship  in  this  empire,  and  of  the  aggre- 
gate expense  of  such  worship.  Ancestral  halls  may  be  divided 
into  two  classes ; those  in  which  all  the  ancestors  of  families 
having  the  same  ancestral  name  and  claiming  relationship  are 
worshiped,  and  those  in  which  the  ancestors  of  a particular 
branch  of  the  families  having  the  same  ancestral  name  and 
claiming  near  relationship  are  worshiped.  These  latter  are 
called  “ branch'1''  ancestral  halls.  A branch  hall  is  usually  erect- 
* K 2 


226  ANCESTRAL  TABLETS  AND  ANCESTRAL  HALLS. 


ed  at  the  expense  of  a wealthy  family  only  when  the  families 
having  an  interest  in  a general  hall  are  very  numerous.  This 
family  and  its  descendants  still  retain  their  interest  and  rights 
in  the  general  hall,  and,  at  the  same  time,  have  the  exclusive 
control  of  the  interests  connected  with  the  branch  hall  which 
they  have  erected.  The  branch  halls  are  less  numerous  in  this 
part  of  China  than  the  general  or  common  halls. 

Many  Chinese  do  not  profess  to  have  an  interest  in  any  pub- 
lic or  common  ancestral  hall  in  the  vicinity.  These  are  gen- 
erally the  descendants  of  immigrants  from  another  part  of  the 
province  or  empire,  who  have  not  become  sufficiently  wealthy 
and  numerous  to  erect  an  ancestral  hall.  All  such,  however, 
adhere  most  tenaciously  to  the  worship  of  ancestral  tablets  in 
their  houses. 

Ancestral  halls  differ  largely  in  size,  plan,  style  of  finish,  and 
expense.  The  smallest  perhaps  are  only  twenty  or  thirty  feet 
wide  by  fifty  or  sixty  feet  long,  and  consist  of  only  two  or 
three  apartments.  Others  are  some  eight  or  ten  times  as 
large,  as  regards  width  and  length,  having  a large  number  of 
rooms  designed  for  different  uses.  The  expense,  of  course,  is 
variable,  from  a few  hundred  dollars  to  several  tens  of  thou- 
sands, including  the  permanent  fund. 

At  the  time  of  erecting  an  ancestral  hall,  rules  are  made  by 
the  proprietor  in  regard  to  the  qualifications  of  those  who  may 
have  their  tablets  placed  in  it,  or  the  sum  of  money  which  must 
be  paid  into  the  general  or  permanent  funds  of  the  hall,  by  the 
particular  families  to  which  the  new  tablets  belong.  These 
rules  are  very  definite  and  strict,  and  are  rigidly  enforced,  else 
the  place  devoted  to  holding  or  arranging  the  tablets  in  the 
halls  would  in  a few  generations  become  crowded.  Some  re- 
quire that  a large  sum  of  money  shall  be  paid  into  the  funds 
of  the  hall  for  the  privilege  of  entering  a tablet,  or  that  all 
those  who  become  graduates  of  the  second  literary  degree,  or 
officers  of  government  above  a certain  rank,  may  have  their 
tablet  placed  in  it  gratis,  etc.  The  fact  that  a certain  family 
does  not  have  a member  whose  tablet  is  entitled  to  a jfiace  in 
the  hall,  or  that  sufficient  money  can  not  be  spared  for  the  ob- 
ject of  purchasing  the  privilege  of  entering  it,  does  not  ex- 
clude the  family  from  participating  in  the  worship  in  the  hall 
and  in  the  benefits  which  accrue  from  the  “ institution.” 


PERMANENT  FUND  CONNECTED  WITH  THE  HALLS.  227 

In  case  of  the  entry  of  the  tablet  of  a high  officer,  as  of  a 
viceroy  or  literary  chancellor,  among  the  tablets  of  his  ances- 
tors in  the  hall,  it  is  said  that  especial  permission  to  do  it  is 
usually  obtained  from  the  emperor.  It  is  not  necessary  to 
obtain  such  permission,  but  the  family  of  an  officer  who  holds 
a very  high  station  takes  occasion  to  obtain  it  in  order  to 
add  increased  glory  to  his  family  and  to  his  ancestors.  The 
procession  got  up  at  the  time  of  carrying  such  a tablet  from 
the  residence  of  the  deceased  to  the  ancestral  hall  is  as  large 
and  splendid  as  possible,  and  is  accompanied  by  bands  of  mu- 
sic. In  this  procession  a tablet,  having  two  words  which  give 
the  imperial  sanction,  holds  a prominent  place.  It  is  a high 
day  with  the  family.  As  a general  thing,  if  a certain  man  may 
have  his  tablet  placed  in  the  hall,  his  principal  wife  may  have 
her  tablet  also  placed  there  as  a matter  of  course. 

The  tablets  placed  in  a hall  for  worship  are  generally  at  least 
two  or  three  times  as  large  as  those  made  for  use  in  private 
houses.  They  are  oftentimes  placed  in  a niche  built  expressly 
for  the  purpose,  with  divisions  or  shelves  in  it,  so  that  they 
may  not  be  all  on  the  same  level.  At  other  times  they  are 
arranged  on  a platform  or  shelf  at  one  end  of  the  room  devoted 
to  their  worship. 

At  the  time  of  erecting  an  ancestral  hall,  a permanent  fund 
is  established  by  the  family  or  the  families  who  unite  in  erect- 
ing it.  The  profits  of  this  fund  are  designed  to  be  used  in  de- 
fraying the  expenses  of  the  worship  and  sacrifices  made  at  the 
appointed  or  customary  times.  This  fund  usually  consists  of 
arable  land,  houses,  or  stores,  the  produce  or  rent  of  which  is 
appropriated  to  the  support  of  the  hall.  Such  property  is  in- 
alienable except  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  the  elders  of  all 
the  families  interested  in  the  hall.  The  business  of  providing 
* the  articles  used  in  the  hall  is  performed  by  the  different  fam- 
ilies concerned,  a year  at  a time,  by  turns,  according  to  their 
rank  as  descendants,  the  family  for  a certain  year  receiving 
the  produce  of  the  land  and  houses  for  that  year.  In  a year 
of  plenty,  it  generally  occurs  that  the  avails  of  the  fund  are 
more  than  sufficient  to  meet  the  necessary  expenses.  In  such 
cases,  the  balance  unexpended  becomes  the  private  property 
of  the  family,  or  is  divided  among  the  different  families,  or  is 
reserved  for  repairs,  according  to  the  rules  made.  In  a year 


228  ANCESTRAL  TABLETS  AND  ANCESTRAL  HALLS. 


of  scarcity,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  possible  that  the  avails  of 
the  fund  will  not  be  sufficient  to  defray  the  expenses,  when 
the  family  is  expected  to  supply  the  balance,  or  collect  it  from 
the  other  families.  The  annual  expense  for  each  hall  varies 
from  several  tens  to  several  hundred  dollars,  graduated  by  the 
number  of  families  concerned  and  the  manner  which  has  been 
established  for  the  observance  of  the  worship  and  the  sacri- 
fices. 

The  hall  belonging  to  wealthy  families  usually  is  kept  in  or- 
der by  some  one  who  lives  on  the  premises.  It  is  the  duty  of 
this  individual,  or  the  keeper  for  the  time  being,  to  keep  a rec- 
ord of  the  days  of  the  death  of  each  person  whose  tablet  is 
placed  in  the  hall.  On  the  arrival  of  these  days  annually,  he 
should  carefully  remember  the  fact,  and  burn  incense,  and  can- 
dles, and  mock-money  before  the  particular  tablet  representing 
the  deceased,  in  the  customary  manner.  Sometimes  feasts  are 
made  in  honor  of  the  deceased  on  such  anniversaries. 

Besides  the  observance  of  the  anniversary  of  the  death  of 
the  person  to  whom  a tablet  belongs,  there  are  various  other 
times  when  the  dead  are  worshiped  by  their  surviving  de- 
scendants. These  times  are  generally  specified  by  the  founder 
of  a hall.  In  such  a case,  the  descendants  feel  under  obliga- 
tion to  follow  his  will.  If  the  time  and  the  manner  of  wor- 
ship are  not  definitely  fixed  by  the  founder,  those  concerned  in 
a particular  hall  soon  come  to  agree  when  and  how  every  thing 
should  be  done.  There  are  some  five  or  six  occasions  per  an- 
num when  worship  of  the  ancestral  tablets  in  the  halls  at  this 
place  is  commonly  observed. 

1 . On  the  “ opening  of  the  temple ,”  generally  before  the  third 
or  fourth  day  of  the  first  month  of  the  new  year.  This  refers 
to  the  first  burning  of  incense  in  the  hall  after  the  beginning 
of  a new  year. 

2.  On  the  fourth  or  fifth  day  of  the  first  month,  when  they 
worship  in  a circle.  This  takes  its  distinctive  name  from 
the  circumstance  that  all  the  representatives  of  the  families 
who  are  present  stand  in  a circle  before  the  tablets  in  the 
main  room  of  the  hall,  with  their  faces  toward  the  inside,  and, 
at  a given  signal,  each  having  grasped  his  own  hands,  make 
their  obeisance  once,  after  Chinese  fashion.  After  this  they 
sit  down  to  a feast  before  the  tablets. 


ANNUAL  WORSHIP  IN  ANCESTRAL  HALLS,  229 


3.  From  the  eleventh  to  the  fifteenth  of  the  first  month,  in 
the  evening.  At  these  times  the  halls  are  brilliantly  lighted. 
Frequently  a pair  of  huge  candles  for  each  of  the  living  male 
descendants  is  burned  before  the  tablets,  each  person  some- 
times furnishing  his  own  candles.  The  one  whose  turn  it  is 
to  superintend  the  affairs  of  the  hall  for  the  current  year  usu- 
ally has  his  candles  placed  in  the  centre.  Mock-money  is  al- 
ways burnt  at  these  times  for  the  benefit  of  the  dead.  During 
this  period,  they  feast  together  in  the  evening  from  two  to 
four  times  after  worshiping  the  tablets.  This  is  called  keep- 
ing company  with  the  spirits  of  the  dead  by  night. 

4.  A sacrifice  is  made  to  the  spirits  of  ancestors,  some  time 
during  the  second  month.  This  is  called  a '•'•vernal  sacrifice .” 
This  sacrifice  consists  of  meats,  vegetables,  fruits,  etc.,  and  is 
attended  with  considerable  show  and  solemnity. 

5.  About  the  middle  of  the  seventh  month,  another  season 
of  special  worship  and  feasting  is  had  before  the  temples  in 
the  halls.  In  addition  to  the  mock-money  consumed  on  other 
occasions,  “ mock-clothing”  must  be  burnt  at  this  time  for  the 
benefit  of  the  dead,  and,  among  the  other  articles,  there  must 
be  provided  at  the  feast  at  least  two  ducks  and  one  water- 
melon. 

6.  Some  time  in  the  eighth  month,  at  the  regular  day,  there 
occurs  the  “ autumnal  sacrifice ” to  departed  ancestors  before 
their  tablets.  In  connection  with  large  and  rich  ancestral  halls, 
this  sacrifice  is  also  attended  with  considerable  pomp  and  so- 
lemnity, and  is  terminated  by  a feast,  of  which  all  the  rep- 
resentatives of  the  families  who  are  present  partake.  It  is 
customary  at  some  halls  to  divide  the  pork  sacrificed  among 
the  representatives  of  the  different  families,  which  they  may 
take  to  their  homes  and  consume.  It  is  a saying  that  the 
meat  thus  divided  will  have  a tendency  to  procure  male  chil- 
dren. If,  among  the  descendants  of  the  ancestors  worshiped, 
there  are  any  who  have  attained  to  office,  it  is  usual  to  give 
such  an  extra  pound  of  this  pork,  which  is  said  to  aid  the  sons 
of  such  a family  in  becoming  celebrated,  and  competing  suc- 
cessfully at  the  literary  examinations.  At  some  halls  there  is 
also  an  extra  season  of  worship  at  the  time  of  the  winter  sol- 
stice. 

These  few  notes  may  perhaps  serve  to  give  some  Western 


230  ANCESTRAL  TABLETS  AND  ANCESTRAL  HALLS. 


readers  a more  adequate  and  intelligent  idea  of  the  importance 
attached  to  aucestral  worship,  and  the  expense  attending  it, 
among  this  people,  than  they  were  in  the  habit  of  entertain- 
ing. Generally  speaking,  the  customs  which  relate  to  the 
worship  of  the  ancestral  tablet  in  private  houses  and  in  public 
halls  are  more  fixed,  and  are  deemed  more  important,  than 
those  customs  which  relate  to  fhe  worship  of  idols  and  spirits, 
especially  in  literary  families. 

Visit  to  an  Ancestral  Hall. 

What  resident  in  China  from  Western  lands  has  not  visited 
many  a temple  devoted  to  the  worship  of  idols  ? and  who  has 
not  read  descriptions  of  such  visits?  Heathen  temples  occu- 
py most  conspicuous  positions  in  this  empire,  aud  seem  to  in- 
vite a visit  from  the  stranger.  Ancestral  halls  are,  however, 
erected  in  more  retired  places  than  temples,  aud,  being  con- 
sidered private  property,  are  not  open  to  the  public.  Hence 
they  attract  less  attention  than  do  temples,  and  much  less  is 
known  in  relation  to  them. 

On  the  morning  of  September  21st  I visited  one  of  the  lar- 
gest ancestral  halls  in  this  city.  The  invitation  to  visit  it  was 
given  by  one  of  the  literati,  who  had  an  interest  in  it,  being  a 
member  of  one  of  the  families  descended  from  its  proprietor. 
He  was  my  cicerone  during  the  visit,  and  was  very  ready  and 
frank  in  replying  to  my  inquiries,  which  were  not  remarkably 
few. 

The  day  fixed  for  the  visit  was  the  one  for  the  “ autumnal 
sacrifice.”  This  enabled  me  to  witness  some  of  the  prepara- 
tions for  that  sacrifice,  though  it  was  understood  that  I was 
not  to  remain  during  the  attendant  ceremonies. 

We  arrived  at  the  hall  about  11  A.M.  The  outer  doors 
were  opened,  aud,  being  accompanied  by  the  gentleman  alluded 
to,  there  was  no  opposition  made  to  my  entrance.  We  found 
the  tables  and  furniture  already  arranged  for  the  approaching 
worship,  though  the  articles  to  be  offered  in  sacrifice  to  the 
spirits  of  the  departed  had  not  all  been  brought  in,  it  being 
too  early  in  the  day. 

The  premises  occupied  by  the  hall  and  its  surroundings 
were  about  fifty-eight  paces  wide,  by  about  three  times  that 
distance  in  length,  including  a “ false  hill”  and  an  artificial  fish- 


DESCRIPTION  OF  AN  ANCESTRAL  HALL. 


231 


pond.  The  latter  was  about  thirty  by  fifty  feet,  and  its  sides 
were  stoned  up  very  substantially.  The  ground  of  the  open 
courts  between  the  buildings  and  in  front  of  them  was  cover- 
ed with  large  smooth  slabs  of  granite.  There  were  numerous 
halls  or  apartments.  The  primary  hall,  being  nearly  in  the 
centre  of  the  premises,  was  the  place  which  contained  the  prin- 
cipal tablets,  and  where  the  sacrifice  was  to  be  offered  and  the 
worship  performed.  A large  niche  or  shrine,  the  bottom  of 
which  was  some  three  or  four  feet  from  the  floor,  and  in  which 
the  tablets  were  standing,  had  in  it  several  shelves  or  steps 
somewhat  like  a flight  of  stairs.  On  the  back  and  highest 
step  was  placed  a large  tablet  about  four  or  five  feet  square, 
which  represented  all  the  ancestors  of  the  families  who  were 
interested  in  the  worship  soon  to  be  performed.  In  front  of 
this  were  arranged,  on  various  steps  in  the  niche,  nine  tablets 
in  all,  richly  gilded,  and  about  three  feet  high  and  seven  or 
eight  inches  wide,  each  representing,  it  was  said,  two  individ- 
uals— that  is,  a man  and  his  principal  wife.  On  one  of  the 
lower  steps  was  placed  a kind  of  rack,  which  contained  two 
small  rolls.  These  were  the  “ credentials”  or  “ letters-patent” 
given  to  two  deceased  members  of  the  families  by  the  empe- 
ror when  they  were  commissioned  as  officers  of  government. 
In  front  of  this  shrine  was  a large  table  of  a particular  kind 
and  shape,  much  used  in  worshiping.  On  this  were  placed  a 
pair  of  high  and  large  candlesticks,  a large  censer,  and  two 
high  flower-vases.  Near  each  end  of  this  table,  which  was 
eight  or  ten  feet  long,  were  two  small  tables,  designed  to  be 
used  for  holding  the  pig  and  the  kid  which  were  to  be  offered 
up  in  sacrifice.  The  hair  and  the  entrails  of  these  animals 
having  been  removed,  they  were  to  be  placed,  uncooked,  on 
the  tables  prepared — the  pig  in  a kneeling  posture,  with  its 
nose  resting  on  an  upright  peg,  and  the  kid  in  a standing  pos- 
ture, resting  on  a frame.  Two  small  pieces  of  cloth  were  pre- 
pared, ready  to  be  put  upon  these  animals  after  they  had  been 
arranged  on  the  tables  during  the  sacrificial  worship.  In  front 
of  these  two  tables,  along  each  side  of  the  room,  were  three  or 
four  tables,  each  having  a pair  of  candlesticks,  but  no  censer, 
and  also  some  singularly -shaped  and  odd-looking  utensils, 
which  Avere  to  be  used  during  the  approaching  Avorship. 

Directly  in  front  of  the  shrine,  and  about  forty  feet  distant 


232  ANCESTRAL  TABLETS  AND  ANCESTRAL  HALLS. 


from  it,  was  a small  table  placed  crosswise  the  room,  which 
held  nothing  but  a censer.  This  was  the  place  where  the 
head  man  or  chief  of  the  families  represented  was  to  stand 
during  the  ceremonies.  The  place  where  the  others  were  to 
stand  and  perform  their  part  was  some  thirty  or  forty  feet  still 
farther  from  the  shrine,  and  behind  the  master  of  the  ceremo- 
nies. A large  iron  censer,  to  be  used  for  burning  mock-mon- 
ey and  the  silk  to  be  offered  to  the  spirit  of  the  ancestors,  was 
directly  between  the  places  allotted  to  the  chief  actor  in  the 
ceremonies  and  to  the  other  company  of  performers.  On  the 
right  and  left  sides  of  this  room  were  suspended  on  the  walls 
two  large  pictures  of  some  of  the  ancestors  of  the  worshipers. 
Higher  up,  and  fastened  near  the  roof  to  cross-pieces,  were  ar- 
ranged in  this  and  in  adjacent  apartments  fourteen  honorary 
wooden  tablets,  given  to  members  of  the  families  concerned  in 
the  sacrifice  as  tokens  of  success  at  literary  examinations.  An- 
other tablet  contained  the  names  of  fourteen  who  had  become 
masters  of  arts.  Some  thirty  notifications  of  the  success  of  the 
same  number  of  candidates  at  the  lowest  order  of  literary  ex- 
aminations were  carefully  pasted  up  on  the  walls  of  an  adjoin- 
ing apartment.  In  a part  of  the  front  portion  of  the  premises 
were  arranged,  in  a conspicuous  position,  under  cover,  a set  of 
a certain  kind  of  implements  or  portable  tablets,  oftentimes 
seen  in  mandarin  or  idol  processions,  designed  to  be  used  in 
case  of  the  public  carrying  of  a new  tablet  to  the  hall  from  the 
residence  of  the  person  it  represented. 

An  adjoining  apartment,  called  the  “ secondary  hall,”  con- 
tained a much  smaller  niche  than  the  one  in  the  “primary 
hall.”  This  niche  was  designed  to  hold  the  tablets  of  the  infe- 
rior wife  or  concubine  of  the  members  of  the  families  con- 
nected with  the  institution,  provided  she  was  a woman  of 
especial  merit,  such  as  being  the  mother  of  a son  who  became 
a very  learned  man  or  an  officer  of  the  government.  There 
were  only  five  or  six  small  tablets  in  this  hall,  each  represent- 
ing a secondary  wife  or  concubine,  who  in  some  way  had  be- 
come famous  or  distinguished  in  her  family. 

Another  apartment  contained  one  solitary  tablet,  designed 
to  commemorate  a woman  whose  husband  died  when  she  was 
twenty  years  old,  leaving  a son  only  four  months  old.  She 
lived,  it  is  said,  for  a long  while,  on  account  of  extreme  pover- 


IMAGES  FOUND  IN  THE  HALL  VISITED. 


233 


ty,  on  one  meal  a clay,  and  thus  was  enabled  to  support  and 
educate  her  son.  He  subsequently  became  a master  of  arts. 
She  and  her  husband  have  a tablet  erected  to  their  memory  in 
the  primary  hall ; but  she,  in  consequence  of  her  extraordinary 
virtues  and  merits,  was  adjudged  the  additional  right  and  hon- 
or of  a tablet  erected  in  this  “ chaste  and  filial  hall.”  Peace 
to  her  memory ! 

In  another  apartment  is  an  image  about  one  foot  high,  rep- 
resenting the  local  god  of  wealth. 

Another  apartment  or  hall  was  devoted  to  the  worship  of 
the  god  of  literature.  His  idol  is  less  than  two  feet  high.  In 
front  and  on  the  sides  of  it  were  several  smaller  images,  asso- 
ciated with  the  god  of  literature,  who  is  worshiped  by  stu- 
dents as  the  bestower  of  success  in  literary  pursuits  and  hon- 
ors. Several  dishes  of  food  are  placed  before  this  image,  and 
incense  and  candles  are  burned  there  in  his  honor  by  members 
of  the  various  families  interested  in  this  ancestral  hall,  when 
they  are  successful  at  the  examinations,  and  also  at  other  times, 
whenever,  according  to  the  sentiments  and  customs  of  this 
people,  there  seems  to  be  a call  for  such  tokens  of  thanksgiv- 
ing, or  of  supplications.  On  the  first  and  fifteenth  of  each  Chi- 
nese month,  incense  and  candles  are  regularly  burned  before 
the  god  of  literature  in  this  particular  hall,  and  also  at  the  oth- 
er fixed  times  for  sacrifice  or  worship  before  the  ancestral  tab- 
lets, in  the  hope  of  obtaining  this  god’s  kind  offices  in  promot- 
ing the  literary  pursuits  of  the  members  of  the  families  con- 
nected with  it.  Besides  the  apartments  or  halls  already  men- 
tioned, there  are  rooms  designed  for  the  reception  and  tempo- 
rary accommodation  of  mandarins  and  their  retinue,  for  study, 
for  recreation,  and  for  various  other  purposes. 

This  ancestral  hall  was  built  about  seventy  years  ago  by  the 
great-grandfather  of  my  informant  and  guide.  The  cost  of 
the  ground,  buildings,  furniture,  walls,  etc.,  including  the  per- 
manent fund  for  defraying  the  regular  expenses,  he  affirmed 
amounted  to  $300,000,  which  seems  a very  high  sum,  though 
every  thing  about  the  establishment  rvas  evidently  made  in 
very  good  style.  The  annual  expense  for  the  stated  sacrifices 
and  worship  is  about  $300.  During  the  year  when  my  in- 
formant had  the  management  of  the  hall,  the  second  year  of 
Hien  Fung,  the  produce  of  the  permanent  fund  which  is  in- 


234  ANCESTRAL  TABLETS  AND  ANCESTRAL  HALLS. 

vested  in  arable  land,  was  1120  cwt.  of  paddy  or  unhulled 
rice.  He  took  600  for  his  expenses  and  share,  the  rest  was 
divided  among  the  other  families  concerned.  The  hall  is  put 
under  the  care  of  a male  slave  belonging  to  these  families,  who 
is  married,  and  lives  on  the  premises. 

In  the  afternoon  after  I left,  according  to  my  informant’s 
account,  there  were  offered  in  sacrifice  to  the  spirits  of  his  de- 
ceased ancestors  in  the  hall  before  their  tablets  a pig  weigh- 
ing one  hundred  pounds,  a kid,  five  kinds  of  green  vegetables, 
of  each  kind  two  heads  or  bunches,  five  kinds  of  fruit,  and  five 
kinds  of  seeds,  as  rice,  wheat,  beans,  etc.  Also  salt,  red  dregs 
of  wine,  a piece  of  dried  beef,  bread-cakes  made  into  five  differ- 
ent shapes,  a piece  of  raw  pork,  a small  quantity  of  pigs’  hair 
and  of  pigs’  blood,  ten  cups  of  tea,  and  ten  cups  of  wine.  The 
vegetables  and  meats  were  all  uncooked.  Similar  offerings 
are  presented  at  the  autumnal  sacrifice  from  year  to  year.  Be- 
sides these,  there  were  also  ten  dishes  of  food  already  cooked, 
consisting  of  meats,  fish,  fowl,  and  vegetables,  arranged  on  a 
table  plaaed  before  the  tablets. 

A professor  of  ceremonies  was  present  directing  the  wor- 
shipers when  to  kneel,  bow,  and  rise  up.  The  faces  of  these 
worshipers  were  turned  toward  the  tablets.  The  head  person 
among  them  was  a lad  some  six  or  eight  years  old,  being  the 
eldest  son  of  the  eldest  son  of  the  eldest  son,  etc.,  of  the  re- 
mote male  ancestors  from  whom  all  of  the  Chinese  having  his 
ancestral  name  living  in  this  city  claim  to  have  descended. 
He  was  the  chief  of  the  clan,  according  to  the  Chinese  law  of 
primogeniture.  This  lad,  instructed  by  a professor  of  ceremo- 
nies, took  the  lead  in  the  worship,  all  the  rest  kneeling  down 
when  he  knelt,  bowing  their  heads  toward  the  ground  when 
he  bowed  his  head,  and  rising  to  their  feet  when  he  rose.  The 
head  man,  at  the  proper  time  during  the  ceremony,  while  on 
his  knees,  all  the  rest  of  the  worshipers  being  also  on  their 
knees,  received  three  cups  of  wine,  which  he  poured  out,  one 
by  one,  upon  some  straw  placed  in  the  bottom  of  a certain  ves- 
sel. These  cups  were  then  refilled  and  replaced  on  a table  be- 
fore the  tablets,  whence  they  had  been  taken  by  the  professor 
of  ceremonies.  Before  the  wine  was  poured  out,  he  lifted  the 
cups  up  reverently  in  front  of  him,  as  though  offering  them  to 
the  spirits  supposed  to  be  in  the  tablets.  Three  bowls  of  veg- 


' FEASTING  ON  THE  FOOD  OFFERED  TO  ANCESTORS.  285 

etables  were  presented,  as  if  to  the  spirits,  in  like  manner,  and 
then  taken  away  and  placed  upon  a table.  The  professor  of 
ceremonies,  at  the  proper  time,  knelt  down  and  read,  or  rather 
chanted,  a kind  of  sacrificial  prayer  to  the  spirits  of  the  de- 
parted ancestors  of  the  company  present.  They  being  all  the 
while  on  their  knees,  then  bowed  down  their  heads  toward  the 
ground  three  times,  when  several  rolls  of  coarse  silk,  or  some- 
thing in  imitation  of  silk,  were  burnt.  The  great  drum  was 
beaten.  All  rose  up  at  the  command  of  the  professor,  and  left 
their  allotted  places.  The  cooked  provisions  intended  for  the 
feast  were  soon  arranged  on  tables,  in  the  proper  or  customary 
manner  at  feasts.  The  representatives  of  the  families  inter- 
ested in  the  hall  took  their  seats,  and  partook  of  the  feast  pro- 
vided in  the  presence,  as  they  believed,  of  their  ancestors. 
All  of  them  were  males,  no  female  being  allowed  to  be  present 
or  participate  in  the  festivities  or  solemnities  of  such  occasions. 
At  the  close  of  the  feasting,  each  representative  took  home 
with  him  some  of  the  flesh  of  the  pig  which  had  been  offered 
whole  before  the  tablets. 

During  the  progress  of  the  worship  they  all  knelt  down  five 
times,  and  while  on  their  knees  bowed  down  their  heads  sim- 
ultaneously three  times.  There  was  no  weeping,  no  smiling, 
and  no  talking,  except  by  the  professor  of  ceremonies.  All 
was  orderly,  still,  solemn,  and  reverent. 

I have  only  spoken  of  the  manner  of  performing  ancestral 
worship  as  practiced  at  one  hall  on  a certain  occasion.  The 
practice  at  other  halls  doubtless  varies  largely  in  various  par- 
ticulars from  what  has  been  described.  It  will  readily  occur 
to  the  reader  that  a description  of  only  a small  part  of  the  cer- 
emonies performed  has  been  attempted. 


236 


PRIESTS  OF  THE  THREE  RELIGIONS. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

PRIESTS  OP  THE  THREE  RELIGIONS. 

Priests  of  Buddhism:  Buddhism  not  native  in  China. — Buddhist  Priests  live 
in  Monasteries  or  Temples. — Governed  by  Abbots. — Description  of  Bud- 
dhist Costume. — Monkish. — Ignore  the  common  Duties  and  Relations  of 
Life. — Brief  Description  of  Worship  at  the  Monastery  on  Drum  Mountain. 
— Animals  kept  alive  there  as  a Work  of  Merit  —Do  not  eat  animal  Food. 
— How  the  Sect  is  kept  up. — Singular  Method  of  Seclusion. — Cremation 
of  the  Corpses  of  Priests. — Worship  of  the  Three  Precious  Ones. — Priests 
of  Tauism,  or  the  Sect  of  Rationalism:  Tauism  at  Fuhchau  less  popular 
than  Buddhism. — The  Class  called  To-ing  much  like  the  Buddhist  Priests. 
— The  Class  Td-tai  much  unlike  the  Buddhist  Priests. — Tauist  Priests  eat 
Meat  as  well  as  Vegetables. — To-tai  much  employed  in  performing  meri- 
torious Ceremonies. — Tauist  Priests  worship  the  Three  Pure  Ones. — 
Priests  of  Confucianism,  or  the  Sect  of  the  Learned:  Professors  of  Ceremo- 
ny or  Politeness.  — Two  Classes. — One  employed  by  Mandarins. — The 
other  employed  by  the  common  People. — Brief  Notice  of  the  Doctrines  or 
Principles  of  Confucianism. — No  Nuns  at  Fuhchau. 

Priests  of  Buddhism. 

There  are  three  classes  of  native  priests  in  China,  under- 
standing the  word  “ priest”  to  denote  a person  who  officiates 
in  religious  worship. 

The  Buddhist  religion  is  not  native  to  China.  It  was  im- 
ported from  India  in  the  early  part  of  the  first  century  of  the 
Christian  era.  It  is  usually  regarded  as  more  popular  than 
the  Tauist  religion  in  this  part  of  the  empire.  There  are  sev- 
eral hundred  Buddhist  priests  in  this  city  and  its  suburbs. 
The  priests  live  in  a certain  kind  of  temples,  dedicated  to  the 
honor  and  worship  of  Buddha,  which,  in  English,  are  usually 
called  monasteries , in  order  to  distinguish  them  from  other 
temples.  Monasteries  are  used  and  designed  as  residences 
for  the  accommodation  of  a large  number  of  priests,  having 
kitchen-ranges,  an  eating-room,  sleeping  apartments,  and  libra- 
ries. Of  these  monasteries  there  are  nearly  thirty  in  all  at 
this  place,  including  those  which  are  located  a few  miles  cast 
and  west  of  the  city.  Several  of  these  are  kept  in  good  repair. 
Some  of  the  temples  are  under  the  care  of  resident  priests. 


Middle  Island.  Stone  Bridge  in  front  of  the 

(Salt)  Granaries. 

DISTANT  VIEW  OP  KU8UAN,  i.  6.  DRUM  MOUNTAIN. 


CONCERNING  BUDDHIST  MONASTERIES. 


239 


Three  of  the  largest  of  these  monasteries  have  each  an  ab- 
bot, who  has  great  power  and  influence  over  the  resident 
priests.  A large  and  celebrated  monastery,  situated  about  six 
miles  east  of  the  city,  on  Dram  Mountain,  has  between  one 
and  two  hundred  priests  connected  with  it.  The  abbot  is  not 
always  an  old  priest,  or  one  of  a venerable  and  commanding 
' appearance.  The  abbot  of  the  large  monastery  above  alluded 
to,  a few  years  ago  was  a young  man  between  thirty  and  forty 
years  of  age,  of  a retiring  disposition,  and  of  thoughtful  and 
sedate  cast  of  countenance.  The  priests  who  are  trained  at 
those  monasteries  which  have  an  abbot,  provided  they  are 
furnished  with  a certain  document  or  certificate  of  character 
signed  by  the  abbot,  are  entitled  to  claim  admittance  to  any 
monastery  in  the  empire,  and  to  receive  the  rites  of  hospitality 
for  a few  days  gratis. 

Most  of  the  large  monasteries  own  land  or  other  property, 
from  which  rent  in  rice  or  money  is  annually  received,  though 
usually  not  sutficient  to  defray  the  current  expenses  of  the  in- 
stitution. The  deficiency  is  made  up  in  part  by  begging  from 
visitors  and  worshipers,  and  by  voluntary  presents  made  by 
officers,  the  literary  class,  and  the  common  people,  either  in 
consequence  of  some  vow,  or  as  a means  of  increasing  their 
merits. 

A company  of  priests  from  two  or  three  of  the  largest  mon- 
asteries in  the  vicinity  parade  the  principal  streets  of  the  city 
and  suburbs,  for  the  purpose  of  begging  for  the  support  of 
their  respective  monasteries,  or,  in  more  polite  terms,  of  re- 
ceiving the  voluntary  contributions  of  the  people.  Sometimes 
they  appear  to  the  number  of  thirty  or  forty  in  one  company, 
each  dressed  in  the  peculiar  costume  of  the  Buddhist  priest- 
hood, with  uncovered  heads,  and  carrying  in  their  hands  a 
kind  of  gong  or  cymbal,  which  they  beat  slowly  at  regular  in- 
tervals. With  solemn  countenances,  they  walk  leisurely  along 
the  public  streets  in  single  file,  not  unfrequently  in  profound 
silence,  though  sometimes  chanting  or  reciting  together  the 
name  of  Buddha,  or  some  formulary.  The  people  who  hap- 
pen to  be  passing  along  the  streets,  and  the  shopkeepers,  con- 
tribute what  they  please  either  in  cash,  rice,  or  oil.  They  are 
usually  followed  by  men  who  take  and  carry  along  whatever 
is  proffered. 


240  PRIESTS  OF  THE  THREE  RELIGIONS. 

Both  the  common  and  the  official  costume  of  the  Buddhist 
priests  is  quite  different,  as  regards  color  and  fashion,  from  the 
costume  of  the  common  people.  The  coat  is  distinguished  by 
its  having  a very  wide  turn-over  collar.  When  they  officiate 
they  usually  dress  in  yellow  clothing,  made  of  cotton  or  silk. 
At  other  times  they  commonly  wear  garments  of  an  ash  color, 
though  sometimes  they  are  white. 

They  shave  off  all  the  hair  from 
their  heads  two  or  three  times 
per  month,  so  that  their  pates  are 
perfectly  smooth.  From  this  cir- 
cumstance arises  the  expression 
“ bald-headed  asses,”  which  some- 
times is  derisively  applied  to 
them.  Many  of  them,  perhaps  all 
who  are  regularly  educated  at  a 
monastery,  have  several  places  or 
spots  on  their  pates,  burnt  with 
coals  of  fire  in  such  a manner  that 
the  hair  never  grows  there  again. 
Only  an  abbot  is  entitled  to  per- 
form this  ceremony.  It  is  a kind 
of  badge  of  their  profession,  or 
rather  of  their  standing  in  it. 
They  are  monkish  in  their 
mode  of  life.  They  cast  off  and  refuse  obedience  to  their  par- 
ents ; they  never  marry;  they  do  not  acknowledge,  much  less 
exhibit,  any  affection  toward  their  brothers  or  sisters,  or  other 
relatives ; they  possess  no  friendships  ; they  reject  and  disown 
any  common  sympathy  with  the  rest  of  mankind.  They  pro- 
fess to  ignore  the  constant  relations  ancl  duties  of  life.  Hence 
the  common  expression  Chok-ka,  which  is  applied  to  them,  in- 
dicating that  they  have  left  or  gone  out  of  the  house  or  family. 
It  is  asserted  that  they  may  not  sleep  in  a dieelling-house  with 
other  people.  They  profess  to  have  wholly  given  up  the 
world,  and  its  honors,  pleasures,  and  excitements,  and  to  be 
supremely  desirous  of  being  entirely  uninfluenced  by  things  of 
sense,  as  other  men  are,  seeking  only  to  be  absorbed  into 
Buddha  at  death.  They  are  solitary,  unsocial,  contemplative 
beings,  reminding  one  of  the  monks  of  the  Middle  Ages. 


CONCERNING  BUDDHIST  PRIESTS. 


241 


They  profess  no  allegiance  to  the  emperor ; still,  of  course, 
they  yield  obedience  to  him  through  the  civil  magistrate. 
They  are  professedly  under  the  control  of  an  officer  living  in 
the  southeastern  quarter  of  the  city,  who,  according  to  report, 
was  formerly  a priest  himself,  and  who  received  his  title  of 
office  directly  from  Peking  for  the  special  purpose  of  govern- 
ing them.  It  is,  however,  found  to  be  the  fact  that  he  has  lit- 
tle or  no  real  authority  over  them,  except  in  unimportant  mat- 
ters, they  being  more  immediately  under  the  superintendence 
and  jurisdiction  of  the  abbots  of  their  respective  monasteries. 

They  spend  their  time  variously ; much  of  it  is  occupied, 
when  at  their  monasteries,  in  chanting  their  Buddhistic  clas- 
sics, or  sacred  books.  Many  of  these  are,  substantially,  a rep- 
resentation of  the  sounds  of  the  words  of  the  original  books 
brought  from  India,  by  the  use  of  Chinese  characters,  not  a 
translation  of  the  sense.  They  attach  much  merit  to  the  rep- 
etitions of  their  classics,  keeping  an  accurate  account  of  them 
by  means  of  a string  of  beads.  Many  of  the  priests  are  en- 
gaged more  or  less  in  conducting  various  religious  or  supersti- 
tious ceremonies  in  the  families  resident  in  the  city  and  sub- 
urbs, and  surrounding  villages.  When  not  thus  employed, 
they  return  to  the  monastery  to  which  they  belong,  unless  they 
are  appointed  to  take  the  charge  of  temples. 

In  connection  with  the  celebrated  monastery  lying  east  of 
the  city  there  is  a ponderous  bell,  which  is  struck  so  frequent- 
ly and  so  regularly  that  the  sound  is  said  by  the  priests  never 
to  cease  day  or  night  from  one  year  to  another.  In  fact,  how- 
ever, the  reverberation  does  sometimes  actually  cease  for  a 
moment  or  two  through  inadvertence  on  the  part  of  the  bell- 
man, who  is  a priest  officiating  pro  tempore  in  rotation.  The 
priests  are  unwilling  to  admit  that  the  sound  ever  ceases. 
The  bell  is  rung,  not  by  any  machinery  which  would  insure 
regularity,  but  simply  by  pulling  a rope  which  causes  a sus- 
pended stick  of  wood  to  strike  upon  it. 

In  the  monastery  on  Drum  Mountain,  morning  worship  is 
held  before  daylight,  and  the  evening  worship  about  four  or 
five  o’clock  in  the  afternoon.  Length  of  service  is  from  an 
hour  to  an  hour  and  a half.  All  the  resident  priests  are  re- 
quired to  attend  and  join  in  the  service.  It  is  held  in  an  im- 
mense room,  where  are  three  colossal  images  of  Buddha  side 

Von.  I.— L 


242 


PRIESTS  OF  THE  THREE  RELIGIONS. 


by  side.  The  altar  is  furnished  gaudily  and  costly.  In  front 
of  it  are  low  wooden  stools  and  mats  for  the  priests  to  use 
when  kneeling.  The  service  consists  principally  of  a chant  or 
recitation  of  passages  from  the  Buddhist  classics  in  Sanscrit, 
represented  by  Chinese  characters  used  for  their  sound,  not 
meaning.  The  accompaniment  is  not  organs  and  viols,  but 
bells,  large  and  small,  a wooden  skull,  and  an  iron  urn,  which 
are  struck  with  sticks  from  time  to  time.  The  chant  is  mo- 
notonous, but  sometimes  musical  and  impressive.  All  the 
priests  keep  exact  time.  Part  of  the  ceremonies  consist  in 
leaving  their  places  and  moving  in  procession,  winding  their 
way,  back  and  forth,  between  rows  of  stools,  preceded  by  a 
little  bell-ringer,  all  busily  and  solemnly  chanting.  Their  tone 
of  voice  is  slow,  measured,  and  reverent.  Some  occasionally 
kneel  down  and  bow  their  heads  toward  Buddha.  At  times 
the  music  and  utterance  increases  to  the  very  climax  of  rapid- 
ity, and  then  gradually  diminishes.  Repetition  of  Omito,  the 
name  of  Buddha,  is  exceedingly  numerous,  and  believed  to  be 
meritorious  in  a very  high  degree. 

A large  monastery  has  numerous  rooms  devoted  to  specific 
uses,  as  a library,  reception-room  for  officers  or  other  distin- 
guished guests,  as  well  as  one  for  the  common  people,  a large 
room  for  daily  prayer  or  worship,  a study-room,  a place  where 
living  animals  may  be  kept,  etc.  The  animals  referred  to  are 
not  kept  or  reared  for  food,  but  as  a work  of  merit.  At  the 
largest  monastery  near  here  there  is  a fish-pond,  which  is  full 
of  fine  fish  of  various  kinds,  not  one  of  which  will  the  priests 
allow  to  be  caught  and  used  for  food  on  any  consideration. 
There  is  also  a part  of  the  establishment  appropriated  to  the 
keeping  of  those  animals  which  are  supported  at  the  expense 
of  the  monastery,  or  of  the  people  who  have  placed  them  there 
in  the  fulfillment  of  a vow.  Here  may  be  found  cattle,  swine, 
goats,  hens  and  chickens,  ducks  and  geese.  At  that  monas- 
tery, a few  years  ago,  there  were  several  tens  of  cattle  feeding- 
on  the  hill  under  the  care  of  servants,  kept  there  as  a meritori- 
ous act.  It  is  required  that  those  who  bring  animals  there  to 
be  nourished  and  kept  alive  should  contribute  money  or  grain, 
monthly  or  annually,  to  support  them  until  they  die  a natural 
death.  If  domestic  fowls,  thus  kept,  lay  eggs,  the  eggs  are 
buried  in  the  "round,  not  used  as  food.  Such,  at  least,  is  the 


BUDDHIST  PRIESTS  IN  FREQUENT  DEMAND.  243 


theory.  When  any  animal  dies,  it  is  buried,  and  the  donor  or 
supporter  of  it  is  duly  notified  of  the  fact,  if  it  is  considered  a 
case  of  sufficient  importance. 

The  priests  and  their  servants,  or  the  men  employed  to  till 
the  ground  by  the  monastery,  and  do  the  heavy  work  about 
the  establishment,  professedly  eat  nothing  but  vegetable  food. 
The  consumption  of  meat  of  any  kind,  including  fish,  is  be- 
lieved to  be  a sinful  act.  Every  thing  that  has  had  animal 
life  is  theoretically  refused  as  an  article  of  food.  It  is  gener- 
ally believed,  however,  among  the  common  people,  that  many 
of  the  priests  eat  animal  food  when  they  can  do  it  unobserved. 
Those  connected  with  the  larger  monasteries,  where  there  is 
an  abbot,  and  where  the  laws  or  regulations  of  Buddhism  are 
more  generally  carried  out,  it  is  thought  consume  comparative- 
ly little  meat.  Most  or  all  of  the  traveling,  or,  as  the  people 
often  call  them,  “wild”  priests,  probably  indulge  in  eating 
meat  quite  often.  The  idea  that  water  and  vegetables  are  full 
of  living  animalculce,  when  advanced  to  the  Buddhist  priests 
as  a proof  that  they  can  not  live  without  the  destruction  and 
the  consumption  of  animate  beings,  is  rejected  by  them  with 
indignation,  the  fact  being  denied. 

Although  they  are  much  detested  and  abused  by  the  Chi- 
nese generally  as  men  whose  example  in  disowning  the  com- 
mon and  the  constant  relations  of  life  it  is  neither  reasonable 
nor  even  possible  for  all  to  imitate,  they  still  are  much  sought 
after  and  employed  to  officiate  at  religious  and  idolatrous  cer- 
emonies at  all  seasons  of  the  year.  They  always  hold  them- 
selves in  readiness  to  engage  in  worship  in  private  houses 
when  invited.  They  receive  a small  pittance  in  money  for 
such  services,  besides  being  boai’ded  at  the  expense  of  the  fam- 
ily as  long  as  the  ceremonies  last.  They  are  employed  prin- 
cipally to  perform  what  are  considered  meritorious  ceremonies 
for  the  benefit  of  persons  recently  deceased,  or  for  the  benefit 
of  destitute  and  wicked  spirits  in  the  lower  regions  generally, 
or  for  the  benefit  of  sick  or  feeble  persons.  The  merit  of  their 
performances  is  supposed  to  accrue  to  the  family  which  em- 
ploys and  pays  them,  or  to  the  particular  individuals  on  whose 
behalf  the  ceremonies  are  performed. 

They  keep  up  their  sect,  in  part,  by  the  buying  of  boys,  who 
are  trained  up  for  the  priesthood.  The  number  of  boys  thus 


244 


PRIESTS  OF  THE  THREE  RELIGIONS. 


bought  and  educated  must  be  very  few,  at  least  in  this  part 
of  China.  Some  persons,  who  have  become  sick  of  the  world 
and  tired  of  life  in  consequence  of  the  death  of  relatives  or  of 
adversity  in  business,  instead  of  taking  their  own  lives,  go  and 
join  themselves  to  the  priests  in  a monastery,  who  gladly  re- 
ceive them,  shave  the  hair  from  their  heads,  and  instruct  them 
in  the  tenets  and  ceremonies  of  Buddhism.  Few  leave  the 
priesthood  and  engage  again  in  the  common  pursuits  of  the 
world.  It  is  also  said  that  some  who  have  violated  the  laws 
of  the  empire,  in  order  to  avoid  arrest  and  punishment,  run 
away  and  become  priests,  changing  their  dress  and  shaving 
their  heads,  and  thus  escape  detection.  Probably  only  those 
whose  crimes  are  capital,  or  the  punishment  of  whose  olfenses 
against  the  laws  would  be  attended  with  great  disgrace,  en- 
deavor to  save  their  lives  or  escape  the  disgrace  by  becoming- 
priests.  The  prosecution  for  crime  of  those  who  thus  become 
Buddhist  priests  usually  ceases  when  that  deed  is  accom- 
plished. 

There  are  oftentimes,  in  connection  with  the  large  monaster- 
ies, one  or  more  priests  who,  for  a specified  number  of  years  or 
of  months,  have  no  intercourse  with  the  outward  world,  spend- 
ing their  time  entirely  in  their  cells,  usually  in  a sitting  posture, 
very  much  like  that  assumed  by  tailors  when  at  work  in  West- 
ern lands.  Their  simple  food  is  brought  to  them,  which  they 
receive  through  a small  hole  in  the  door  or  in  the  side  of  their 
cells.  Their  thoughts  are  professedly  fixed  on  Buddha,  and 
their  hope  is  to  attain  such  a degree  of  blessedness,  by  the  un- 
interrupted contemplation  of  him  for  so  long  a period,  as  to 
be  absorbed  into  him  or  to  become  Buddhas  when  they  die. 
Such  is  the  prevalent  opinion  of  the  design  of  their  voluntary 
and  self-inflicted  banishment  from  the  world.  It  is  regarded 
very  creditable  to  the  monastery  to  have  such  devotees  con- 
nected with  it,  as  wrell  as  very  meritorious  in  the  individuals 
themselves. 

The  corpses  of  the  priests  are  burned  soon  after  decease,  in- 
stead of  being  buried  in  the  manner  common  among  other  Chi- 
nese. I witnessed,  over  ten  years  ago,  when  visiting  the  large 
monastery  to  the  east  of  the  city,  the  burning  of  the  body  of 
an  aged  priest.  The  corpse  was  placed  in  the  coffin  in  a sit- 
ting posture.  The  coffin  was  made  of  Chinese  pine  boards, 


CORPSES  OF  BUDDHIST  PRIESTS  BURNED. 


245 


unplaned,  being  about  two  feet  and  a half  or  three  feet  square 
at  the  bottom,  one  and  a half  or  two  feet  square  at  the  top, 
and  three  and  a half  or  four  feet  high.  It  was  carried  to  the 
burning-place  by  two  men  by  means  of  a common  carrying- 
pole  laid  across  their  shoulders,  the  coffin  being  suspended  be- 
tween them  with  ropes.  Priests  in  their  yellow  robes,  chant- 
ing some  formula,  accompanied  the  corpse  to  the  place  of  burn- 
ing, distant  a quarter  of  a mile  from  the  monastery.  The  cof- 
fin was  deposited  in  a small  building  of  brick  and  earthen 
Avails,  evidently  erected  for  the  purpose  of  holding  coffins 
while  they  Avere  being  consumed.  A quantity  of  Avood  Avas 
piled  on  and  around  the  coffin,  and  fire  applied.  The  priests, 
standing  a rod  or  tAvo  in  front  of  it,  commenced  their  chant- 
ing, and  in  less  than  half  an  hour  the  ceremony  Avas  concluded, 
and  the  most  of  the  priests  retired  to  their  monastery.  The 
ashes  Avere  subsequently  gathered  up,  with  the  unconsumed 
bones,  and  placed  in  an  earthen  vessel,  Avhich  Avas  deposited 
in  a building  devoted  to  containing  such  mementoes  or  relics 
of  deceased  priests. 

Sang  Pd,  “ the  Three  Precious  Ones,”  is  the  title  by  which 


THE  THREE  PRECIOUS  ONES. 


the  three  large  idols  always  found  in  Buddhist  monasteries, 
arranged  side  by  side,  are  generally  knoAvn.  They  refer  to 


246 


PRIESTS  OF  THE  THREE  RELIGIONS. 


Buddha  Past , Buddha  Present , and  Buddha  Future , accord- 
ing to  the  adopted  explanation,  being  three  different  incarna- 
tions of  Buddha,  either  already  actually  accomplished  or  pro- 
spective. 

There  are  three  days  in  every  year  when  it  is  said  celebra- 
tions are  had  in  honor  of  Buddha.  The  eighth  day  of  the  sec- 
ond month  is  distinguished  as  the  time  when  he  “left  the 
house,”  or  devoted  hirhself  to  the  life  of  a recluse,  eschewing 
his  parents  and  family  friends,  and  determined  to  reside  away 
from  the  abodes  of  mankind.  This  was  before  he  became  a 
god.  His  birthday  is  said  to  occur  on  the  eighth  day  of  the 
fourth  month.  He  “ became  Buddha,”  or  “ attained  to  per- 
fection and  entered  nirvan”  on  the  eighth  day  of  the  twelfth 
month.  Buddha  is  worshiped  on  these  days  with  greater 
pomp  and  parade  than  on  other  days.  His  worship  in  mon- 
asteries is  attended  with  chanting  the  classics,  and  with  many 
genuflections  and  prostrations,  and  in  marching  around  and 
around,  or  back  and  forth,  etc. 

Priests  of  Tauism , or  the  Sect  of  Rationalism. 

Judging  from  the  number  of  Tauist  priests  and  the  number 
of  temples  which  are  exclusively  devoted  to  the  worship  of 
gods  of  the  Tauist  sect  in  this  place,  this  religion  is  much  less 
jDopular  than  the  Buddhist.  There  are  only  four  or  five  tem- 
ples belonging  to  the  Rationalists  or  Tauists,  and  connected 
with  them  are  not  more  than  twelve  or  fourteen  priests,  prop- 
erly so  called.  Of  them  very  little  is  known  by  foreigners. 
They  seem  to  shun  the  acquaintance  of  the  “ stranger  from 
afar”  much  more  than  do  the  Buddhist  priests.  They  are 
very  uncommunicative  in  regard  to  their  opinions  and  prac- 
tices. They  confine  their  official  labors  principally  to  the  tem- 
ples where  they  reside,  though  on  great  and  special  occasions 
they  sometimes  officiate  at  other  places.  In  many  respects 
they  are  very  much  like  the  Buddhist  priests.  They  never 
marry , nor  do  they  confess  to  the'relations  of  life,  as  emperor, 
parents,  friends,  etc.  Their  sect  is  perpetuated  in  much  the 
same  way  as  is  the  Buddhist  priesthood.  They  do  not  con- 
fine themselves,  even  in  theory,  strictly  to  a vegetable  diet. 
They  may  eat  animal  food.  Their  dress  is  different  from  that 
of  the  common  pcojflc. 


PECULIARITIES  OF  TAUIST  PRIESTS. 


247 


Some  of  their  objects  of  worship  are  said  by  the  common 
people  to  be  the  same  as  those  which  are  worshiped  by  the 
Buddhists,  but  these  are  probably  very  few.  Many  of  their 
customs  and  ceremonies  are  quite  similar  to  those  practiced 
by  Buddhist  priests.  Buddhist  and  Tauist  priests  never  offi- 
ciate together,  though  they  are  sometimes  employed  in  differ- 
ent parts  of  the  same  premises. 

They  do  not  shave  off  all  of  the  hair  from  their  heads,  like 
the  Buddhist  priests,  nor  do  they  braid  up  what  is  left  in  a 
tress,  like  the  common  people,  but  coil  it  up  on  the  top  of  the 
head  after  the  costume  of  the  Ming  dynasty.  They  do  not 
trim  it  and  make  it  short.  The  Buddhist  priests  seem  to  act 
on  the  principle  that  to  have  any  hair  on  the  head  is  either  a 
sin  or  a shame ; while  the  Tauist  priests  appear  to  believe  that 
to  have  long  hair  on  theirs  is  neither  a shame  nor  a sin.  Some 
Tauist  priests  do  not  shave  the  hair  off  at  all,  but  let  it  all 
grow,  while  others  shave  off  some  on  the  outer  edge  or  on  the 
sides  of  the  head,  nearly  as  much  as  do  the  common  people; 
all,  however,  coil  up  the  long  hair  on  the  top  of  the  crown  in 
a peculiar  fashion,  never  braiding  it  into  a cue.  By  the  in- 
spection of  the  hair  on  the  head  or  the  absence  of  hair  there, 
one  can  tell  whether  a certain  person  is  a priest  or  not,  and 
if  a priest,  to  which  sect,  Buddhist  or  Tauist,  he  belongs. 

The  above  remarks  relate  to  the  class  of  priests  called  in 
this  dialect  To-ing,  and  believed  to  be,  strictly  speaking,  Tau- 
ist priests.  There  is  another  class  of  priests  called  To-tai,  who 
also  belong  to  the  Tauist  sect.  These  have  been  frequently 
referred  to  as  a “ certain  kind”  of  Tauist  priest.  They  are, 
however,  very  different  in  several  respects  from  the  former,  as 
well  as  from  the  Buddhist  priests. 

They,  except  when  officiating,  usually  wear  the  dress  of  the 
common  citizen. 

They  do  not  live  in  temples,  but  in  common  dwelling-houses, 
and  among  the  common  people. 

They  marry  and  raise  families,  marrying  and  giving  in  mar- 
riage, after  the  manner  of  other  men. 

They  neither  shave  off  all  the  hair  on  their  heads,  like  the 
Buddhist  priests,  nor  coil  up  upon  their  crowns  what  they 
have  unshaven,  like  the  other  class  of  Tauist  priests,  but  shave, 
comb,  and  braid  their  hair  in  all  respects  as  do  the  common 


248 


PRIESTS  OF  THE  THREE  RELIGIONS. 


peojile,  letting  the  cue  dangle  down  their  hacks,  except  when 
engaged  in  officiating  at  some  ceremony.  At  such  times  they 
coil  up  the  cue  on  the  hack  part  of  the  head,  or  on  the  top  of 
the  head.  It  is  usually  fastened  there  hy  a wooden  pin  until 
the  ceremony  is  completed. 

Their  food  consists  of  meats  and  vegetables,  as  they  please. 
There  is  nothing  in  their  rules  to  prevent  the  members  of  their 
families  from  engaging  in  business.  As  a general  thing,  how- 
ever, fathersjtrain  up  their  children  to  follow  the  same  calling. 
Their  wives  and  daughters  take  in  sewing,  or  engage  in  any 
light  employment  which  is  profitable,  as  they  please.  It  would 
appear  that  this  class  of  priests  become  or  continue  priests  in 
order  to  obtain  a livelihood,  just  as  other  persons  become  doc- 
tors, fortune-tellers,  musicians,  etc. 

They  derive  their  living  principally  from  the  regular  pay 
they  receive  for  the  performance  of  the  ceremonies  of  their 
sect.  They  are  always  boarded  when  employed  by  the  people 
at  their  houses.  The  head  priest,  who  has  several  apprentices 
or  journeymen  priests  under  him,  usually  has  twice  as  much 
wages  as  any  other  one — that  is,  he  counts  as  two.  If  the 
others  receive  seventy  cash  each  per  day  for  their  services,  he 
receives  a hundred  and  forty. 

This  class  of  priests  is  quite  numerous,  probably  much  more 
numerous  than  the  Buddhist  priests.  They  are  also  much  oft- 
ener  employed  than  are  the  Buddhist  priests.  Their  services 
are  very  frequently  in  requisition,  on  mourning  or  funeral  oc- 
casions, for  the  performance  of  so-called  meritorious  ceremo- 
nies in  cases  of  sickness  of  adults  or  children,  male  or  female, 
etc.  On  a multitude  of  occasions,  in  all  seasons  of  the  year, 
and  relating  to  almost  all  subjects,  they  are  invited  to  perform 
their  singular,  superstitious,  or  idolatrous  ceremonies.  Their 
great  harvest  is  in  the  seventh  Chinese  month,  when,  accord- 
ing to  the  current  adage,  “ they  need  not  buy  any  rice,”  from 
the  fact  that  they  are  so  constantly  employed  in  the  discharge 
of  their  official  functions  that  they  are  not  at  home  during  the 
day.  On  the  birthdays  of  gods  and  goddesses,  and  on  estab- 
lished festival  days,  they  are  also  very  busy,  oftentimes  spend- 
ing only  a few  minutes  in  each  family  where  they  have  been 
invited,  merely  the  time  absolutely  necessary  for  the  custom- 
ary ringing  of  cymbals  and  the  chanting  of  their  formulas. 


DIVINITIES  WOESHIPED  BY  TAUIST  PKIESTS.  249 

This  class  of  priests  is  under  the  control  of  a head  man,  who 
is  a priest  himself,  but  who  has  been  appointed  to  the  office  he 
holds  by  imperial  authority,  having  a title  and  a button  of  rank. 
The  mandarins,  if  they  have  occasion  for  the  services  of  these 
priests  in  saving  the  sun  or  the  moon  when  eclipsed , or  in  pray- 
ing for  rain  in  a time  of  drought , etc.,  have  only  to  apply  to 
their  head  man,  who  has  authority  to  insure  the  attendance  of 
the  requisite  number  at  the  time  and  place  appointed.  If  any 
violate  the  laws  of  the  land,  they  come  under  the  control  of 
the  civil  mandarins,  their  head  man  having  little  authority 
over  them  except  as  regards  the  exercise  of  their  official  func- 
tions as  priests. 

Sang  Ching , the  “ Three  Pure  Ones,”  is  the  title  of  certain 
three  idols  found  in  temples  belonging  to  the  Tauist  religion 
and  worshiped  by  Tauist  priests.  The  images  are  seated  side 
by  side.  One  of  them,  as  some  explain,  represents  Lo-chii,  or 


THE  THREE  PUKE  ONES. 


the  “ Old  Boyf  the  founder  of  that  religion.  Others  explain 
that  the  three  images  refer  to  three  different  incarnations  of 
Lo-chii.  There  is  very  little  known  among  the  common  peo- 
ple about  these  divinities,  and  they  are  seldom  worshiped  by 
them.  Tauist  priests  of  both  classes  universally  worship  the 
Three  Pure  Ones.  Those  priests  who  dwell  among  the  people, 
the  To-tai,  use  a paper-hanging  which  has  pictures  of  them 
when  called  upon  to  perform  ceremonies  in  private  houses. 
The  other  class,  the  To-ing,  living  in  temples,  burn  incense  and 

L 2 


250 


PRIESTS  OF  THE  THREE  RELIGIONS. 


candles  incessantly  before  these  images  in  their  temples. 
Some  account  for  the  origin  of  this  trio  by  the  saying  that 
“ Lo-chii  in  one  breath  was  transformed  into  the  Three  Pure 
Ones.” 

Priests  of  Confucianism , or  the  Sect  of  the  Learned. 

These  have  been  frequently  referred  to  under  the  appella- 
tions of  '■'■professors  of  ceremony ,”  or  some  equivalent  term. 
They  are  of  two  classes — those  employed  by  mandarins,  and 
those  employed  by  the  common  people. 

All  the  mandarins,  from  the  district  magistrate  to  the  vice- 
roy, each  have  a professor  of  ceremony,  who  is  paid  out  of  the 
imperial  treasury  a small  monthly  stipend.  Their  official  duty 
is  to  conduct  the  ceremonies  which  the  mandarins,  their  mas- 
ters, are  required  by  the  emperor  to  have  performed  at  certain 
temples  or  elsewhere,  at  certain  times  of  the  year.  When 
they  go  to  make  offerings  to  heaven  and  earth  in  the  spring 
and  fall,  or  to  the  god  of  agriculture,  to  the  god  of  war,  to 
Confucius,  etc.,  the  mandarins  are  accompanied  by  their  teach- 
ers of  ceremony.  It  is  their  part  to  read  or  chant  the  sacrifi- 
cial or  adulatory  ode  to  the  object  of  worship,  to  tell  the  man- 
darins when  to  kneel  down,  to  knock  their  heads  on  the 
ground,  and  to  arise  to  their  feet.  These  teachers  or  profess- 
ors are  entitled  to  dress  like  graduates  of  the  lowest  degree, 
and  to  wear  a cap  with  a gold  button.  They  are  always  treat- 
ed with  great  respect  and  deference  by  the  mandarins.  Ac- 
cording to  established  usage  and  law,  on  state  occasions,  while 
the  mandarins  represent  the  emperor  in  worshiping  objects 
terrestrial  or  objects  celestial,  objects  real  or  objects  imagin- 
ary, according  to  imperial  rescript,  they  must  obey  the  in- 
structions or  commands  of  these  men.  Although  the  manda- 
rins might  know  what,  according  to  the  rites,  should  be  done, 
and  the  precise  time  of  doing  it,  they  must  not  presume  to  do 
any  thing  on  their  own  responsibility.  They  must  abide  by 
the  intimations  of  those  who  are  called  pyriests  of  the  Confu- 
cian  religion , or  the  religion  of  the  learned,  from  the  fact  that 
they  are  a special  class  of  men,  who  are  appointed  by  govern- 
ment and  paid  out  of  the  imperial  coffers  to  conduct  the  cere- 
monies according  to  the  established  rites  and  laws.  These 
persons  profess  to  understand  what  the  rites  demand  on  all 


PROFESSORS  OF  CEREMONY. 


251 


occasions  of  state ; hence  their  appointment  to  the  office,  and 
their  willingness  to  assume  the  responsibilities  of  it.  Every 
thing  must  be  done  according  to  the  programme  the  rites  es- 
tablish as  proper,  or  rather  as  they  understand  the  rites  to  es- 
tablish, considering  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  the  rank  of 
the  performers,  and  the  object  designed.  These  men  are  em- 
ployed by  mandarins  when  performing  the  rites  of  the  state 
religion.  They  themselves  are  Confucianists,  and  so  are  the 
mandarins  in  their  private  sentiments. 

There  is  another  class  of 
these  professors  of  ceremo- 
ny who  are  employed  occa- 
sionally by  the  common  peo- 
ple to  assist  them  when 
they  please  to  invite  them. 

These  are  not  paid  from  the 
imperial  treasury.  Their 
assistance  is  rewarded  by 
fees  or  wages,  which  vary 
according  to  circumstances. 

Besides  their  food,  they  ex- 
pect a liberal  fee  from  rich 
patrons.  Those  who  can 
afford  the  small  additional 
expense,  invite  the  attend- 
ance of  a professor  of  cere- 
mony when  they  put  on 
mourning  for  the  decease 
of  a parent,  and  at  different  periods  during  the  mourning  so- 
lemnities. The  common  people  are  not  obliged  by  law  to  use 
these  directors  of  worship.  Custom  makes  their  employment 
reputable  and  fashionable  in  wealthy  and  literary  families. 
For  instance,  when  making  a sacrifice  of  food  to  the  dead,  if  a 
teacher  of  the  rites  is  at  hand  to  instruct  one  when  to  kneel 
and  when  to  rise  up,  when  to  begin  doing  a particular  act  or 
to  cease  from  doing  it,  every  thing  is  performed  with  less  con- 
fusion than  though  he  were  to  act  according  to  his  own  mem- 
ory or  judgment  of  what  was  proper  and  becoming  under  the 
circumstances.  It  is  a portion  of  the  duties  of  the  professor 
of  ceremony  to  read  the  sacrificial  ode  at  the  proper  time  of 


PROFE6SOR  OF  CEREMONY. 


252 


PRIESTS  OF  THE  THREE  RELIGIONS. 


presenting  a sacrifice  to  the  manes  of  the  dead,  to  instruct  the 
mourning  family  when  and  how  to  make  presents  in  acknowl- 
edgments of  presents  received  from  sympathizing  relatives, 
etc.  He  makes  himself  generally  useful  and  even  necessary 
for  those  who  endeavor  to  carry  out  an  undertaking  according 
to  the  rites. 

These  men,  who  are  employed  by  the  common  people,  are 
quite  numerous  and  influential.  They,  as  well  as  those  who 
are  employed  by  mandarins,  are  necessarily  literary  men,  of 
respectable  connections,  of  polite  demeanor,  able  to  assume, 
when  occasion  demands,  a grave  and  dignified  appearance ; 
self-possessed  and  authoritative,  else  they  could  not  discharge 
to  the  satisfaction  of  their  patrons  the  functions  of  their  call- 
ing. 

The  moral  character  of  the  priests  which  have  been  noticed 
has  very  little  to  do  with  their  acceptability  and  popularity. 
Suavity  of  manners,  tact  in  the  management  of  business,  and  a 
clear  understanding  of  the  part  he  is  to  perform,  have  much 
more  to  do  in  forming  the  popular  estimation  in  which  any 
particular  individual  of  either  class  is  held  than  does  purity  of 
moi’als  or  integrity  of  character. 

Confucianism  consists  of  the  religious,  moral,  and  philosoph- 
ical tenets  and  doctrines  which  are  to  be  found  in  the  Chinese 
classics,  the  writings  of  the  sages  and  the  worthies  of  antiqui- 
ty. It  numbers  among  its  adherents  and  followers  all  the 
learned  men  of  the  country.  Many  of  them  might  also  be 
considered  Buddhists  and  Tauists,  if  regard  be  had  to  what 
they  perform  as  religious  acts,  or  permit  to  be  performed  in 
their  families.  Confucius  admitted  that  he  did  not  know  much 
about  the  gods.  In  his  view  they  were  beyond  the  compre- 
hension of  mortals.  He  does  not  inculcate  obedience  to  one 
who  has  a right  to  the  love  and  the  services  of  the  human 
race.  The  obligations  of  man,  according  to  him,  consisted  iu 
doing  good  to  his  family,  his  friends,  and  his  country.  He  ex- 
alted filial  virtue  above  all  other  moral  and  social  virtues.  The 
principle  of  obedience  to  superiors  extends  through  all  his 
writings,  and  forms  the  grand  basis  of  society  and  of  govern- 
ment as  he  would  have  them.  A child  should  obey  its  par- 
ents, a wife  her  husband,  and  a subject  his  prince.  This  prin- 
ciple of  subordination  to  superiors  he  elucidated  and  applied 


THE  DOCTRINES  OF  THE  CHINESE  CLASSICS.  253 


to  the  most  important  departments  and  relations  of  society. 
The  subjects  of  his  discourses  to  his  followers,  as  well  as  the 
themes  discussed  in  his  books,  are  those  which  have  a most 
important  and  practical  bearing  in  a political  and  social  point 
of  view,  and  which  the  experience  of  more  than  twenty  centu- 
ries has  shown  to  be  singularly  adapted  to  meet  the  aqiproval 
of  the  Chinese  mind,  and  to  satisfy  Chinese  wants. 

In  the  Chinese  classics  much  is  said  on  benevolence,  right- 
eousness, politeness,  wisdom,  and  fidelity,  the  five  cardinal  vir- 
tues, which  is  beautiful  in  theory,  but  which  the  literati  most 
woefully  overlook  or  forget  to  put  into  practice.  In  general, 
it  may  be  said  that  while  every  one  nowadays  applauds  the 
sentiments  of  the  ancient  sages  and  worthies,  there  are  few,  if 
any,  in  China  who  attempt  or  profess  to  practice  them.  By 
many  the  literati  are  regarded  as  essentially  and  practically 
atheistic.  One  of  their  most  learned  and  popular  philosophers 
affirmed,  in  relation  to  the  existence  of  gods  and  spirits,  “ that 
sufficient  knowledge  was  not  possessed  to  say  positively  that 
they  existed,  and  he  saw  no  difficulty  in  omitting  the  subject 
altogether.  His  system  is  also  entirely  silent  respecting  the 
immortality  of  the  soul,  as  well  as  future  rewards  and  punish- 
ments. Virtue  is  rewarded  and  vice  punished  in  the  individ- 
ual or  his  posterity  on  earth ; but  of  a separate  state  of  exist- 
ence he  or  his  disciples  do  not  speak.” 

There  are  no  priestesses  of  the  Tauist  religion  or  of  Confu- 
cianism in  this  part  of  China,  nor  are  there  any  of  the  Bud- 
dhist religion  tolerated  in  this  city  and  vicinity  at  the  present 
time.  Thirty  odd  years  ago  there  were  comparatively  a large 
number  of  priestesses  or  nuns  of  the  Buddhist  religion  dwell- 
ing in  convents  or  nunneries  at  this  place.  But  these  were 
summarily  suppressed  about  twenty-eight  or  thirty  years  ago, 
on  account  of  the  dissolute  character  of  their  inmates,  by  a 
provincial  treasurer.  About  the  middle  of  the  reign  of  the 
grandfather  of  the  present  emperor,  as  the  treasurer  was  pass- 
ing by  a certain  nunnery  in  the  city  during  the  evening,  his 
attention  was  arrested  by  the  numerous  lights  connected  with 
the  establishment,  and  the  manifest  proof  that  it  was  improp- 
erly visited  by  men.  After  making  ample  inquiries  in  regard 
to  the  dissolute  life  of  the  nuns,  he  determined  to  suppress  the 
nunneries  in  the  city,  and  oblige  the  inmates  to  marry  or  leave 


254 


PRIESTS  OF  THE  THREE  RELIGIONS. 


the  section  of  country.  Very  many  gladly  changed  their  state 
of  single  blessedness  for  the  state  of  matrimony,  a sufficient 
number  of  unmarried  men  being  found  to  marry  them. 


BUDDHIST  NUN  WITH  CAP  AND  ROSARY. 


Buddhist  nuns  with  shaven  heads  are  occasionally  seen  in 
the  streets  while  passing  through  the  place  to  nunneries  lo- 
cated in  adjoining  prefecturates  or  townships.  The  blow  dealt 
thirty  years  since  by  the  treasurer  upon  the  nunneries  situated 
in  the  provincial  city  still  is  felt.  The  buildings  they  occu- 
pied, a kind  of  temple,  have  been  used  for  other  purposes  than 
the  raising  of  licentious  maids  under  the  garb  and  name  of  re- 
ligious devotees.  There  has  been  since  that  summary  act  no 
successful  effort  made  to  establish  and  support  Buddhist  con- 
verts at  this  place. 


THE  LORD  OF  THE  PROVINCE. 


255 


CHAPTER  X. 

POPULAR  GODS  AND  GODDESSES. 

Siang  Huong,  “The  Lord  of  the  Province.” — Image  carried  forth  in  Proces- 
sion three  times  per  Year. — Ngiik  Huong  Siong  Ta,  “The  Pearly  Empe- 
ror Supreme  Ruler,”  principal  God  of  the  Tauist  Sect. — Tai  Sang,  “ Great 
or  Universal  Mountain,”  much  worshiped  by  Tartars  as  well  as  Chinese. — 
Hieng  Tieng  Siong  Ta,  Supreme  Ruler  of  the  Sombre  Heavens. — Huo  Sing, 
God  of  Eire. — Kuang  Ing  link,  Goddess  of  Mercy. — Ma  Chu,  Goddess  of 
Sailors.—  Ling  ChuiNa,  commonly  called  “Mother,”  Goddess  of  Midwife- 
ry and  of  Children. — Sang  Huong,  the  three  Emperors. — Kuang  Ta,  Chi- 
nese God  of  War.  — Uong  Tieng  Kung,  King,  Heavenly  Prince. — Ung 
Chiong  Ta  Kung,  the  God  of  Literature. — Nguong  Sai/i,  a God  of  Play- 
acting, Wrestling,  and  Music.  — Tu  Te  Kung  and  Chai  Sing,  Gods  of 
Wealth. — Lu  Pang,  Patron  Deity  of  those  who  use  the  Chisel  and  the 
Saw. — Tu  KSk  Sai,  God  of  Swine. — Tu  Chieng  Kui,  a God  ot  Gamblers. 

The  ancient  mythology  of  deities  worshiped  by  the  Chi- 
nese is  yet  to  be  written  in  English.  The  present,  not  ancient, 
customs  and  sentiments  relating  to  the  most  popular  objects 
of  worship  at  Fuhchau  and  vicinity  will  be  briefly  attempted. 

Nearly  all  the  gods  and  goddesses  have  reputed  birthdays. 
On  the  occurrence  of  such  days,  most  of  them  have  special 
ceremonies  performed  in  their  temples  in  honor  of  the  event. 
Some  of  these  celebrations  of  birthdays  are  very  expensive  and 
showy.  By  command  of  the  en^eror,  at  stated  times  in  the 
spring  and  autumn  of  every  year,  and  on  the  first  and  fifteenth 
of  every  month,  officers  of  government  must  go  to  the  temples 
of  some  of  the  principal  gods  and  goddesses,  and  burn  incense 
in  their  honor,  or  make  sacrifices  unto  them. 

Sidng  Iluong , the  god  called  “The  Lord  of  the  Province,” 
is  one  of  the  greatest  divinities  worshiped  here.  His  temple 
is  the  largest  within  the  city  walls,  and  is  situated  near  the 
treasurer’s  office.  It  is  the  same  in  kind  as  the  one  frequent- 
ly styled  by  Hue  the  “ municipal  palace ,”  and  by  Dr.  Wil- 
liams “ the  palladium,  or  municipal  temple .”  It  is  also  some- 
times called  “ the  temple  of  the  city  wall  and  moat.”  In  theo- 
ry, every  provincial,  every  prefectural,  and  every  district  city 
has  a temple  devoted  to  this  god.  In  the  temple  in  this  city 


256 


POPULAR  GODS  AND  GODDESSES. 


are  three  images  very  like  each  other.  The  largest  one  repre- 
sents the  god  which  rules  over  the  affairs  of  the  whole  prov- 
ince in  the  world  of  spirits.  The  other  two  images  represent 
the  gods  which  regulate  the  affairs  of  the  other  world,  which 
are  connected  with  the  two  districts  intersecting  each  other 
in  this  city. 

In  times  of  great  drought,  and  when  it  has  not  rained  for 
three  months,  an  iron  chain  is  put  around  the  neck  of  one  of 
his  portable  images.  The  image  is  then  sometimes  carried 
forth  in  procession  to  the  temple  of  the  “ Pearly  Emperor  Su- 
preme Ruler”  to  pray  for  rain.  Some  believe  he  has  the  gen- 
eral oversight  of  this  world  and  of  Hades  as  regards  life  and 
death,  the  rewarding  of  the  good  and  the  punishment  of  the 
wicked,  reporting  matters  to  the  “ Pearly  Emperor,”  who  de- 
cides authoritatively  and  unreversably  in  regard  to  them. 

This  idol  is  taken  out  of  the  temple  and  carried  in  proces- 
sion three  times  per  annum. 

At  the  time  of  the  Festival  of  the  Tombs,  in  the  spring,  it 
is  carried  to  the  western  altar,  outside  of  the  western  gate  of 
the  city,  where  a ceremony  is  performed  called  “ letting  out 
the  spirits .”  It  is  supposed  that  at  this  time  the  spirits  are  al- 
lowed to  come  out  of  Hades  and  visit  their  old  homes. 

On  the  fifteenth  day  of  the  seventh  month,  the  image  is 
again  carried  to  the  western  altar,  where  a ceremony  is  pei-- 
formed  called  “ counting  the  spirits .”  He  is  expected  to  have 
a strict  oversight  of  the  ghosts  which  he  has  let  out  of  Hades 
to  visit  the  earth,  and  he  regards  it  important  to  call  over  the 
roll. 

On  the  first  day  of  the  tenth  month,  his  image  is  carried 
through  the  principal  streets  of  the  city  out  to  the  western 
altar,  where  a ceremony  is  performed  called  “ gathering  the 
spirits .”  The  idea  is,  that  he  shuts  them  up  on  this  occasion 
in  Hades,  after  they  have  had  a long  recreation  upon  the  earth. 

The  idol  is  then  taken  within  the  city  walls,  where  it  passes 
the  night  in  some  house,  not  in  the  temple,  as,  the  work  of  the 
god  being  unfinished,  he  can  not  go  home  to  sleep.  Next 
morning  it  is  carried  out  into  the  southern  suburbs,  and  pa- 
raded through  all  its  principal  streets,  returning  home  in  the 
evening.  The  procession  on  these  two  days  is  very  long.  Sev- 
eral thousands  of  men  take  part  in  it  as  an  act  of  homage  in 


ABOUT  THE  PEARLY  EMPEROR  SUPREME  RULER.  257 

the  fulfillment  of  a vow.  It  is  very  common  for  people  belong- 
ing to  all  classes  of  society  to  bow  before  the  image  of  this 
god  to  perform  a particular  act  of  penance,  or  of  thanksgiving, 
in  case  he  grants  them  the  object  of  their  desires,  as  success 
in  business,  the  restoration  to  health  of  their  sick  parents,  the 
living  of  their  parents  to  old  age,  the  attainment  of  a literary 
degree,  etc. 

Ngulc  Huong  Siong  Td , “The  Pearly  Emperor  Supreme 
Ruler,”  is  regarded  by  many  as  the  highest  divinity  worshiped 
by  the  Chinese.  Others  speak  of  him  as  being  the  chief  god 
of  the  Tauist  pantheon.  He  is  often  referred  to  as  the  pro- 
ducer of  all  things  and  the  governor  of  all  things,  seen  and 
unseen,  terrestrial  and  celestial.  The  common  people  believe 
him  to  receive  the  reports  of  the  higher  class  of  the  gods  in 
regard  to  the  transactions  done  on  the  earth,  and  to  examine 
into  the  merits  and  demerits  of  mortals,  rewarding  or  punish- 
ing them  according  to  their  just  deserts. 

His  birthday,  all  agree,  comes  on  the  ninth  day  of  the  first 
Chinese  month  ; but  his  pedigree  is  enclouded  in  mist.  While 
some  native  scholars  affirm  him  to  be  a descendant  of  Tiong 
Lu,  of  the  Hang  dynasty,  others  stoutly  deny  it,  and  declare 
that  it  is  impossible  to  state  his  age,  or  to  ascertain  the  time 
when  he  flourished  on  the  earth.  Some  even  venture  to  affirm 
that  the  being  really  worshiped  under  the  name  and  title  of 
“Pearly  Emperor  Supreme  Ruler”  is  identical  with  God,  the 
only  proper  object  of  religious  worship >. 

In  times  of  drought,  the  high  mandarins  go  to  his  temple, 
burn  incense,  and  pray  for  rain.  Certain  idols  are  also  carried 
in  procession  there  for  the  purpose  of  prevailing  upon  the  Su- 
preme Ruler  to  send  down  the  much-needed  rain.  After  rain 
has  fallen  sufficiently,  mandarins  resort  thither  to  render  their 
thanksgivings. 

In  strict  theory,  the  great  gods,  the  divinities  of  high  rank, 
may  worship  him,  while  the  gods  of  lower  rank  may  not  prop- 
erly worship  him,  in  accordance  with  the  established  practice 
that  only  mandarins  of  high  rank  may  wait  upon  the  emperor 
in  person  and  pay  their  respects,  while  officers  of  low  grade 
may  not  approach  into  the  emperor’s  presence.  In  fact,  how- 
ever, nowadays,  on  his  birthday,  and  on  other  days  at  pleasure, 
images  of  gods  which  are  not  of  the  highest  class  are  taken  up 


258 


POPULAK  GOES  AND  GODDESSES. 


to  worship  him ; and  some  from  all  classes  of  the  populace, 
in  their  private  houses,  before  the  heavens,  very  frequently 
worship  him  by  the  burning  of  incense  and  candles,  accompa- 
nied with  the  offering  of  food. 

The  proper  manner  of  worshiping  the  Supreme  Ruler  con- 
sists in  the  use  of  the  “ three  kneelings  and  nine  knockings,” 
or  kneeling  down  on  the  ground  three  distinct  times,  each 
time  bowing  the  head  to  or  toward  the  ground  thrice.  Many 
of  the  people  are  not  so  precise  and  formal  as  this  in  their 
manner  of  worship,  but  perform  the  ceremony  with  more  or 
less  of  disorder  and  irreverence.  The  common  people  have 
no  image  of  this  divinity  in  their  houses  when  they  worship 
him. 

Tai  Sang , the  divinity  called  “ Great  or  Universal  Moun- 
tain,” whose  temple  is  a mile  and  a half  outside  of  the  east  gate 
of  the  city,  is  regarded  by  many  as'the  most  influential  and 
important  god  worshiped  in  this  part  of  China,  unless  the 
“Pearly  Emperor  Supreme  Ruler”  be  excepted.  He  is  some- 
times referred  to  as  the  “ emperor  of  the  infernal  regions.” 
The  “ Great  Mountain ” is  spoken  of  as  the  grandson  of  the 
'■‘■Supreme  Ruler  of  the  Sombre  Heavens .” 

In  books  which  describe  the  Chinese  Hades,  the  “ Great 
Mountain”  is  represented  as  presiding  over  the  seventh  of  the 
ten  departments  of  that  region.  He  is  regarded  as  one  of  the 
rulers  who  have  to  do  with  the  spirits  of  good  and  of  bad  men 
after  death.  Sometimes  he  is  spoken  of  as  the  one  who  con- 
trols life  and  death. 

The  twenty-fourth  day  of  the  third  month  is  spent  by  his  dev- 
otees in  carrying  an  image  of  the  “ Great  Mountain,”  placed 
in  a large  sedan-chair,  and  borne  by  eight  stalwart  men  in  pro- 
cession through  the  principal  streets  of  the  city.  The  follow- 
ing day  the  procession  passes  out  of  the  southern  gate  into  the 
southern  suburbs,  which  it  visits  and  inspects  in  a similar  way. 
A large  multitude  of  well-dressed  men  engage  in  honoring  the 
god  on  these  days,  as  a kind  of  thanksgiving  to  him  for  bene- 
fits supposed  to  have  been  received  from  him  in  answer  to  spe- 
cial requests  and  vows.  The  streets  are  crowded  on  these 
days,  and  the  people  seem  generally  much  interested  and  ex- 
cited. 

The  birthday  of  the  “ Great  Mountain,”  which  occurs  on  the 


THE  MANCHUS  WORSHIP  THE  GREAT  MOUNTAIN.  259 

twenty-eighth  of  the  third  month,  is  observed  and  honored  by 
many  families  with  great  rejoicing.  Some  use  what  is  called 
“great  offerings,”  as  a whole  hog,  a whole  goat,  a whole  goose, 
or  duck,  or  chicken  ; others  only  a hog’s  head,  goat’s  head,  and 
a goose,  and  other  meats,  and  various  dishes  of  vegetables, 
with  immense  candles,  and  costly  incense,  wine,  mock  silver 
and  gold,  etc. 

The  Manchu  Tartars  resident  in  the  city,  as  well  as  the  Chi- 
nese, worship  the  Great  Mountain.  In  procession,  when  the 
idol  is  paraded  in  the  streets,  Tartars  take  a prominent  part. 
Some  seem  to  regard  the  Great  Mountain  as  the  god  of  the 
Tartars,  probably  from  the  fact  that  they  take  so  great  an  in- 
terest in  every  thing  which  pertains  to  this  divinity  and  his 
temple.  There  is  no  other  god  worshiped  at  this  place  which 
the  Tartars  patronize  with  the  same  unanimity,  and  devotion, 
and  liberality  as  this. 

It  has  become  a custom,  for  several  days  before  the  occur- 
rence of  his  birthday,  for  Manchu  ladies  of  the  first  respecta- 
bility, and  of  high  rank,  to  go  to  his  temple  and  wait  upon  the 
image  which  represents  his  wife.  They  put  one  of  her  images 
to  bed  with  one  of  his  images,  and  properly  arrange  the  bed- 
clothes for  several  successive  nights.  In  the  morning  they 
bring  water  with  which  to  wash  her  face,  and  during  the  day, 
from  time  to  time,  bring  tea,  tobacco,  and  other  refreshments 
for  her  to  use,  just  as  though  they  were  waiting  upon  a lady 
of  the  highest  rank  in  the  capacity  of  attendants  and  slaves. 
During  the  nights  which  occur  while  these  birthday  festivities 
are  celebrated,  these  Tartar  women  sleep  on  the  premises  in 
apartments  provided  for  the  use  of  guests. 

The  temple  is  very  extensive,  having  many  departments,  or 
apartments  for  the  worship  of  various  subordinate  divinities. 
It  is  kept  in  excellent  repair. 

A singular  circumstance  occurred  a few  years  ago  in  con- 
nection with  the  principal  image  of  the  “ Great  Mountain,” 
which  caused  much  talk  at  the  time — his  head  fell  suddenly 
from  his  shoidders,just  as  though  his  neck  had  been  broken 
off.  On  examination,  it  was  found  that  the  principal  posts  or 
timbers  which  supported  his  head  in  position  had  become  very 
much  weakened  by  white  ants ; they  became  too  feeble  to 
support  the  head. 


260 


POPULAR  GODS  AND  GODDESSES. 


The  rest  of  the  image  was  removed  to  a back  part  of  the 
premises,  and,  together  with  his  head,  buried , and  a high 
mound  raised  over  the  place  where  his  mortal  remains  were 
interred.  The  occasion  of  this  incident  was  made  use  of  by 
the  trustees  of  the  temple  to  solicit  the  contributions  of  the 
deluded  devotees  of  the  god  which  was  not  able  to  retain  his 
head  upon  his  body,  or  to  keep  insects  from  committing  dep- 
redations upon  his  frame-work,  for  the  purpose  of  repairing 
the  injury  done  and  burying  the  old  image.  A large  sum  was 
raised  without  difficulty.  For  weeks,  if  not  months,  the  tem- 
ple was  frequented  by  visitors  in  view  of  the  idol’s  losing  his 
head,  even  while  workmen  were  employed  to  build  up  an  im- 
age de  novo. 

Hieng  Tieng  Siong  Td , the  '■'■Supreme  Rider  of  the  Sombre 
JTeavensf  is  much  worshiped  at  this  place.  He  is  sometimes 
called  the  “Sombre  Ruler,”  or  the  “North  Ruler,”  and  is  be- 
lieved to  have  special  control  of  regions  connected  with  the 
North.  The  people  sometimes  speak  of  him  as  the  “Water 
Ruler,”  or  the  governor  of  water.  He  is  believed  to  be  able 
to  prevent  conflagrations,  and  therefore,  though  he  is  not, 
properly  speaking,  the  god  of  fire,  he  is  often  worshiped  in  or- 
der to  secure  his  good-will  and  services  against  the  breaking- 
out  of  a fire  in  certain  localities.  There  are  many  images  of 
him,  with  a representation  of  a tortoise  and  of  a snake  near 
his  feet,  and  also  images  of  thunder  and  of  lightning,  one  on 
each  side,  erected  near  the  entrance  of  alleys  or  of  by-streets, 
under  a pavilion  or  in  a niche  in  the  wall.  The  wind  and  the 
rain  are  represented  by  images,  and  are  regarded  as  his  assist- 
ants. Being  reckoned  as  an  eater  of  vegetables,  no  meats  are 
used  in  making  offerings  to  him. 

JIuo  Sing,  " the  god  of  ' fire  f frequently  styled  “ the  Fiery 
Ruler  of  the  Southern  Regions ,”  is  much  reverenced,  because 
much  feared. 

In  very  many  neighborhoods,  annually,  in  the  fourth  month, 
there  is  a ceremony  performed  for  the  purpose  of  propitiating 
the  good-will  and  aid  of  the  god  of  fire  in  preventing  confla- 
grations in  the  vicinity.  The  Chinese  have,  with  good  reason, 
a great  dread  of  fires.  Their  houses  easily  ignite,  and  as  soon 
as  a conflagration  breaks  out,  fellows  of  the  baser  sort,  who 
are  not  few,  rush  to  the  scene  for  the  purpose  of  robbery  and 


MARRIED  WOMEN  AND  THE  GODDESS  OF  MERCY.  261 

pillage.  The  family  whose  house  is  burning,  if  it  have  not 
friends  numerous  and  promptly  on  the  ground,  fares  sadly,  for 
the  plunderers  will  take  clothing,  furniture,  and  every  thing 
worth  carrying  oif. 

The  owners  and  renters  of  unburned  buildings  which  are  in 
the  vicinity  of  a recent  conflagration  often  invite  some  Tauist 
priests  to  go  to  the  temple  of  the  god  of  fire  in  their  behalf, 
and  perform  a certain  superstitious  ceremony,  and  make  an 
offering  of  various  things  before  the  divinity.  This  is  designed 
as  a kind  of  thanksgiving  to  the  god  for  his  having  preserved 
their  property  from  destruction  by  fire.  Or  they  employ  them 
to  perform  the  ceremony  on  some  part  of  the  space  burned 
over,  for  the  same  purpose.  Sometimes  this  ceremony  is  at- 
tended with  a display  of  many  kinds  of  food,  wine,  and  tea. 
The  candles  used  on  this  occasion  may  none  of  them  be  red, 
the  usual  color,  but  all  must  be  white,  or  yellow,  or  green  ; 
red,  being  the  color  of  fire,  would  be  an  inauspicious  omen, 
and,  if  used,  might  have  a tendency  to  produce  a conflagration, 
which  it  is  the  object  of  the  ceremony  to  prevent. 

Kuang  Ing  Iluk , the  goddess  of  mercy,  has  various  titles, 
which  it  is  not  necessary  to  mention.  This  goddess  is  held  in 
very  great  veneration  by  this  people,  especially  the  married 
female  portion.  She  is  often  represented  very  much  as  a man, 
or,  as  the  Chinese  say,  half  man  and  half  female.  Her  images 
are  sometimes  made  of  fine  white  porcelain,  or  of  brass,  or  of 
coarse  clay.  Sometimes  her  name  or  title  is  simply  written 
on  paper,  and  used  instead  of  an  image,  and,  it  is  believed,  an- 
swers just  as  well.  She  belongs  to  the  Buddhist  pantheon. 

Married  women,  without  exception,  worship  this  goddess  at 
their  homes.  If  childless,  they  often  go  to  some  of  her  numer- 
ous temples  and  petition  for  a male  child.  This  divinity  is  re- 
garded as  a goddess  of  midwifery  and  of  children. 

There  are  three  particular  days  in  every  year  when  this  god- 
dess is  specially  worshiped  besides  the  first  and  the  fifteenth 
of  every  month.  These  are  the  nineteenth  day  of  the  second 
month,  the  nineteenth  of  the  sixth  month,  and  the  nineteenth 
of  the  ninth  month.  The  first  period  is  represented  to  be  her 
birthday  proper,  the  second  period  is  regarded  as  the  time 
when  she  became  Buddha,  and  the  third  period  as  the  time 
when  she  first  put  on  her  neck  the  string  of  pearls  which  she 


262 


POPULAR  GODS  AND  GODDESSES. 


wears  as  an  index  of  her  dignity.  Some  say  that  the  third 
period  indicates  the  day  of  her  death.  On  these  days  she  is 
feasted  and  worshiped  as  though  they  were  each  her  natal 
day.  The  worshipers  on  these  occasions  eat  vegetables,  be- 
cause she  is  regarded  as  a vegetarian,  and  they  present  a veg- 
etable offering  unto  her,  arranged  before  her  image,  whether 
in  the  temple  or  in  private  families. 

Ma  Chu,  the  goddess  of  sailors,  is  very  extensively  worshiped 


by  all  heathen  families  which  have  business  connected  with 
the  navigation  of  rivers  or  the  ocean.  Her  temples  are  nu- 
merous, and  sometimes  large  and  expensively  built.  Proba- 
bly the  largest  and  most  costly  temple  in  the  southern  suburbs 
of  this  city  was  built  by  traders  from  Ningpo  for  the  worship 
of  the  sailors’  goddess.  Traders  from  other  prefectures  or 
other  provinces,  who  come  here  and  live,  usually  build  large 
exchanges  or  assembly-halls,  where  people  from  the  same  sec- 
tion of  country  as  their  builders  may  meet  and  transact  busi- 
ness. These  always,  or  with  exceedingly  few  exceptions,  have 
an  image  of  this  goddess  put  in  them  as  their  patron  divinity. 

This  goddess,  it  is  taught,  was  the  daughter  of  a man  who, 


CONCERNING  THE  GODDESS  OF  SAILORS. 


268 


with  his  sons,  was  engaged  on  the  ocean  in  the  pursuit  of  a 
living.  He  was  born  during  the  Sung  dynasty,  and  lived  in 
the  Hing  Hua  prefecture  of  this  province.  One  day,  while  she 
was  engaged  in  the  employment  of  weaving  in  her  mother’s 
house,  she  fell  asleep  through  excessive  weariness,  her  head 
resting  upon  her  loom.  She  dreamed  that  she  saw  her  father 
and  her  two  brothers  on  their  separate  junks  in  a terrific 
storm.  She  exerted  herself  to  rescue  them  from  danger.  She 
immediately  seized  upon  the  junk  which  contained  her  father 
with  her  mouth,  while  with  her  hands  she  caught  a firm  hold 
upon  the  two  junks  which  contained  her  two  brothers.  She 
was  dragging  them  all  toward  the  shore,  when,  alas  ! she 
heard  the  voice  of  her  mother  calling  to  her,  and  as  she  was 
an  obedient  girl,  forgetting  that  she  held  her  father’s  junk 
by  her  mouth,  she  hastily  opened  it  to  answer  her  mother. 
She  awoke  in  great  distress,  and,  lo  ! it  was  a dream,  but  not 
all  a dream  ; for  in  a few  days  the  news  arrived  that  the  fleet 
in  which  the  family  junks  were  had  encountered  a dreadful 
storm,  and  that  the  one  in  which  her  father  was  had  been 
wrecked,  and  he  had  perished,  while  those  in  which  her  broth- 
ers were  had  been  signally  rescued.  The  girl  knew  that  she 
had  been  the  means  of  the  salvation  of  her  brothers,  and  that 
opening  her  mouth  to  answer  her  mother’s  call  was  the  occa- 
sion of  her  failure  to  rescue  her  father’s  vessel. 

This  girl  became,  as  the  result  of  her  dream,  one  of  the  most 
popular  objects  of  worship  in  the  empire.  The  Emperors  of 
China  have,  at  different  times  since  her  death,  conferred  vari- 
ous high-sounding  titles  upon  her,  some  of  which  seem  blas- 
phemous. She  is  called  “ Queen  of  Heaven”  '■'•Her  Ladyship 
the  Heavenly  Queen  f or  “ the  Holy  Mother  in  the  Heavens 
above”  One  is  often  reminded  by  the  titles  given  her,  and 
the  worship  and  honors  paid  her,  of  the  titles  which  are  given 
to  the  mother  of  Jesus  by  the  authority  of  the  Pope  of  Rome. 

Sailors  belonging  to  junks  which  go  out  to  sea,  and  those 
who  work  the  boats  on  fresh-water  rivers  and  lakes,  often  take 
with  them  some  embers  or  ashes  which  they  obtain  from  the 
censer  before  some  popular  image  of  the  goddess.  These  ash- 
es they  carry  about  their  persons  in  a small  red  bag,  or  they 
suspend  them  about  the  junk  in  some  convenient  place,  or  they 
put  them  in  the  censer  before  the  image  of  the  goddess  which 


264 


POPULAR  GODS  AND  GODDESSES. 


they  worship.  When  there  is  a violent  storm  at  sea,  and  there 
seems  hut  little  hope  that  the  junk  will  outride  it,  the  sailors 
all  kneel  down  near  the  bow  with  incense  in  their  hands,  and 
call  out  in  doleful  and  bitter  tones  upon  Ma  Chu  to  send  deliv- 
erance. In  case  they  reach  port  without  shipwreck,  they  are 
bound  to  offer  to  her  an  especial  thanksgiving  of  food,  with  or 
without  theatrical  plays  in  her  honor,  according  to  their  vow. 
It  is  affirmed  by  sailors  that  sometimes,  in  storms,  a manifest- 
ation of  this  goddess  becomes  visible  in  the  shape  of  a ball  of 
fire  going  up  or  down  a mast.  If  it  is  seen  going  up,  they 
regard  the  circumstance  as  an  omen  of  evil,  as  the  departure 
of  their  goddess,  and  they  look  forward  to  serious  disaster. 
If  it  seems  to  come  down  the  mast,  they  interpret  the  appear- 
ance as  an  auspicious  omen,  and  feel  confident  that  they  shall 
be  preserved.  The  boatmen  on  the  rivers  and  inland  lakes  in 
this  part  of  China,  when  a very  high  wind  arises  and  they  are 
exposed  to  its  violence,  constantly  keep  calling  upon  Ma  Chu 
to  save  them,  crying  out  in  piteous  tones,  “ Grandmother  JSIa 
Chu  /”  “ Grandmother  Ma  Chu  /” 

The  sailors’  goddess  has  two  principal  assistants,  whose  im- 
ages stand  one  on  each  side  of  her  own  in  her  temples.  One 
is  called  “ Favorable-wind-ear,”  and  is  believed  to  have  an  ear 
which  can  catch  the  least  breath  of  a favorable  breeze.  The 
other  is  called  “ Thousand-mile-eye,”  and  is  regarded  as  having 
an  eye  of  remarkable  acuteness  of  vision,  able  to  perceive  clear- 
ly at  the  distance  of  a thousand  li.  The  latter  assistant  has  of 
late  years,  in  this  place,  become  celebrated  for  his  skill  in  cur- 
ing the  fever  and  ague,  as  well  as  for  his  abilities  as  a seaman. 
A particular  temple  near  the  water-gate  of  the  city  contains 
an  image  of  this  sailor-doctor,  which  is  frequently  visited  by 
those  who  desire  to  be  cured  of  the  fever  and  ague.  The  sick 
man,  after  burning  some  incense  before  the  image,  takes  away 
with  him  some  of  the  incense  ashes  which  he  finds  in  the  cen- 
ser, and,  after  arrival  at  his  own  dwelling,  worships  it  as  he 
would  the  image  itself  if  he  had  one.  After  he  recovers  he 
must  make  the  assistant  god  a thank-offering.  A kind  of  very 
thin  pancakes  must  form  a principal  part.  This  “ thousand- 
mile-eyed”  assistant  seems  to  be  remarkably  fond  of  these 
cakes.  Perhaps  he  does  not  like  the  hard  fare  of  sailors. 

Ling  Chui  Aa,  a goddess  which  is  generally  called  simply 


PERILOUS  POSITION  OF  “ MOTHER. 


265 


’■'•Mother'1''  by  the  people,  is  believed  by  some  to  be  the  most 
frequently  worshiped  of- all  the  gods  and  goddesses  at  Fuh- 
chau.  She  was  born  in  the  southern  suburbs  of  this  city,  and 
lived  in  the  time  of  the  Tang  dynasty. 

She  seems  to  be  worshiped  in  part  on  account  of  her  supe- 
rior skill  as  a midwife.  The  fifteenth  day  of  the  first  month 
is  celebrated  as  her  birthday  by  married  women  generally  by 
spreading  before  her  image  a table  of  edibles,  accompanied 
with  the  burning  of  mock-money,  candles,  and  incense.  This 
worship  is  a thanksgiving  for  her  aid  previously  received,  if 
they  are  already  mothers.  They  desire  also  to  propitiate  her 
good-offices  in  regard  to  the  future. 

She  is  also  considered  as  a goddess  of  children.  Children 
under  sixteen  years  of  age  are  regarded  as  under  her  special 
care  and  protection.  If  children  are  sick,  their  parents  em- 
ploy Tauist  priests  in  some  of  her  temples  or  at  their  dwelling- 
houses  to  perform  a certain  popular  ceremony  called  “ passing 
through  the  door”  for  the  benefit  of  their  sick  darlings.  She 
is  sometimes  represented  in  pictures  as  standing,  with  a sword 
in  one  hand  and  a horn  in  the  other.  With  the  sword  she 
drives  away  enemies  and  evil  influences,  and  with  a blast  from 
the  horn  she  can  summon  .to  her  aid  hosts  of  heavenly  assist- 
ants. She  is  also  frequently  represented  in  a sitting  posture. 

It  is  taught  that  every  kind  of  meats  may  be  offered  to  her 
in  sacrifice  excepting  ducks.  It  is  recorded  as  a veritable  fact 
that  once,  while  performing  some  of  her  arts  for  the  purpose 
of  procuring  rain  in  a time  of  excessive  drought,  standing  on 
a piece  of  matting  which  was  simply  placed  on  the  surface  of 
the  River  Min,  opposite  this  city,  and  just  below  where  the 
Big  Bridge  is  situated,  she  was  in  great  peril  from  the  mali- 
cious attempts  of  some  evil-disposed  demon  in  the  water,  which 
tried  to  draw  the  matting  down  into  the  water.  A certain 
tall  white  devil  is  charged  with  this  mischievous  attempt  to 
undermine  the  security  of  her  footing.  What  the  sad  results 
would  have  been  to  her  personally,  as  well  as  to  married  wom- 
en and  children  generally,  had  he  succeeded,  it  is  not  necessary 
to  attempt  to  deplore  or  depict ; for,  as  her  good  fate  would 
have  it,  four  ducks  came  boldly  and  bravely  to  her  rescue. 
Each  seized  hold  of  one  of  the  four  corners  of  the  matting 
with  its  bill,  and  held  it  firmly  in  position,  so  that  the  imp  could 

Yol.  I.— M 


266 


POPULAR  GODS  AND  GODDESSES. 


not  drag  it  from  underneath  her.  In  view  of  this  signal  de- 
liverance in  her  hour  of  peril,  she  vowed,  as  a token  of  grat- 
itude, never  to  partake  of  duck's  meat  again.  She  is  regard- 
ed as  having  no  objection  to  ducks’  eggs.  A small  island  in 
the  river  at  this  place,  called  “ Duck  Island,”  was  raised  from 
the  bed  of  the  river  by  the  goddess  in  commemoration  of  her 
escape,  and  named  after  her  deliverers ; so  many  Chinese  so- 
berly and  stoutly  maintain. 

This  goddess  of  midwifery  and  of  children  is  assisted  in  the 
discharge  of  her  onerous  and  numerous  duties  by  a large  staff 
of  female  assistants ; thirty-six  of  them  constitute  one  class  or 
rank,  and  seventy-two  another.  The  images  of  the  former  class 
are  paraded  along  the  right  and  left  hand  of  her  own  image  in 
temples  devoted  to  her  worship.  Some  of  these  have  children 
in  their  arms. 

Sang  Huong , “ the  three  Emperors' ’ are  explained  to  be  the 
heavenly  emperor,  the  earthly  emperor,  and  the  human  empe- 
ror, viz.,  Fuh-Hi,  who  invented  the  eight  diagrams,  and  was 
the  first  physician  whose  name  has  been  handed  down  to  mod- 
ern times ; Shin-NiXng , who  first  practiced  agriculture,  before 
whom  men  lived  on  foots  and  fruits  ; and  Huang-Ti,  who  was 
the  first  tailor,  before  whose  time  people  dressed  with  leaves. 
Their  birthday  is  unknown.  These  gods  collectively  are  wor- 
shiped by  a very  large  proportion  of  the  common  people,  es- 
pecially cap-makers , shoe  and  boot  makers , doctors , masons, 
stone-cutters , tailors,  fortune-tellers,  manufacturers  and  dealers 
in  tin-foil,  and  various  other  classes  of  trades-people,  artisans, 
and  manufacturers.  Generally  speaking,  each  class  by  itself 
once  per  annum  has  theatrical  exhibitions  and  a feast  in  the 
temple  devoted  to  the  worship  of  the  three  Emperors,  designed 
to  honor  and  praise  these  its  patron  divinities. 

Huang  Tii , the  Chinese  god  of  war,  or  the  Chinese  Mars, 
was  a distinguished  military  officer,  as  well  as  a “ faithful  and 
honest  courtier,”  who  flourished  in  the  time  of  the  after  Han 
dynasty,  during  the  wars  which  agitated  the  three  states.  He 
has  had  a number  of  honorary  and  pompous  titles  added  to 
his  usual  title  by  emperors  of  various  dynasties.  One  of  his 
most  honorable  titles  is  that  of  the  '■'•Military  Sage,"  a title  by 
which  it  is  indicated  that  he  occupies  a position  in  military  af- 
fairs corresponding  to  that  of  Confucius  in  literary  matters. 


CHINESE  GOD  OF  WAR. 


267 


He  has  now  come  to  be  spoken 
of  as  the  patron  deity  of  the  pres- 
ent Manchu  dynasty.  Hien  Fang , 
the  grandfather  of  the  present  em- 
peror, added  to  his  former  appella- 
tions of  dignity  by  decreeing  him 
to  be  the  “ Joyous  Sage.” 

His  image  is  worshiped  by  many 
people  in  their  houses.  He  is  be- 
lieved to  make  men  courageous 
and  daring  in  their  character,  and 
successful  in  their  undertakings. 

Fong  Tieng  Kung , a divinity, 
the  translation  of  whose  common 
name  is  “ King,  heavenly  Prince,” 
has  an  immense  image  in  each  of 
the  temples  devoted  to  the  wor- 
ship of  the  “ Pearly  Emperor  Su- 
preme Rider  f located  on  the  hills 
in  the  southern  par#  of  the  city. 

He  is  represented  with  three  eyes,  one  being  situated  in  the 
middle  of  his  forehead.  His  whiskers  are  long,  and  of  a fiery 
red  color.  He  holds  up  before  him  in  one  of  his  hands  a whip, 
or  instrument  of  punishment. 

Men  from  all  classes  of  society,  sick  and  poor,  officers  and 
populace,  as  well  as  some  females,  worship  this  three-eyed  and 
red-whiskered  god.  The  principal  objects  sought  for  are  pro- 
tection in  times  of  evil,  and  success  in  business  and  in  study. 
Prayer  to  him  d la  Chinois  is  affirmed  to  be  very  effectual  in 
cases  of  sickness. 

Ung  Ckiong  Tci  Kung,  the  god  of  literature,  is  universally 
worshiped  by  literary  men.  He  is  spoken  of  as  the  giver  of 
ability  to  write  prose  and  poems  of  high  literary  merit,  and  as 
the  arbiter  of  success  at  the  literary  examinations  for  the  dif- 
ferent degrees. 

There  are  two  stars  which  the  Chinese  profess  to  have  dis- 
covered to  have  the  supervision  of  the  affairs  of  this  world  re- 
lating to  “ literature  and  the  pencil .”  One  of  these,  Kue  Sing, 
is  said  to  be  the  fifteenth  star  of  the  twenty-eighth  constella- 
tion, answering  to  parts  of  Andromeda  and  Pisces.  The  oth- 


268 


POPULAR  GODS  AND  GODDESSES. 


er  is  commonly  called  the  god  of 
literature.  His  image  is  made  in 
the  form  of  a handsome  man  in  a 
sitting  posture.  -The  other  star 
is  also  represented  as  a man,  but 
extremely  ugly  looking,  with  a 
head  having  two  long,  crooked, 
horn-like  projections.  He  is  made 
to  stand  by  one  foot  on  the  head 
of  a large  fish,  with  the  other  foot 
lifted  up.  In  one  hand  he  holds 
an  immense  writing-pencil,  and 
in  the  other  a kind  of  cap,  such 
as  is  worn  by  the  chief  of  a class 
of  graduates.  His  image  is  al- 
ways placed  directly  before  the 
image  of  the  other  god  of  litera- 
ture, though  he  is  not  regarded 
as  his  assistant. 

There  are  said  to  be  thirty  or 

KUK  SING,  A GOI)  OF  LITERATURE.  n , . -.  , 

forty  temples  here  devoted  to 
the  worship  of  these  gods  of  literature.  In  large  ancestral 
halls  there  is  usually  an  apartment  devoted  to  them,  where  the 
members  of  the  families  interested  in  the  halls  may  burn  in- 
cense and  candles  before  them  at  the  regular  times  of  sacri- 
ficing with  their  ancestors,  and  whenever  they  please  to  wor- 
ship them.  In  all  the  governmental  colleges  or  high  schools 
they  are  worshiped  on  the  first  and  fifteenth  of  every  month, 
in  the  usual  manner.  Besides  superintending  affairs  which  re- 
late to  literature,  this  god  is  believed  to  take  cognizance  of 
the  merits  and  the  demerits  of  men,  their  virtuous  and  their 
vicious  actions.  Some  speak  of  him  as  the  governor  or  the 
ruler  of  thunder,  fix-e,  and  the  pestilence. 

JVgilong  Saili,  a god  of  play-acting,  wrestling,  music,  etc.,  is 
represented  to  be  the  third  son  of  “ the  Pearly  Emperor  Su- 
preme Ruler.”  Play-actors,  both  apprentices  and  journeymen, 
worship  him  regularly,  for  the  purpose  of  securing  his  aid  in 
enabling  them  to  remember  their  parts,  and  to  perform  them 
in  the  established  manner,  and  to  the  acceptance  of  their  pa- 
trons. Those  who  engage  in  sliam-fights,  fencing,  wrestling, 


PATRON  DEITY  OF  CARPENTERS. 


269 


and  similar  athletic  sports , for  recreation  or  amusement , or 
who  set  themselves  up  as  teachers  of  these , also  worship  this 
god,  depending  upon  him  for  protection  against  making  false 
movements,  and  against  injuring  the  life  or  maiming  the  per- 
son of  others.  By  the  side  of  his  image  in  the  temples  erect- 
ed to  his  honor  there  are  usually  four  assistants — one  playing 
on  the  harp,  and  one  playing  on  the  flute ; the  other  two  are 
in  the  attitude  of  fencing  or  boxing. 

He  is  said  to  have  been  distinguished  for  his  success  in  lit- 
erary and  in  military  pursuits.  Accordingly,  he  is  sometimes 
represented  as  a literary  individual — that  is,  his  image  is  plain 
and  simple.  At  other  times  he  is  represented  as  being  half  in 
a military  costume  and  half  in  a literary  costume — that  is,  one 
side  of  his  person  is  made  plain,  while  the  other  half  is  arrayed 
in  military  apparel,  as  though  it  was  covered  with  a coat  of 
mail.  From  his  head  or  his  cap  there  are  usually  seen  two 
long,  curved  feathers,  projecting  behind. 

Tu  Te  Rung  and  Chai  Sing,  the  gods  Avho  preside  over 
wealth,  are  worshiped  generally  by  traders,  store-keepers, 
bankers,  receivers  of  the  customs,  play-actors,  clerks,  and  un- 
deilings  connected  with  yamuns,  and  by  some  people  in  their 
houses,  in  order  to  propitiate  their  good-will  in  granting  suc- 
cess to  their  plans  for  the  acquisition  of  wealth.  Those  who 
have  shops  or  offices  burn  incense  and  candles  regularly  be- 
fore the  paper  inscription  which  represents  one  of  the  gods  of 
riches,  or  the  idol  which  represents  the  god,  always  found  in 
their  shops  or  offices.  The  first-mentioned  is  a kind  of  pe- 
nates,  and  is  worshiped  in  households  more  frequently  than  the 
latter. 

Lu  Pang , the  person  who  is  now  worshiped  as  their  patron 
divinity  by  all  who  use  the  chisel  and  the  saw  in  their  profes- 
sional employments,  as  house-builders  and  carpenters,  ship- 
wrights, umbrella-makers,  cabinet-makers,  etc.,  in  olden  times 
was  a man  who  lived  in  the  province  of  Shangtung,  then  called 
the  kingdom  of  Lfi.  His  ancestral  name  was  Pang  • hence 
the  designation  by  which  he  is  now  held  in  remembrance.  He 
was  celebrated  for  his  skill  and  dexterity  in  the  use  of  mechan- 
ical tools,  some  of  which  he  has  the  credit  of  inventing.  Peo- 
ple who  use  the  chisel  and  the  saw,  each  class  or  profession  by 
itself,  meet  once  per  annum  in  the  temple  devoted  to  the  wor- 


270 


POPULAR  GODS  AND  GODDESSES. 


ship  of  their  patron  deity,  for  the  purpose  of  consulting  to- 
gether about  the  interests  of  their  trades  and  occupations,  and 
regulating  the  price  of  their  labor,  or  of  the  articles  they  man- 
ufacture, etc.  They  feast  together,  aud  witness  the  perform- 
ance of  theatrical  shows,  in  honor  of  the  memory  of  him  who 
invented  the  chisel  and  the  saw,  and  to  propitiate  his  good 
offices  on  tlieir  f uture  efforts  to  use  them  with  skill. 

Tic  Kek  Sai,  the  god  of  swine,  is  represented  as  a deaf  man 
standing  and  holding  in  one  hand  a long  staff,  with  which  he 
controls  swine.  He  is  dressed  in  common  plain  clothing. 
Various  reports  are  in  circulation  among  the  people  in  regard 
to  the  antecedents  of  this  god.  Some  say  he  was,  a long 
while  ago,  a butcher  of  hogs  living  in  the  city;  others  affirm 
that  he  was  simply  a successful  swine-raiser,  who  died  from 
vexation  because  his  swine  suddenly  died.  The  following  sto- 
ry is  related  about  him  : 

He  had  a stand  in  the  city,  where  he  vended  pork.  One 
day  a poor  but  talented  student,  who  had  already  become  a 
graduate  of  the  first  degree,  went  to  his  stand  and  bargained 
for  a small  piece  of  pork,  which  the  pork-vender  was  to  let  him 
have  on  trust,  as  he  had  not  the  cash  in  hand.  The  seller  of 
pork,  soon  after  the  departure  of  the  student  with  the  flesh, 
changed  his  mind,  and  concluded  not  to  trust  the  poor  man. 
He  therefore  went  secretly  and  took  away  the  piece  of  pork 
out  of  the  pot  while  it  was  cooking.  This  offended  the  stu- 
dent, who  did  not  forget  the  circumstance.  Afterward  he  be- 
came a very  distinguished  scholar,  and  attained  unto  the  digni- 
ty of  president  of  one  of  the  boards  at  Peking.  Coming  back 
to  his  native  place  on  business,  as  he  was  passing  in  his  sedan 
the  stand  of  the  butcher,  it  happened  that  the  butcher  recalled 
the  circumstances,  and  began  to  tell  them  to  the  by-standcrs 
at  the  precise  moment  when  the  high  mandarin  was  passing. 
The  latter,  incidentally  looking  out  of  the  window  of  his  sedan 
toward  the  stand,  saw  the  butcher  gesticulating,  with  his  knife 
(while  telling  the  story)  pointed,  as  he  imagined,  toward  his 
sedan,  as  if  in  the  act  of  threatening.  The  mandarin,  in- 
dignant that  he  should  be  treated  thus  in  his  native  town,  pro- 
ceeded at  once  to  his  lodgings,  and  drew  up  a statement  for 
the  inspection  of  the  emperor,  telling  how  he  saw  a butcher 
threatening  to  kill  him  with  his  butcher-knife  while  he  was 


DEVIL  GAMBLING  FOR  CASH. 


271 


if 

riding  along  tlie  public  thoroughfare  in  the  city,  and  requested 
the  imperial  consent  and  authority  to  decapitate  him  without 
trial,  as  a punishment  for  the  insult,  and  a warning  against 
other  evil-disposed  men.  The  emperor  granted  the  request, 
and  the  man  was  summarily  beheaded.  Soon  after  his  death 
he  became  an  object  of  reverence  and  worship  by  his  country- 
men. 

This  god  is  worshiped  by  swine-owners,  not  so  much  in  or- 
der to  procure  his  aid  in  raising  swine  as  to  prevail  upon  him 
to  grant  his  assistance,  after  swine  have  been  lost  or  stolen,  in 
enabling  them  to  be  found.  Such  go  to  his  image,  and,  having 
lighted  some  incense  and  candles,  rub  his  ears,  he  being  deaf, 
and  pat  him  gently  on  the  back,  in  order  to  excite  and  interest 
his  attention.  They  then  tell  him  what  they  desire,  stating 
the  facts,  as  nearly  as  they  know  them,  in  regard  to  the  lost 
swine,  and  ask  him  to  start  off  and  search  for  them.  If  they 
succeed  in  finding  the  lost  or  stolen  hogs,  they  must  make  a 
thank-offering  to  him  in  the  usual  way. 

Ta  Chieng  Kid , a god  of  gamblers,  represents  a certain 
man  who  spent  his  time  in  gambling,  until,  having  lost  his 
property,  he  died  of  want.  An  image  of  him"  was  subsequent- 
ly made,  and  called  a “ devil  gambling  for  cash.”  His  body 
was  represented  as  clothed  with  ordinary  garments,  very  much 
dilapidated,  with  his  cue  coiled  around  his  head,  and  with  a 
gambling  card  stuck  into  his  hair.  This  god  is  much  worship- 
ed  by  gamblers,  especially  when  there  is  a kind  of  lottery  to 
be  drawn.  Having  lighted  incense  and  candles  before  him, 
they  cast  lots  by  the  use  of  bamboo  slips,  and  kneel  down  and 
knock  their  heads  on  the  ground.  Some  confirmed  gamblers 
have  an  image  of  this  divinity  made  for  use  in  their  homes, 
before  which  they  pray  for  auspicious  dreams,  as  aids  in  gam- 
bling. They  prepare  for  having  such  dreams  by  lying  down 
to  sleep  before  the  image,  having  first  lighted  some  candles 
and  incense.  When  this  is  done  it  amounts  to  a kind  of  vow. 
Sometimes  tobacco  and  cakes  are  offered  in  the  evening. 

Sometimes  the  gambler  takes  thirty-seven  slips  of  bamboo, 
each  of  which  has  certain  characters  written  upon  it,  and  ar- 
ranges them  before  the  image,  covering  each  with  some  kind 
of  shell.  Incense  and  candles  are  lighted,  as  before,  at  bed- 
time. In  the  morning  these  slips  are  carefully  examined  to 


272 


POPULAR  GODS  AND  GODDESSES. 


ascertain  if  any  have  been  moved  during  the  night.  If  one  has 
been  stirred,  though  but  a little,  the  characters  upon  it  are  se- 
lected by  the  gambler,  upon  which  to  bet  with  regard  to  this 
lottery,  under  the  idea  that  the  god  has  caused  it  to  be  moved 
as  a favor  to  him,  indicating  that  these  characters  will  be  the 
lucky  ones  for  the  day.  One  of  these  thirty-seven  sets  of  char- 
acters are  selected  by  the  lottery  directors  to  draw  the  prize 
for  a particular  day.  The  gambling  consists  in  trying  to  guess 
the  lucky  characters  for  any  specified  day.  Those  who  guess 
them  make  thirty  fold  on  their  venture.  Oftentimes  the  phrase 
“ devil  gambling  for  cash ” is  used  to  describe  a man  who  has 
become  a desperate  gamester,  probably  from  his  haggard  and 
poverty-stricken  appearance. 


CONCERNING  THE  GOD  OF  THIEVES. 


278 


CHAPTER  XI. 

popular  gods  and  goddesses — Continued. 

Ngu  Hieing  Kung,  God  of  Thieves. — Tiih  Uong  Chu  Sie,  the  God  of  Medicine. 
— / Kuang  Tai  Uong , the  God  of  Surgery. — Uotc  Uong , King  of  the  Min 
Country. — Ngu  Ta,  the  Five  Rulers  or  Emperors. — What  they  represent. 
— Called  corrupt  Gods. — Titled  Marquis  by  Decree  of  Hien  Fung. — Pro- 
cessions in  Public  in  the  fifth  and  sixth  Months  very  numerous. — Unions 
or  Clubs  formed  to  honor  them.  — Preparations  for  Processions  in  their 
honor. — Paper  Boats. — Happy  Bucket. — Sailors’  Society. — Paper  Boat 
sent  out  to  Sea. — Tall  white  Devil  and  short  black  Devil. — Buffalo-head- 
ed, Horse-faced,  Cock-headed,  and  Duck-mouthed  Assistants. — Assistant 
carrying  a Cangue,  and  Assistant  carrying  a Chain  and  a Lock. — The 
“accomplishing”  and  the  “transforming”  Assistants. — Four  Assistants 
representing  the  four  Seasons. — Five  Assistants  representing  the  five  Di- 
rections.— Such  Processions  imposing. — Images  and  Pictures  of  Animals 
worshiped:  The  Monkey. — The  Fox. — The  Tiger  (worshiped  by  Gam- 
blers).— The  Tiger  (worshiped  by  Mothers  in  Behalf  of  their  sick  Chil- 
dren).— Heavenly  Dog. — A Servant  of  the  God  of  Music  represented  by  a 
Dog. — The  black  Monkey  and  the  white  Rabbit. — The  Dragon. — White 
Cock. 

Ngu  Hieng  Kung. — The  birthday  of  the  “ god,  of  thieves1' 
falls  on  the  seventeenth  of  the  eighth  month.  Within  ten  or 
lifteen  years,  the  number  of  the  worshipers  of  this  divinity  has 
very  rapidly  increased  in  this  place,  and  the  number  is  now 
annually  increasing.  The  main  object  of  worshiping  him  is  to 
gain  wealth.  Some  sick  people,  travelers,  and  traders  worship 
him.  Nowadays  many,  who  are  not  professed  or  regular 
thieves,  worship  him  on  the  recurrence  of  his  birthday.  He 
has  no  temple  devoted  to  him  in  the  city  or  the  suburbs,  nor 
has  he  any  image.  He  is  worshiped  under  the  open  heavens. 
On  his  birthday,  the  Great  Temple  Hill  in  the  suburbs  pre- 
sents an  extremely  animated  appearance,  as  very  many  of  his 
worshipers  go  there  to  present  their  offerings  and  make  their 
devotions. 

Sometimes  the  people  use  two  characters,  meaning  umid- 
way  in  the  heavens ,”  as  a part  of  his  title  when  speaking  of 
this  divinity.  These  words  imply  that  he  dwells  in  the  midst 

M 2 


274 


POPULAR  GODS  AND  GODDESSES. 


of  the  heavens.  He  is  believed  to  be  unwilling  to  come  down 
to  earth,  and  therefore  men  do  not  prepare  an  image  of  him, 
and  worship  it,  as  they  do  in  regard  to  most  other  objects  of 
worship. 

JVgi't  Hieng,  it  is  taught,  was  a thief  himself,  and  was  noted 

not  only  for  his  cleverness  in 
stealing,  but  also  for  his  filial  pi- 
ety. About  daybreak  one  morn- 
ing, it  is  told,  he  came  home  with 
a kettle  for  cooking  rice,  which 
he  had  purloined.  His  mother, 
kind-hearted  woman  that  she 
was,  scolded  him  roundly  for 
stealing  such  an  article,  thus  de- 
priving people  of  the  means  of 
cooking  their  food,  and  finally 
told  him  that,  if  he  sold  it,  and 
bought  rice  with  the  money  he 
got  for  it,  she  would  not  taste  a 
mouthful  of  it.  He  asked  what 
should  be  done  with  the  thing. 
She  advised  him  to  return  it  to 
the  place  whence  he  took  it. 
But  he  objected,  saying  it  was 
already  light,  and  he  would  cer- 

tainly  be  detected  in  the  at- 
om) OF  THIEVES.  J 

tempt.  His  mother  replied  that, 
if  he  would  attempt  to  return  it,  the  heavens  undoubtedly 
would  become  darkened  so  that  he  could  do  it  in  safety.  He 
concluded  to  try,  and  started  off  with  the  kettle,  and,  behold  ! 
just  as  he  reached  the  house  whence  he  stole  it,  the  heavens 
all  at  once  became  very  dark.  He  embraced  the  favorable 
moment  and  deposited  the  kettle  on  the  premises,  and  ran  oft’ 
with  all  speed  to  report  to  his  mother  the  result  of  his  efforts. 

Iuh  TTong  CMi-  Sib,  the  god  of  medicine , is  said  to  have 
been  formerly  a distinguished  doctor,  who,  after  his  decease, 
was  deified.  Now  he  is  generally  worshiped  by  the  venders 
of  medicine,  and  their  clerks  and  assistants.  The  third  day 
of  the  third  month  is  the  time  which  is  celebrated  by  them  in 
his  honor,  making  a feast,  and  burning  incense  and  candles 


THE  DEIFIED  KING  OF  THE  MIN  COUNTRY.  275 


before  his  image  at  bis  temple.  Practicing  physicians  sel- 
dom engage  in  these  celebrations,  nor  do  they  often  worship 
him. 

I Kuang  Ten  TIong , the  god  of  surgery , it  is  taught,  was 
a foreigner,  originally  from  the  Loochoo  Islands,  who  came  to 
the  middle  kingdom  and  practiced  surgery.  Surgery,  in  the 
Chinese  sense,  relates  to  the  cure  of  diseases  which  appear  on 
the  surface  of  the  body,  as  sores,  ulcers,  cancers.  As,  while 
living,  he  was  partially  deaf,  his  devotees  imagine  this  defect 
remains  now  that  he  is  dead,  though  deified,  and  therefore  are 
careful  to  make  application  by  speaking  into  his  ear,  as  well 
as  to  offer  the  customary  incense  and  candles,  which  appeal 
more  directly  to  his  olfactories  and  to  his  eyes. 

TJijlc  ITong. — The  temple  which  contains  the  image  of  an 
ancient  king  of  the  Min  country,  who  reigned  during  the  Han 
dynasty,  is  located  on  the  Great  Temple  Hill,  in  the  suburbs 
of  this  city.  In  a time  of  drought  the  temple  is  visited  by 
rain-prayers  in  order  to  burn  incense,  hoping  to  procure  rain 
thereby.  The  premises  are  extensive  and  well  kept.  There 
is  a famous  well  upon  them.  In  a time  of  drought,  if  the 
bones  of  a tiger  should  be  let  down  into  this  well,  called  the 
“ dragon's  well,”  and  kept  there  for  three  days  at  the  most, 
there  will,  it  is  sagely  affirmed,  most  likely  be  rain  soon.  The 
bones  must  be  drawn  up  as  soon  as  possible  after  the  rain  has 
begun  to  fall.  The  common  belief  is  that  the  dragon  and  the 
tiger  always  fight  when  they  meet,  and  that,  when  the  dragon 
moves,  the  clouds  will  ascend,  and  rain  will  soon  fall.  The 
tiger’s  bones  are  used  to  stir  up  or  excite  the  dragon.  If  he 
arouses  himself  and  combats  the  tiger,  alias  his  bones,  clouds, 
it  is  asserted,  will  certainly  ascend  to  the  skies  and  rain  will 
shortly  begin  to  pour  down. 

The  image  of  Uok  TJong  is  placed  on  the  right  hand  of  the 
image  of  the  goddess,  his  wife — that  is  to  say,  the  wife  is  sit- 
ting in  the  seat  of  honor,  according  to  Chinese  notions.  The 
occasion  of  the  husband  yielding  the  seat  of  honor  to  his  wife, 
an  exceedingly  unusual  thing  in  China,  is  related  to  have 
been  the  following:  One  day  he  jestingly,  or  rather  boasting- 
ly  told  her  that,  by  casting  his  boot  into  the  dragon’s  well, 
he  could  bring  the  dragon  to  the  surface  of  the  water.  She 
promptly  denied  its  possibility,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  af- 


276 


POPULAR  GODS  AND  GODDESSES. 


firmed  that  she,  by  throwing  into  the  well  one  of  her  earrings, 
could  induce  the  dragon  to  come  up  and  get  it.  He  promised 
her  that,  if  she  could  thus  draw  up  the  dragon  to  the  surface, 
while  he  could  not  produce  the  same  effect  by  tossing  his  boot 
into  it,  he  would  yield  the  seat  of  honor  to  her,  and  she  should 
henceforth  sit  on  his  left  hand.  She  accepted  the  proposition. 
He  threw  his  boot  into  the  well,  but  no  dragon  came  to  the 
surface.  She  disengaged  one  of  her  earrings  and  tossed  it  into 
the  well,  and  the  dragon  immediately  came  up  for  the  pearl  it 
contained ! The  dragon  is  famed  for  his  extraordinary  at- 
tachment to  pearls,  as  well  as  for  his  intense  hatred  of  the  ti- 
ger. The  wife  of  the  king,  after  this,  always  sat  on  the  left 
of  her  husband,  who  was  true  to  his  promise,  and,  after  the 
death  of  each,  when  their  images  were  made,  her  image  wras 
placed  in  the  seat  of  honor,  i.e.,  at  his  left  hand. 

JVff  ii  Td,  or  the  Five  Rulers. — The  worship  paid  to  the  Five 
Rulers,  taken  in  connection  with  the  idol  processions  through 
the  streets  in  honor  of  them,  and  the  confused  and  monstrous 
notions  which  are  prevalent  relating  to  their  powers,  consti- 
tutes an  idolatry  of  the  most  peculiar  and  extraordinary  char- 
acter. 

The  common  people  know  nothing  about  the  history  of  this 
form  of  idolatry,  and  the  literary  class  profess  to  know  but  lit- 
tle. The  prevalent  impression  appears  to  be  that  it  is  of  com- 
paratively recent  origin.  During  the  Chau  dynasty  (B.C. 
1122-255),  under  the  supervision  of  government,  there  were 
certain  public  processions,  the  object  of  which  was  to  expel 
pestilences,  or  the  demons  which  cause  the  pestilences.  Sub- 
sequently, in  process  of  time,  the  government  ceased  to  regu- 
late the  processions,  and  the  people  took  up  the  matter.  In 
the  tenth  book  of  the  Confucian  analects,  it  is  mentioned  that 
“ when  the  villagers  were  going  through  their  ceremonies  to 
drive  away  pestilential  influences,  Confucius  put  on  his  court 
robes  and  stood  on  the  eastern  steps.”  Whether  the  proces- 
sions spoken  of  in  the  Chinese  classics  or  in  ancient  Chinese 
history  were  any  thing  like  the  processions  in  honor  of  the 
Five  Rulers,  the  literary  men  do  not  agree.  The  general  ob- 
ject of  the  ancient  and  of  the  modern  processions  are  the  same, 
the  expelling  of  pestilential  influences. 

The  opinions  prevalent  among  the  common  people  are  ex- 


WHAT  THE  FIVE  RULERS  REPRESENT.  277 

ceedingly  confused  in  regard  to  the  objects  or  beings  these 
Five  Rulers  represent  or  denote.  They  are  explained  by  some 
as  referring  to  the  five  elements  of  Nature,  which,  according 
to  the  Chinese,  are  metal , wood , water, fire,  and  earth.  They 
are  also  believed  to  represent  the  five  colors,  yellow,  green,  red, 
black,  and  white.  They  are  also  thought  to  denote  the  five 
directions,  North,  East,  South,  West , and  Middle. 

The  following  table  was  furnished  by  a priest,  who  is  em- 
ployed more  or  less  constantly  in  performing  ceremonies  con- 
nected with  their  worship,  and  may  be  as  near  the  popular  no- 
tions as  any  which  could  be  prepared.  The  people  differ 
greatly  among  themselves  in  regard  to  them. 

Names  of  the  Five  Rulers,  and  what  they  are  supposed  to 


represent : 

Names. 

Five  Colors. 

Five  Elements. 

Five  Directions. 

Tiong, 

Yellow, 

Earth, 

Middle, 

Chiing, 

Green, 

Wood, 

East, 

Lau, 

White, 

Metal, 

West,  i 

Sii, 

Red, 

Eire, 

South, 

Tieu. 

Black. 

Water. 

North. 

The  order  above  given  is  their  order  of  rank.  The  chief, 
Tiong,  is  represented  with  a pleasant  human  countenance,  and 
having  three  eyes,  one  situated  in  the  middle  of  his  forehead, 
and  with  a long  red  beard.  Often  his  face  is  made  of  a gold- 
en hue,  and,  according  to  theory,  the  face  of  each  should  be  of 
a color  corresponding  to  the  color  which  each  represents. 
This,  however,  is  not  always  carried  out  in  fact.  The  appear- 
ance of  all  the  Five  Rulers,  except  the  one  first  mentioned,  is 
ugly  and  repulsive.  These  four  have  hideous  faces,  having  a 
snout  projecting  much  like  swine,  or  having  extremely  large 
noses,  or  having  eyes  and  features  generally  similar  to  a mon- 
key. Sometimes  the  mouth  is  four-cornered,  or  coming  to  a 
point  like  the  mouth  of  a fowl.  The  images  in  different  tem- 
ples are  not  alike.  There  seems  to  be  very  much  license  taken 
by  the  architect  in  regard  to  shape  and  color. 

The  temples  where  the  Five  Rulers  are  worshiped  are  pro- 
fessedly dedicated  to  the  god  of  war.  There  is  a tablet,  with 
his  title  or  name  upon  it,  attached  generally  to  the  front  or 
the  outside  of  the  numerous  temples  where  they  are  worship- 
ed. The  origin  of  this  custom  is  said  to  be  this : Some  fifteen 


278 


POPULAR  GODS  AND  GODDESSES. 


or  twenty  years  ago,  a high  official,  whose  yarnun  was  in  the 
city,  one  day  met,  while  riding  in  Lis  sedan  in  the  street,  a pro- 
cession in  honor  of  the  Five  Rulers.  The  procession  did  not 
yield  him  the  right  of  way,  but  kept  on  as  though  it  expected 
the  mandarin  would  retire,  or  be  carried  to  one  side,  while  the 
Five-Ruler  procession  was  passing  along.  This  course  highly 
exasperated  the  mandarin,  who  ordered  his  lictors  to  seize  and 
flog  some  of  the  chief  actors  in  the  procession  on  the  spot. 
This  course  broke  up  the  procession,  the  members  of  which 
speedily  dispersed  in  all  directions.  On  inquiry,  the  mandarin 
learned  that  the  worship  of  this  class  of  idols,  “ the  Five  Rul- 
ers,” Avas  not  recognized  by  imperial  rescript,  and  he  determ- 
ined to  prevent  all  future  processions  in  their  honor,  and  to 
exterminate  the  images  themselves.  As  soon  as  this  purpose 
became  known  to  the  devotees  of  the  Rulers,  arrangements 
were  made  by  Avhich  the  title  of  the  god  of  war,  Kuang  Til, 
should  appear  on  their  temples,  and  an  image  of  this  god  was 
placed  in  them.  This  title  was  used  as  a shield  for  the  Five 
Rulers,  as  it  could  be  said  these  are  temples  of  the  god  of  tear. 
As  the  god  of  war  wTas  in  high  favor  with  the  ruling  dynasty, 
no  mandarin  dare  interfere  Avith  any  temple  called  after  his 
name  or  title. 

These  Five  Rulers,  notAvithstanding  their  immense  popular- 
ity, are  classed  among  the  “ corrupt  gods” — that  is,  they  have 
not  been  honored  with  the  approbation  or  recognition  of  an 
emperor — they  have  not  been  declared  to  be  gods  by  some  oc- 
cupant of  the  dragon  throne.  The  corrupt  gods,  those  unac- 
knoAvledged  by  the  state,  become  correct  gods  by  the  decree 
of  an  emperor.  After  they  have  been  officially  and  formally 
recognized  by  an  emperor,  no  one,  people  or  mandarin,  Avould 
have  the  boldness  to  interfere  with  them,  or  treat  them  public- 
ly with  disrespect,  unless  they  or  their  human  directors  and 
protectors  should  plainly  be  to  blame,  or  violate  some  latv  of 
the  land. 

In  the  fall  of  1859,  the  Emperor  Hien  Fung  conferred  the 
honorary  title  of  u Jleuf  or  Marquis , upon  these  rulers,  on 
the  representation  of  Uong  Hi  Taik,  a viceroy  who  had  finish- 
ed his  term  of  office  here,  and  Avas  removing  to  another 
place. 

During  the  fifth  and  sixth  months,  the  processions  in  their 


CONCERNING  PROCESSIONS  OF  THE  FIVE  RULERS.  279 

honor  are  the  most  numerous.  Sometimes  a procession  re- 
quires from  one  to  two  hours  to  pass  by  any  given  locality. 
Chinese  in  common  sedans  must  allow  their  sedans  to  be  put 
down  on  the  ground  when  they  meet  any  one  of  the  principal 
idols,  which  are  borne  by  eight  men  each.  If  on  horseback, 
they  must  dismount.  The  sedans  containing  the  idols  carried 
in  procession  are  so  large,  and  the  bearers  so  insolent,  that 
it  is  usually  impracticable  to  pass  in  sedans  following  from  be- 
hind, if  one  wished  to  go  past.  The  common  people  observe 
a most  respectful  attitude  while  the  large  images,  in  their  se- 
dans, are  passing  them.  It  is  believed  that  any  insult  to  them 
would  be  speedily  followed  with  colic  or  dysentery,  or  some 
similar  painful  and  dangerous  disease.  Men  of  very  respecta- 
ble positions  in  society  frequently  engage  in  these  processions 
in  consequence  of  some  vow,  usually  made  for  the  benefit  of 
the  health  of  their  parents. 

There  are  numerous  unions  in  this  place,  the  particular  ob- 
ject of  which  is  to  worship  and  carry  in  procession  the  Five 
Emperors  through  the  streets,  in  order  to  expel  pestilential 
diseases  and  influences  from  the  country.  These  unions  are 
usually  connected  with  a temple  where  images  of  the  “ Rulers” 
are  kept.  Each  union  every  year  collects  enough  money  with 
which  to  purchase  a boat,  and,  after  carrying  it  in  procession, 
sends  it  out  to  sea  filled  with  the  pestilential  influences  which 
have  been  collected. 

The  time  of  collecting  money  for  the  purchase  of  the  boat, 
and  other  expenses  connected  with  it,  falls  in  the  hot  summer 
months,  when  there  are  more  or  less  people  sick  with  the  kind 
of  diseases  which  it  is  the  laudable  object  to  prevent  or  expel. 
The  collectors  go  through  the  principal  streets  in  companies, 
with  drums,  gongs,  and  flags,  expecting  to  receive  contribu- 
tions from  every  shop.  Private  dwelling-houses  in  the  neigh- 
borhood where  the  temple  is  located,  or  where  the  members 
of  the  union  principally  reside,  are  also  visited  in  this  manner. 
The  collectors  willingly  receive  incense?  candles,  or  any  thing 
Avorth  money — as  mock-money,  mock-clothing,  salt,  and  rice. 

The  boat  is  usually  twenty  or  tAventy-five  feet  long,  and 
made  as  light  as  possible,  the  frame  of  it  being  of  bamboo,  and 
small  and  narrow  pieces  of  Avood.  The  frame  is  covered  Avith 
paper.  Various  apartments  are  formed,  professedly  to  store 


280 


POPULAR  GODS  AND  GODDESSES. 


goods,  and  for  the  accommodation  of  people  on  board.  It 
is  carried  by  eight,  or  sixteen,  or  a larger  number  of  men.  In 
it  is  put  a little  of  almost  every  sort  of  article  used  in  families, 
as  rice,  salt,  wood,  fruits,  etc.,  together  with  miniature  articles 
of  furniture,  as  tables,  chairs,  bowls,  and  plates,  made  out  of 
paper,  or  paper  and  bamboo  splints.  Miniature  paper  images 
of  the  crew  are  also  put  in  the  boats. 

Paper  images  of  the  Five  Rulers  are  made  at  establishments 
where  such  work  is  done,  in  order  to  be  put  into  the  boats 
when  sent  out  to  sea.  When  completed,  they  are  usually  es- 
corted home  to  the  temple  with  which  the  union  that  bargain- 
ed for  them  is  connected,  with  considerable  pomp  and  parade. 
Each  paper  image  is  placed  in  a sedan  carried  by  eight  men, 
and  in  the  procession  there  are  more  or  less  of  the  tall  white 
and  the  short  black  devil  servants.  The  procession  is  accom- 
panied with  men  who  beat  gongs  and  drums.  All  this  parade 
is  to  take  away  a few  diminutive  images  made  out  of  paper 
and  bamboo,  weighing  in  the  aggregate  not  nearly  what  one 
man  could  carry  with  great  ease.  After  arrival  at  the  temple 
where  they  belong  they  are  treated  with  great  reverence. 

At  a convenient  time,  the  wooden  images  of  the  Five  Rulers, 
which  are  kept  in  each  temple  dedicated  to  them,  are  takeu 
out  and  carried  through  the  principal  streets  with  a great  show 
of  honor.  Each  image  is  carried  by  eight  men,  and  is  accom- 
panied by  a set  of  servants  real  and  imaginary.  The  real 
servants  are  lictors,  incense-bearers,  and  criers,  who  make  ev- 
ery now  and  then  a most  doleful  and  prolonged  noise.  The 
imaginary  servants  are  immense  images  (carried  by  men  who 
get  inside  of  them),  made  out  of  bamboo  and  cloth,  of  a variety 
of  shapes,  and  representing  a variety  of  assistants  to  the  Five 
Rulers.  This  kind  of  procession  usually  takes  place  in  the 
afternoon  and  evening.  When  over,  the  portable  and  sub- 
stantial images  are  carried  home  to  the  temples  to  which  they 
belong,  and  the  company  which  composed  the  procession  dis- 
perses. 

This  procession  with  the  boat  is  sometimes  an  imposing 
spectacle.  The  boat  is  carried  along  in  the  evening,  lighted 
up  with  numerous  candles  or  lamps.  Very  frequently,  when 
a boat  in  procession  from  a large  and  rich  temple  is  carried 
along,  the  sides  of  the  streets  are  thronged  with  idle  men, 


281 


CARRYING  THE  “HAPPY  BUCKETS.” 


BOAT  CARRIED  IN  PROCESSION  ON  MEN’S  SHOULDERS. 


women,  and  children,  anxious  or  curious  to  see  the  spectacle. 
Usually  iu  every  such  procession  are  a large  number  of  porta- 
ble hideous  images,  carried  by  men  inside,  accompanied  by 
their  lictors,  and  bands  of  music,  and  men  who  join  in  it,  in 
consequence  of  some  aid  supposed  to  have  come  from  the 
Rulers  benefiting  themselves,  or  their  parents  or  families. 
They  join  it  to  express  their  thanks. 

Iu  the  procession  there  frequently  is  a well-dressed  man 
carrying  a couple  of  pails,  which  contain  a little  of  the  blood 
of  swine,  the  buffalo,  and  fowls,  and  some  of  their  hair  and 
feathers.  He  carries  what  are  called  the  “ Happy  Buckets 
Carrying  them  in  the  procession  is  regarded  an  especial  work 
of  merit.  Formerly  it  was  performed  only  by  hired  beggars ; 
nowadays  by  a volunteer  from  a respectable  family,  out  of 
gratitude  to  the  Five  Riders  for  the  recovery  of  a near  relative 
from  sickness,  or  in  the  hope  of  procuring  such  a result.  The 
contents  represent  the  filth  which  cause  pestilence  and  epi- 


282 


POPULAR  GODS  AND  GODDESSES. 


In  many  large  idol  processions  there  is  also  a man  dressed 

neatly,  carrying  the  instru- 
ments of  torture  and  pun- 
ishments in  common  use 
in  a magistrate’s  office,  as 
the  cangue,  leathern  thong 
for  slapping  the  face,  in- 
struments for  compressing 
the  ankles  and  the  fingers, 
etc.  It  is  supposed  that 
some  of  the  utensils  for 
punishing  and  torturing 
employed  in  the  other 
world  are  similar  to  the 
instruments  used  in  this 
world.  These  instruments 

CARRYING  INSTRUMENTS  OK  PUNISHMENT  AND  • 

of  torture.  are  paraded  in  procession 


CARRYING  TEE  HAPPY  JiUCKETS. 


They  are  poured  out  into  the  river  when  the 


demie  diseases, 
boat  is  burned. 


MEMBERS  OF  AN  IDOL  PROCESSION. 


283 


in  order  to  indicate  or  intimate  to  the  spectators  the  punish- 
ments which  await  the  wicked  in  the  world  of  spirits. 

Usually  not  far  from  the  front  of  the  boat  are  the  mem- 
bers of  a “sailors’  society.”  This  society  is  formed,  and  its 
expenses  provided,  by  men  who  are  fond  of  sport  generally. 
They  profess  to  desire  to  furnish  men  who  shall  row  out  to 
sea  the  boats  which  are  provided  for  the  accommodation  of 
the  Five  Rulers.  The  directors  select  fifteen  or  twenty  lads 
of  ten  or  twelve  years  of  age,  and  hire  some  music-teacher  to 
instruct  them  in  the  parts  they  are  expected  to  perform.  They 
are  taught  to  play,  for  a month  or  longer,  on  various  musical 
instruments,  arrd  beat  the  gong  and  the  drum  in  unison. 
When  boats  are  carried  in  procession,  these  quasi  sailors  pre- 
cede them  on  foot.  Some  of  them  play  on  their  instruments. 
Two  carry  a pewter  anchor  a foot  or  two  long.  One  carries 
a small  oar,  another  a compass,  such  as  is  used  on  junks,  etc. 
The  trowsers  and  shirts  worn  by  them  are  usually  made  all 
alike  out  of  black  cotton  or  grass  cloth.  They  have  a red  or 
blue  belt  around  their  waist.  Their  braided  cues  are  twisted 
up  in  a knot  behind  the  head — not  coiled  around  it,  as  usual. 
They  wear  a small  hat  made  of  bamboo  splints  and  leaves. 
As  they  walk  along  before  the  boat,  they  sometimes  chant  a 
song  praising  the  Five  Rulers  or  relating  to  peace  and  plenty. 

These  boys  work  or  play  thus  without  wages.  They  have 
their  food  and  clothing  found  them  free  of  expense  while  en- 
gaged, and  they  like  the  prominence  or  notoriety  their  posi- 
tion in  the  pi’ocessions  gives  them.  The  same  company  of 
boys  usually  perform  in  several  processions  during  the  season. 
They  are  not  found  in  connection  with  any  processions  but 
those  in  honor  of  the  Five  Rulers. 

On  the  boat  arriving  at  the  river’s  bank,  where  it  is  em- 
barked on  the  water  and  sent  out  to  sea , or,  in  plain  language, 
where  it  is  burned , it  is  placed  in  some  convenient  position. 
All  the  images  in  which  men  have  ensconced  themselves  run 
rapidly  around  the  boat,  and  then  kneel  down  in  a circle  not 
far  distant  from  it,  with  their  faces  turned  toward  it.  When 
every  thing  is  ready  the  boat  is  set  on  fire  and  consumed,  at- 
tended with  the  beating  of  gongs  and  drums,  and  this  is  called 
sending  it  out  to  sea. 

But  a small  space  can  be  devoted  to  a description  of  the 


284 


POPULAR  GODS  AND  GODDESSES. 


portable  images  found  principally  in  processions  of  the  Five 
Rulers,  and  in  those  in  honor  of  Tdi  Sang  and  of  Sidng 
Hudng. 

These  usually  go  in  pairs  or  in  a company  of  four. 

1.  The  Tall  White  Devil  and  the  Short  Black  Devil  are 
very  numerous.  The  former  is  said  to  be  a policeman  in  the 
infernal  regions.  The  image  is  ten  or  twelve  feet  high,  as  it 
appears  carried  in  procession.  The  head,  face,  and  hands  are 
made  of  pasteboard  and  paper,  and  the  body  of  bamboo,  usu- 
ally covered  with  white  or  whitish  cotton  cloth  or  silk.  Its 
head  has  upon  it  a long,  square,  bent  hat,  two  or  three  feet 
tall,  with  a strip  of  red  cloth  often  wound  around  it.  In  one 
hand  it  carries  an  immense  fan,  and  in  the  other  a kind  of 
wand,  on  which  are  words  which  teach  that  this  assistant  of 
the  gods  is  designed  “ to  reward  the  good  and  punish  the  evil." 
Around  the  waist  usually  a strip  of  light  blue  cloth  is  tied  as 
a belt.  The  face  is  long,  hair  disheveled,  eyes  protruding, 
tongue  red,  and  often  extending  out  of  the  mouth.  The  body 
is  slim.  The  image  is  carried  erect  by  a strong  man,  who  gets 
inside.  The  clothing  comes  down  only  to  the  man’s  knees, 
leaving  his  feet  and  part  of  his  legs  to  be  seen  as  he  walks 
along.  An  orifice  is  made  in  the  clothing  in  front,  where  the 
head  of  the  man  inside  comes,  so  that  he  can  look  out  and  see 
to  walk.  It  is  comportable  with  the  dignity  of  this  devil-serv- 
ant to  walk  slowly  and  with  long  strides.  There  are  usually 
two  boys  beating  gongs  in  front  of  it.  Oftentimes  there 
are  several  men  playing  on  musical  instruments  going  before. 
Preceding  the  image  there  are  generally  two  men,  each  carry- 
ing a large  lantern  upon  a pole  above  their  heads,  having  an 
inscription  which  implies  that  it  belongs  to  some  officer  in  the 
world  of  spirits.  It  is  also  often  accompanied  by  one  or  two 
persons  who  aid  the  man  inside  when  he  requires  to  steady  it. 

The  Short  Black  Devil  is  stubbed  and  pursy.  Its  face  and 
dress  are  very  black.  It  always  wears  a large  black  hat. 
A strip  of  red  cloth  is  usually  tied  about  it.  Its  tongue  pro- 
trudes, and  is  red,  as  if  covered  with  blood.  It  is  moved  about 
occasionally  by  the  persons  inside  by  means  of  a string,  pro- 
ducing a very  disagreeable  appearance.  Its  gait  is  very  un- 
dignified, as  it  is  made  to  jump  or  spring  suddenly  from  one 
side  of  the  street  to  the  other.  Sometimes  it  turns  around  in 


“assistants”  seen  in  idol  processions.  285 


the  street  and  gazes  back,  wagging  its  head  and  moving  its 
tongue.  This  image  is  carried  usually  by  a strong  lad  or  a 
very  short  man,  who  has  a looking-out  place  made  in  the  fore- 
head or  hat  of  the  image,  whence  he  can  see  where  to  go. 
The  face  and  framework  generally  are  made  out  of  pasteboard, 
paper,  and  bamboo  splints. 

These  assistants  are  represented  by  heavy  stationary  images 
in  the  temples  where  such  objects  are  reverenced.  Oftentimes 
their  pictures  are  found  on  the  walls  of  temples.  The  same 
remark  is  true  of  the  assistants  which  remain  to  be  described. 
All  of  these  images  are  made  in  a similar  way,  with  partic- 
ular variations  as  regards  shape,  size,  and  features,  to  suit  the 
fancy  of  those  who  have  invented  them  or  who  use  them. 


liUFFAI..O-IIEADEI)  ASSISTANT.  UOKSE-FAOED  ASSISTANT. 

(Like  their  stationary  images  or  pictures  seen  in  temples.) 

2.  The  Buffalo-headed  assistant,  the  Horse-faced  assistant, 
the  Cock-headed  assistant,  and  the  Duck-mouthed  assistant, 
are  images  eight  or  ten  feet  high,  and  usually  go  together. 
There  is  nothing  particularly  frightful  about  their  appearance. 
They,  by  means  of  the  man  inside,  pass  along  slowly  and  sol- 
emnly in  the  procession.  They  are  mainly  distinguished  by 
the  peculiar  shape  of  their  faces  or  their  heads.  The  color  of 
their  dress  is  usually  white  or  bluish.  They  appear  like  im- 
mense giants,  excepting  their  peculiar  heads. 

3.  Two  tall  images  in  human  form,  which  are  distinguished 


286 


POPULAR  GODS  AND  GODDESSES. 


from  each  other  principally  by  the  one  carrying  a cangue  and 
the  other  carrying  a chain  and  a lock , are  sometimes  seen. 
They  appear  to  be  ready  to  seize  and  put  the  cangue  or  lock 
the  chain  on  offenders  should  their  majesties  the  Rulers  give 
the  command.  Their  countenances  are  grim  and  severe. 

4.  The  “ one-horned”  and  the  “ double-horned”  devils  ap- 
pear with  hideous  countenances.  One  has  the  top  of  his  head 
coming  to  a blunt  peak,  and  the  other  has  two  horn-like  pro- 
jections coming  from  the  right  and  the  left  sides  of  the  top 
of  his  head,  from  which  circumstances  they  derive  their  names. 
One  carries  a cudgel  in  one  hand  bristling  with  spikes,  and 
something  in  the  other  resembling  a large  leaf.  The  other 
carries  a smooth,  large-headed  cudgel  in  one  hand,  or  a wood- 
en sword,  and  in  the  other  some  chains.  These,  and  the  two 
just  described,  represent  some  of  the  lictors  of  the  Five  Rulers. 

5.  The  “accomplishing”  assistant  and  the  “transforming” 
assistant  are  believed  to  perform  important  offices  in  prevent- 
ing pestilential  diseases.  One  carries  in  one  hand  a gourd-like 
vessel  for  the  purpose  of  collecting  the  poisonous  vapors  and 
the  unhealthy  influences  which  prevail,  and  in  the  other  a leaf 
of  the  banana,  or  something  to  represent  such  a leaf ; the  oth- 
er carries  in  one  hand  an  immense  wooden  sword,  to  drive  off1, 
and  in  the  other  a large  brush,  to  sweep  away  all  the  evil  in- 
fluences and  unhealthy  odors  which  may  be  encountered. 

There  are  two  classes  of  objects — human,  because  they  are 
men,  and  inhuman,  because  their  faces  are  painted  to  repre- 
sent devils.  These  seldom  appear  in  an  idol  procession. 

One  class  is  painted  so  as  to  represent,  according  to  Chi- 
nese notions,  the  four  seasons — Spring , Summer , Autumn,  and 
Winter.  Spring  is  denoted  by  a man  with  a greenish  face ; 
summer,  by  a man  with  a reddish  face;  autumn,  by  a man 
with  a whitish  face  ; and  winter,  by  a man  with  a blackish  face. 

Another  class  is  painted  so  as  to  represent  the  five  demons 
or  spirits  which  rule  over  the  five  directions — North,  East, 
South,  West,  and  the  Middle.  They  are  by  no  means  pleas- 
ant-looking.  The  stationary  images  of  the  five  directions,  as 
found  in  some  of  the  temples,  or  as  they  are  sometimes  paint- 
ed on  paper  or  on  the  walls  of  temples,  are  horrid  and  fright- 
ful in  the  extreme.  As  represented  by  men  who  appear  in  an 
idol  procession,  they  are  much  less  frightful  than  in  the  tem- 


IMAGES  AND  PICTURES  OF  ANIMALS  WORSHIPED.  287 


pies,  but  sufficiently  horrid  and  ugly  to  produce  a lasting  and 
unpleasant  impression  when  seen  in  connection  with  the  many 
other  unnatural  and  devilish-looking  objects  which  have  been 
enumerated. 

It  will  require  but  little  imagination  on  the  part  of  the  read- 
er, aided  by  the  above  description,  to  conceive  that  idol  pro- 
cessions constitute  a very  strange  and  imposing  spectacle  as  a 
whole.  Few  foreigners  who  have  seen  one  do  not  retain  an 
abiding  impression  of  its  general  appearance. 

There  are  probably,  at  the  least  calculation,  fifteen  or  twen- 
ty “ unions”  connected  with  temples  which  send  forth  to  the 
ocean  one  or  more  boats  annually,  and  which  have  other  pub- 
lic processions  previous  to  those  when  their  boats  are  carried 
to  the  water’s  edge  and  burned.  There  are  not  many  days  in 
the  summer  months  which  are  not  occupied  more  or  less,  ei- 
ther in  the  city  or  suburbs,  with  some  kind  of  an  idol  proces- 
sion. Not  unfrequeutly  there  are  days  when  for  hours  the 
main  streets  in  places  are  almost,  if  not  quite,  impassable  to 
those  who  in  sedans  wish  to  go  in  a direction  opposite  to  that 
which  the  procession  is  taking.  If  going  in  the  same  direction, 
the  progress  is  slow  and  annoying  to  a high  degree. 

Images  and  Pictures  of  Animals  worshiped. 

The  facts  given  below  will  tend  to  illustrate  the  nature  and 
the  genius  of  heathenism,  as  existing  and  as  practiced  in  this 
city  and  vicinity  by  the  people  who  “ serve  the  creature  more 
than  the  Creator.” 

The  Monkey. — It  is  represented  as  a man  sitting,  the  face 
only  being  like  a monkey.  The  image  is  usually  made  of 
wood  or  clay.  Sometimes  a picture  of  it  is  made  on  paper,  or 
simply  the  title  under  which  the  monkey  is  worshiped  is  writ- 
ten on  a slip  of  paper,  and  used  instead  of  an  image.  There 
are  several  large  temples  at  this  place,  erected  for  the  worship 
of  “ His  Excellency  the  Holy  King,”  one  of  the  titles  much 
used  in  speaking  of  the  monkey  as  an  object  of  worship.  Oft- 
entimes the  niche  holding  the  image  or  the  written  name  is 
placed  in  a hollow  tree,  or  in  the  wall  at  the  corners  of  streets, 
or  at  the  heads  of  alleys  or  lanes.  Such  places,  in  this  city 
and  vicinity,  where  the  monkey  is  worshiped,  reckoned  to- 
gether with  the  small  temples  or  buildings  dedicated  to  it, 


288 


POPULAR  GODS  AND  GODDESSES. 


amount  to  several  scores.  The  worship  consists  principally 
in  the  burning  of  incense  and  candles,  sometimes  attended 
with  the  presentation  of  meats,  vegetables,  and  fruits.  The 
monkey  was  first  worshiped  in  return  for  some  supposed  serv- 
ices rendered  the  individual  who  went  to  India,  by  special 
command  of  an  emperor  of  the  Tang  dynasty,  to  obtain  the 
Sacred  Books  of  the  Buddhist  religion — so  some  affirm.  This 
emperor  deified  the  monkey,  or,  at  least,  he  conferred  the  au- 
gust title  of  ’■'■the  great  Sage  equal  to  Heaven ” upon  that  quad- 
ruped. The  birthday  of  “ His  Excellency  the  Holy  King”  is 
believed  to  occur  on  the  twenty-third  of  the  second  Chinese 
month,  when  his  monkey  majesty  is  specially  worshiped  by 
men  from  all  classes  of  society.  The  monkey  is  believed  to 
have  the  general  control  of  hobgoblins,  witches,  elves,  etc.  It 
is  also  supposed  to  be  able  to  bestow  health,  protection,  and 
success  on  mankind,  if  not  directly,  indirectly,  by  keeping  away 
malicious  spirits  or  goblins.  People  often  imagine  that  sick- 
ness, or  want  of  success  in  study  and  trade,  is^aused  by  witch- 
es and  hobgoblins.  Hence  the  sick  or  the  unsuccessful  wor- 
ship the  monkey,  in  order  to  obtain  its  kind  offices  in  driving 
away  or  preventing  the  evil  influences  of  various  imaginary 
spirits  or  powers. 

The  Fox. — This  animal  is  worshiped  by  the  viceroy,  and  by 
other  high  mandarins  at  this  place.  The  fox  is  supposed  to 
have  the  control  of  the  official  seals  belonging  to  high  offices 
of  government.  In  the  viceroy’s  establishment  is  a room  in 
the  second  story  of  a building  which  is  devoted  to  the  wor- 
ship of  the  fox.  It  has  no  image,  nor  is  there  any  picture  of 
the  animal  worshiped.  The  viceroy,  on  arrival  at  his  official 
residence  after  appointment,  repairs  to  this  room,  kneels  down, 
bows  his  head  toward  the  ground  three  times,  and  offers  three 
cups  of  wine,  three  sticks  of  incense,  and  two  candles,  in  order 
to  propitiate  the  good-will  of  Reynard,  the  keeper  of  the  seal. 
Unless  the  fox  should  be  worshiped  in  some  way,  it  is  assert- 
ed by  the  common  people  that  it  would  cause  the  seal  to  dis- 
appear, and  otherwise  injure  the  mandarin,  as  setting  the  es- 
tablishment on  fire.  There  are  very  wonderful  stories  in  con- 
nection with  the  power  of  the  fox  in  mandarin  establishments 
current  in  this  city.  The  fox  is  believed  also  to  have  the  pow- 
er of  changing  at  pleasure  into  the  human  form,  or  of  entering 


A GOD  OF  GAMBLERS. 


289 


the  bodies  of  men  and  women.  Sometimes  diseases  are  at- 
tributed to  this  animal,  which  is  accordingly  worshiped  by  the 
sick  one,  or,  on  his  account,  by  others,  in  order  to  induce  it  not 
to  molest,  vex,  or  injure  the  sick  individual.  Its  invisible 
agency  in  preventing  success  in  business  is  very  much  dreaded 
by  the  jaeople. 

The  Tiger. — This  animal  is  worshiped  by  two  different 
classes  of  people  and  for  two  different  objects. 

By  gamblers. — It  is  the  god  of  gambling,  or  one  of  the 
gods  worshiped  by  gamblers. 

Sometimes  an  image  is  made 
of  wood  or  clay,  or  a picture  is 
delineated  on  paper  or  a piece 
of  board  of  a winged  tiger, 
standing  on  its  hinder  feet,  and 
grasping  a large  cash  in  its 
mouth  or  in  its  paws.  Some- 
times merely  a title  of  the  an- 
imal, “ His  Excellency  the 
Grasping  Cash  Tiger”  is  writ- 
ten on  a piece  of  paper.  This 
is  then  put  under  the  gaming- 
table, between  two  bunches  of 
mock- money,  which  are  sus- 
pended ; or  it  is  placed  on  a 
table  in  the  gambling-room,  or 
fastened  to  the  wall  behind  a 
table.  Incense  and  candles  are  often  burned  before  this  im- 
age or  this  inscription.  On  the  second  and  sixteenth  days  of 
every  Chinese  month,  offerings  of  meat,  fish,  etc.,  are  frequent- 
ly made  before  it.  Sometimes  gambling  saloons  or  dens  are 
recognized  from  the  street  by  the  sign,  placed  over  the  outside 
door,  of  a tiger  painted  on  a board  in  the  position  above  men- 
tioned. The  tiger  is  worshiped  by  the  proprietor  of  a gam- 
bling den  in  order  to  bring  success. 

By  mothers  in  behalf  of  their  siclc  children,  not  separately 
and  alone,  but  always  in  connection  with  a goddess  of  chil- 
dren. This  goddess  is  represented  as  sitting  upon  the  back 
of  a tiger  in  a crouching  posture.  The  tiger  is  supposed  to 
have  the  power  of  absorbing  or  of  counteracting  the  perni- 

Yot..  I. — 1ST 


OF  GAMBLING. 


290  POPULAR  GODS  AND  GODDESSES. 

cious  influences  which  cause  children  to  become  sick.  When 

a child,  for  example,  has 
the  small-pox  in  a very 
virulent  form,  and  fears 
are  entertained  for  the 
child’s  life,  some  one  in- 
terested in  its  recovery 
burns  incense  and  cau- 
dles before  an  image  of 
the  woman  and  tiger,  or 
before  something  which 
represents  them,  either 
in  a temple  or  in  a dwell- 
ing-house, promising  to 
make  certain  specified 
thank-offerings  in  case 
the  child  recovers,  as  the 
burning  of  mock -mon- 
ey, and  a fresh  and  raw 
pig’s  tail  (of  which  the 
tiger  is  believed  to  be 
very  fond),  meats,  fruits, 
and  vegetables.  It  is  estimated  that  a very  large  proportion 
of  the  mothers  in  this  city — perhaps  more  than  half- — worship 
the  tiger  in  connection  with  the  goddess  as  above  represented. 

The  Tog. — An  image  or  representation  of  this  animal  is 
found  in  connection  with  several  objects  of  worship  at  this 
place. 

It  occurs  on  a painting  extensively  used  by  married  women 
as  an  object  of  worship  in  their  sleeping  apartments.  It  is 
called  a “ heavenly  dog,”  or  a “ dog  in  the  heavens.”  The 
picture  represents  a certain  genius , surrounded  by  several 
children.  He  is  in  the  act  of  shooting  a dog  with  a bullet  by 
means  of  a bow,  the  dog  being  in  the  air  much  above  the  level 
of  the  shooter  and  the  children.  This  dog  in  the  heavens  is 
believed  to  eat  the  children  of  mortals,  and  this  genius  is 
famed  for  his  skill  in  shooting  this  bad  dog.  A literary  man 
has  furnished  the  following  explanation  of  the  use  of  this  paint- 
ing: Some  women  are  born  on  days  which  are  represented  by 
the  chronological  or  horary  character  which  means  “dog.” 


A TIGER. 


SHOOTING  THE  “ HEAVENLY”  DOG. 


291 


These  women,  after  marriage,  and  before  they  give  birth  to 
a child,  must  pro- 
cure a picture  of 
the  genius  shoot- 
ing the  “ heavenly 
dog,”  and  worship 
it  by  the  burning 
of  incense  and  can- 
dles. The  child 
then  may  be  ex- 
pected to  live.  In 
the  picture,  the 
children  are  repre- 
sented as  gather- 
ing around  the  ge- 
nius, in  order  to 
insure  protection 
from  the  dog, 
which  would  cer- 
tainly devour  them 
if  the  shooter  did 
not  defend  them. 

Twice  every  year, 
on  the  third  day  of 
the  second  month, 
and  on  the  twenty- 
third  of  the  elev- 
enth month,  offerings  are  presented  to  this  genius , such  as  in- 
cense, candles,  mock-money,  vermicelli,  and  seven  balls  made 
of  the  flour  of  rice.  These  balls  represent  the  balls  with  which 
the  hunter  shoots  the  dog.  At  other  times  during  the  year, 
when  the  household  gods  are  worshiped,  only  incense  and  can- 
dles are  burned  before  this  picture.  Others  say  that  this  pic- 
ture is  worshiped  by  mothers  in  behalf  of  a child  only  when 
the  child  is  declared  by  a fortune-teller  to  be  under  the  influ- 
ences of  the  “heavenly  dog,”  or  exposed  to  them.  In  all 
cases,  the  genius  is  resorted  to  for  the  purpose  of  securing  the 
child  from  the  depredations  of  the  dog. 

One  of  the  servants  of  JSTgflong  Saili,  a god  of  music,  play- 
acting, and  war,  is  represented  as  a dog.  This  god  is  repre- 


HEAVENS. 


292 


POPULAR  GODS  AND  GODDESSES. 


seated  in  both  a civil  and  in  a military  dress.  When  repre- 
sented, whether  by  an  image  or  in  pictures,  in  the  military 
costume,  one  foot  is  sometimes  placed  on  the  back  of  a dog- 
headed  animal.  At  other  times  this  animal  is  represented  as 
having  a dog's  head. , with  the  body,  feet,  and  hands  of  a man, 
holding  a flag.  Ngflong  Sahi,  it  is  said,  had  a favorite  dog, 
which  afterward  became  one  of  his  assistants  when  he  was 
deified.  Hence  the  association  with  him  of  an  animal  having 
a dog’s  head.  This  god  is  much  worshiped  here  by  certain 
classes. 

In  a celebrated  temple  located  outside  of  the  east  gate  of 
the  city  is  an  image  of  a large  dog.  It  is  currently  reported 
that  if  bread-cakes  or  biscuits  made  of  wheat  flour  are  placed 
in  the  mouth  of  this  image  of  a dog,  and  afterward  eaten  by 
children,  they  will  prevent  or  cure  the  colic. 

The  Black  Monkey  and  the  White  Babbit. — These  are  rep- 
resented both  by  images  and  by  pictures,  and  are  usually  re- 
garded as  the  servants  of  the  god  of  courtesans.  This  god  is 
regarded  as  having  power  over  men  and  women.  He  is  said 
to  have  seized  the  spirits  of  the  black  monkey  and  white  rab- 
bit, and  to  have  made  them  his  assistants.  In  what  manner 
he  accomplished  this  feat,  and  how  these  animals  aid  him  in 
his  evil  purposes,  the  Chinese  are  not  able  to  explain  with 
clearness.  They  are  represented  as  having  a human  body,  but 
the  head  of  a monkey  and  of  a rabbit,  the  monkey  being  black 
and  the  rabbit  white. 

The  Dragon. — This  is  regarded  as  the  giver  of  rain.  In 
times  of  drought,  it  is  worshiped  in  order  to  obtain  the  need- 
ed element.  A temple  located  near  the  eastern  gate  of  the 
city  is  devoted  to  the  worship  of  this  fabulous  animal.  It  is 
among  those  objects  or  images  which  are  worshiped,  by  com- 
mand of  the  emperor,  in  the  spring  and  fall  of  each  year  by 
certain  mandarins. 

In  a certain  temple  near  the  governor’s  yamun  in  the  city 
is  an  image  of  a white  cock,  which  is  worshiped  in  connection 
with  a certain  goddess.  Some  say  that  this  goddess  is  the 
deified  daughter  of  a governor  of  the  province  who  lived  in  the 
time  of  Kanghi,  and  who  killed  himself  during  a local  tumult 
or  rebellion  which  he  could  not  quell.  She  had  a white  cock, 
of  which  she  was  very  fond,  and  which  seemed  exceedingly 


OBJECT  OF  WORSHIPING  GODS  AND  GODDESSES.  293 


attached  to  her.  On  hearing  of  the  death  of  her  father,  this 
girl  threw  herself  into  a well  and  was  drowned.  This  cock, 
seeing  his  mistress  leap  into  the  well,  leaped  in  also  and  per- 
ished. She  afterward  became,  by  order  of  some  emperor,  an 
object  of  worship,  and  an  image  of  the  faithful  cock  was  made, 
and  worshiped  in  connection  with  his  mistress.  She  is  reck- 
oned now  among  those  objects  which  are  worshiped  twice  ev- 
ery year,  in  accordance  with  the  mandate  of  the  emperor,  by 
the  local  mandarins.  Few  of  the  common  people,  it  is  be- 
lieved, nowadays  actually  worship  this  goddess.  When  wor- 
ship is  performed  before  her  shrine,  incense  and  candles  are 
always  burned  in  honor  of  the  white  cock. 

Various  popular  gods  and  goddesses,  as  the  “Three  Pre- 
cious Ones,”  worshiped  by  Buddhists,  and  the  “Three  Pure 
Ones,”  worshiped  by  Tauists,  the  goddess  of  small-pox  and 
the  goddess  of  measles,  etc.,  have  been  already  mentioned,  and 
need  not  be  described  here.  There  are  many  other  objects 
which  are  more  or  less  commonly  worshiped  by  the  people, 
but  which  it  would  be  tedious  to  describe  in  detail.  Objects 
terrestrial  and  celestial,  objects  visible  and  invisible,  and  ob- 
jects real  and  imaginary,  are  made  the  recipient  of  the  hom- 
age of  the  Chinese.  It  is  worthy  of  remark  and  remembrance, 
that  among  them  all  there  is  not  one  the  object  of  the  worship 
of  which  is  to  make  the  devotee  more  pure  and  more  sincere, 
more  honest,  more  virtuous,  or  more  holy.  The  object  whose 
attainment  is  desired  is  always  selfish,  sensual,  or  secular. 


294 


MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 

Viceroy.  — Governor.  — Treasurer.  — Judge.  — Salt  Commissioner.  — Pro- 
vision Commissioner. — Prefect.- — Marine  Inspector.  — District  Magis- 
trates.— Literary  Chancellor. — Tartar  General. — Major  General. — Num- 
ber of  Sedan-bearers  allowed  to  Mandarins. — Umbrellas  of  State. — But- 
tons or  Balls  on  their  Caps. — Cannon  fired  in  Honor.  — Respect  paid  to 
Officers  in  the  Street.  — Retinue  of  high  Officers  in  Public.  — Lictors  of 
the  District  Magistrate. — Uniform  of  Attendants  not  in  good  Taste. — Ap- 
pointed Days  for  calling  on  the  Viceroy  and  Governor. — Same  Days  al- 
lotted for  filing  Prosecutions.  — Other  Days  for  calling  upon  subordinate 
Mandarins.  — “Drum  Pavilion.”  — No  fixed  Charges  for  official  Aid.  — 
Bambooing. — Deception  practiced. — Official  Documents  must  be  Stamped. 
— “ Horses  of  a thousand  Li.” — Complaint  must  be  made  before  a Mur- 
derer is  arrested  and  punished. — Village  Constable. — “White”  Deeds  and 
“Red”  Deeds.  — Fruit  sent  as  Tribute  to  Peking  annually.  — Mandarins 
engage  in  saving  the  Moon  or  Sun  when  eclipsed. — Arresting  and  chain- 
ing one’s  self. — Death  by  Strangulation. — Meaning  of  a Present  of  a Silk 
Cord  from  the  Emperor. — “Searching  a Mandarin’s  House.” — Fining 
Part  of  Salary. — Degrading  from  Rank. — Removing  from  Office. — Re- 
signing Office  on  the  Death  of  one’s  Parent. — Asking  Permission  to  resign 
Office  on  Account  of  Illness  of  a Parent. — Asking  Permission  to  resign 
Office  and  remain  with  Parents  until  they  Die. — Resigning  a high  Office 
because  a Relative  or  Friend  fills  a subordinate  Office. — Asking  for  a short 
Respite  from  the  Cares  of  Office. — Resignations  often  unaccepted. — Res- 
ignations on  account  of  old  Age  proffered. — Asking  leave  to  resign  on  Ac- 
count of  Sickness. — Setting  a Thief  to  catch  a Thief. — Civil  Thief-catch- 
er.— Military  Thief-catcher. — Once  a Thief  always  a Thief. — Universal 
Custom  of  giving  Presents  to  a Mandarin  on  his  Arrival  at  his  Mandarin- 
ate. — Mandarins  greatly  under  the  Influence  of  Subordinates. — “Great 
Sires.” — “The  Door-parcel.” — Door-keepers  ofYamuns  bribed. — Manda- 
rin’s Adviser  or  Teacher. — Manner  of  securing  his  Sendees. — Six  Boards 
of  Office  in  Yamuns. 

The  viceroy  lias  the  general  superintendence  of  Fokkicn 
and  Chehkien  provinces.  His  honorary  title  is  “President 
of  the  Board  of  War.”  He  has  the  power  to  behead  ocean 
pirates,  rebels,  and  traitors,  and  afterward  report  the  facts  to 
Peking.  He  exercises  occasionally  the  power  to  degrade  or 
deprive  of  office  the  prefect  and  officers  below  the  prefect. 


THE  TREASURER  AND  THE  SALT  COMMISSIONER.  295 

The  governor  presides  over  the  province,  and  is  frequently 
called  the  '•'■Lord  of  the  Province .”  He  controls,  according  to 
theory,  the  soldiers  and  the  people,  civil  and  military,  as  does 
the  viceroy.  The  viceroy  is  a hind  of  spy  on  the  governor , 
and  vice  versa.  He  has  the  honorary  title  of  “ Vice-President 
of  the  Board  of  War.” 

The  treasurer  is  a very  important  officer.  He  is  accounta- 
ble for  all  the  money  paid  into  the  treasury  by  the  district 
magistrates  in  all  the  province.  He  pays  out  the  salaries  and 
the  lawful  allowances  of  the  civil  and  military  officers,  and  the 
wages  of  the  soldiers,  repairs  the  city  walls,  and  superintends 
and  pays  for  all  the  public  works  in  the  province.  On  the 
death  of  the  emperor,  or  on  his  birthday,  the  treasurer  takes 
the  precedence  of  the  higher  officers  in  the  mournful  or  the 
joyful  demonstrations  made  in  the  emperor’s  temple.  In  the 
one  case  he  is  dressed  in  white  clothes,  the  badges  of  mourn- 
ing, and  weeps  as  though  he  had  lost  his  father,  being  some- 
times called  the  “ child  of  the  emperor in  the  other  case  he 
is  dressed  in  his  official  robes,  and  presents  his  congratulations 
to  his  imperial  father  before  the  yellow  tablet  which  represents 
the  emperor  in  the  temple. 

The  provincial  judge  presides  over  the  examination  and 
the  punishment  of  ordinary  criminals  from  all  parts  of  the 
province.  The  judge  can  revise  and  reverse  the  decisions  of 
the  prefect  and  inferior  officers  in  any  part  of  the  province  re- 
lating to  criminals  or  persons  charged  with  crimes.  His  is  a 
place  of  great  power,  responsibility,  and  pecuniary  profit. 

The  salt  commissioner  controls  the  manufacture  and  sale  of 
salt  in  the  province.  He  has  the  power  to  oblige  rich  men  to 
carry  on  the  salt  business.  The  commissioner  is  responsible 
for  the  regular  salt  revenue,  which  he  obliges  the  contractors 
to  pay  over  to  him  at  regular  periods.  In  consequence  of  this, 
he  takes  usually  but  little  pains  to  arrest  and  punish  those 
who  clandestinely  deal  in  salt.  Each  new  contractor  is  obliged 
to  assume  the  sums  yet  unpaid  due  by  his  predecessor  to  gov- 
ernment on  account  of  the  salt  revenue.  In  this  way  the  salt 
commissioner  is  safe  from  harm,  though  at  the  expense  of  jus- 
tice. Those  who  are  obliged  by  him  to  carry  on  the  salt  busi- 
ness always  become  poor.  There  are  so  many  ways  of  dis- 
posing of  salt  clandestinely,  on  account  of  the  deceptive  prac- 


296 


MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 


The  provision  commissioner  controls  the  provision  and  land- 
tax  departments.  He  receives  and  accounts  for  the  taxes,  which 
are  paid  in  grain,  from  all  parts  of  the  province.  lie  provides 
the  rice  and  provisions  for  the  soldiers  of  the  province. 


tices  of  their  underlings,  that  they  always  lose  money  in  the 
course  of  their  connection  with  the  salt  business.  When  any 
salt  contractor  does  not  pay  up  promptly  the  monthly  revenue 
dues  to  the  salt  commissioner,  he  is  often  dealt  with  very 
harshly.  Sometimes  he  is  thrown  into  prison,  where  he  is 
beaten  or  otherwise  maltreated.  Being  wealthy,  and  usually 
very  respectably  connected,  he  always  desires  to  avoid  all  con- 
tention with  his  superior,  and  therefore  aims  with  great  solic- 
itude at  having  the  necessary  sum  ready.  When  he  is  posi- 
tively unable  to  meet  his  monthly  payments,  and  falls  largely 
in  arrears  to  the  government,  some  other  rich  man  is  com- 
pelled, by  being  flogged,  or  by  being  made  to  kneel  on  chains, 
or  by  some  other  distressing  and  unjust  course,  to  consent  to 
engage  in  the  salt  business,  and  to  take  upon  himself  the  pay- 
ment of  the  arrearages  of  his  predecessor. 


MANDARIN  AND  111S  WIFE  IN  ROliES  OF  STATE. 


DISTRICT  MAGISTRATES  AND  THE  TART  ART  GENERAL.  297 


The  prefect  rules  over  a prefecture  or  county,  a division  of 
territory  next  smaller  than  a province.  He  reports  to  the 
governor.  He  takes  part  in  the  regular  examinations  of  the 
under-graduates,  both  civil  and  military.  He  is  the  head  actor 
in  the  annual  procession  in  honor  of  Spring.  Foreign  consuls 
have  to  do  generally  with  the  prefect. 

The  marine  inspector  presides  over  the  marine  affairs  of 
this  part  of  the  province.  Ships  from  foreign  countries  come 
under  his  supervision.  Pie  has  some  revenue  offices  connected 
with  ocean  commerce  under  his  control.  Pie  must  report  to 
the  Tartar  general  on  matters  relating  to  revenue. 

The  two  district  magistrates  rule  over  the  common  people 
in  their  respective  districts.  Many  matters  which  are  to  come 
under  the  supervision  of  higher  officials  must  first  be  brought 
before  one  of  these  magistrates,  according  to  the  section  of 
the  city  or  the  adjacent  territory  to  which  they  refer,  or  in 
which  the  parties  belong.  These  officials  report  to  the  pre- 
fect the  important  affairs  which  are  brought  before  them. 
They  preside  over  the  lowest  series  of  examinations  of  civil 
and  military  under-graduates  belonging  to  their  respective  dis- 
tricts, but  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  examination,  govern- 
ment, or  punishment  of  graduates. 

The  literary  chancellor  is  a high  officer  sent  from  Peking, 
whose  term  of  office  is  of  three  years’  duration,  to  examine  the 
literary  and  military  under-graduates,  and  govern  the  gradu- 
ates of  the  first  degree  of  the  literary  class. 

The  Tartar  general  governs  the  Tartars  living  in  the  city, 
and  the  affairs  which  relate  to  the  city  wall.  He  is  the  city 
keeper.  The  keys  of  the  seven  gates  of  the  city,  after  they 
are  closed,  are  delivered  into  his  possession  every  night.  It  is 
the  common  saying  that  if  the  gates  should  be  opened  contra- 
ry to  law  during  the  night,  owing  to  the  neglect  of  the  Tartar 
general,  and  it  should  be  reported  at  Peking,  his  head  would 
pay  the  forfeit.  In  fact,  people  go  into  the  city  and  out  of  it 
nightly  in  large  numbers  by  scaling  the  walls  after  dark, 
through  the  connivance  and  the  assistance  of  the  gate-keepers, 
whom  they  bribe.  The  Tartar  soldiers  fall  to  the  Tartar  gen- 
eral to  inspect  and  drill.  There  are  also  two  or  three  bri- 
gades or  camps,  consisting  nominally  of  about  1250  Chinese 
soldiers,  who  are  placed  under  his  control.  He  has  a part  to 

N 2 


298 


MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 


perform  in  the  spring  and  autumnal  sacrifice  to  Confucius, 
and  all  the  important  affairs  of  the  province  are  communicated 
to  him.  The  revenue  derived  from  commerce  belongs  to  his 
supervision  and  control.  The  funds  received  he  transfers  to 
the  provincial  treasury.  One  of  his  important  duties  is  to 
watch  the  Chinese  people  and  the  Chinese  officials.  He  is  one 
of  the  few  mandarins  who  may  inform  the  emperor  in  regard 
to  what  is  transpiring  in  the  province  in  whose  capital  city  he 
resides,  secretly  and  on  his  own  responsibility.  Being  a Tar- 
tar, he  is  supposed  to  be  specially  interested  in  whatever  con- 
cerns the  interests  of  the  Tartar  government  and  dynasty,  and 
therefore  will,  under  all  contingencies,  be  faithful  to  his  impe- 
rial relative  and  master,  the  Tartar  emperor. 

The  lieutenant  general,  or  the  major  general,  who  is  always 
a Tartar,  is  professedly  but  little  inferior  in  rank  and  power  to 
the  Tartar  general.  He  has  a voice  in  the  decision  of  matters 
relating  to  the  Tartar  population.  He  is  believed  to  be  ap- 
pointed by  the  emperor  to  watch  the  Tartar  general.  He  is 
usually  the  poorest  of  all  the  imperial  officers,  but  is  eligible  to 
the  station  of  the  Tartar  general,  an  office  of  great  influence 
and  emolument. 

The  viceroy,  the  governor,  the  Tartar  general,  and  the  liter- 
ary chancellor,  may  have  eight  bearers  to  their  sedans  when 
they  appear  in  the  streets,  and  four  assistants  to  steady  the 
sedans.  The  Tartar  lieutenant  general,  and  the  Chinese  ad- 
miral, and  the  Chinese  general,  may  also  use  each  eight  bear- 
ers, and  four  assistants  to  steady  their  sedans,  if  they  please, 
though  they  oftener  employ  only  four  bearers  and  the  assist- 
ants. The  low  military  officers  usually  appear  in  the  streets 
on  horseback.  If  the  major  general  and  the  adjutant  general 
choose  to  ride  in  sedans,  they  have  four  bearers.  Of  the  civil 
officers,  the  treasurer,  the  judge,  and  the  commissioners  of  the 
salt  and  of  the  provision  departments  have  four  bearers,  and 
four  persons  to  steady  the  sedan.  The  prefect,  the  marine  in- 
spector, and  the  two  district  magistrates  have  four  bearers, 
and  no  one  to  steady  their  sedans.  The  incumbents  of  the  of- 
fices still  lower  have  only  two  or  three  bearers.  Every  thing 
about  the  mandarin  procession  is  regulated  by  strict  rule. 
For  a low  officer,  entitled  to  have  only  two  bearers,  to  appear 
in  the  streets  with  four  bearers,  would  be  an  offense  for  which 


PUBLIC  PROCESSIONS  OF  MANDARINS. 


299 


lie  would  be  severely  reprimanded,  if  he  did  not  receive  some 
heavy  token  of  disapproval  or  disgrace,  according  to  the  pleas- 
ure of  his  superior.  But  Chinese  never  commit  such  indiscre- 
tions. They  know  better  than  to  violate  established  customs. 

The  rank  of  some  officers  may  be  ascertained  by  observing 
the  color  and  the  number  of  flounces  on  the  umbrellas  which 
are  carried  before  them,  and  by  the  color  of  the  buttons  or 
balls  on  their  caps.  Some  are  bright  red,  and  have  three  sto- 
ries of  flounces ; others  have  two  stories ; Avhile  others  still 
are  of  a dark  color,  and  are  plainly  made.  Some  five  or  six 
of  the  highest  officers,  when  they  leave  their  yamuns  and 
when  they  return  home,  have  three  cannon  fired  off  as  a sa- 
lute of  honor.  They  have  the  same  number  of  cannon  fired 
off  when  they  enter  the  yamuns  of  other  officers.  When  they 
parade  the  streets,  some  eight  of  the  highest  mandarins  each 
have  one  or  two  men  preceding  their  sedans,  with  a pole  laid 
across  their  shoulders, 
having  a gong  on  one 
end  and  a flag  on  the 
other.  The  bearer  beats 
it  occasionally  three 
blows  in  regular  suc- 
cession. When  enter- 
ing a yamun  it  is  beaten 
quickly  and  continually 
for  a short  period,  and 
then  it  ceases. 

When  high  officers 
appear  in  the  street,  it  is 
accounted  a misdemean- 
or for  the  common  peo- 
ple to  mix  up  in  the  pro- 
cession. When  it  is 
passing  by,  a civilian  in 
a sedan  must  cause  his 
sedan  to  be  put  down 
upon  the  ground,  and 
people  bearing  loads  or 
walking  must  stop,  and 

stand  still  by  the  side  of  lictob  with  whip  in  hand. 


300 


MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 


the  street.  People  on  horseback  must  dismount  and  stand 
in  a respectful  manner.  The  sign-boards  of  stores  and  shops, 
which  usually  are  placed  in  front  of  the  stores,  must  be  re- 
moved from  the  street  when  the  high  mandarins  pass  by,  as  a 
mark  of  respect  on  the  part  of  the  shopkeepers.  Should  they 
be  left  standing  in  their  usual  positions,  it  would  be  consider- 
ed disrespectful  to  the  mandarins,  as  though  civilians  should 
sit  in  the  presence  of  high  officials.  When  the  mandarin  is 
below  the  fourth  official  rank,  the  common  people  may  mix  up 
in  the  street  with  his  runners  and  assistants  with  impunity. 
In  regard  to  high  mandarins,  the  lictors  are  sure  to  see  that 
the  established  customs  are  properly  observed,  beating  uncer- 
emoniously and  unmercifully  any  one  who  does  not  make 
haste  to  comply  with  their  orders  as  they  pass  swiftly  along. 

High  mandarins  sometimes  have  quite  a numerous  retinue 
when  they  appear  in  public.  The  following  enumeration  re- 
lates particularly  to  the  general  retinue  of  the  viceroy.  The 
lower  officers  have  a smaller  retinue,  according  to  their  rank 
and  station,  sometimes  comprising  but  six  or  eight  attendants. 

Two  men  bearing  gongs  and  flags  in  front. 

Ten  or  more  men  or  boys  carrying  red  oblong  boards,  with 
handles  attached,  having  various  inscriptions ; some  of  these 
denote  the  officer’s  rank,  command  the  people  to  keep  silence, 

and  order  idlers  to 
get  out  of  the  way. 

Two  men  on  horse- 
back. 

Two  men,  one  car- 
rying a large  official 
fan  and  the  other  a 
large  umbrella  of 
state. 

Two  men  carrying 
a trunk  full  of  changes 
of  clothing. 

Eight  men  carrying- 
whips,  whose  busi- 
ness it  is  to  clear  the 
way,  call  out  when 
passing  the  yamuns 


U RARER  OF  PAN  OF  STATE. 


USUAL  RETINUE  OF  A VICEROY. 


301 


BEARER  OF  UMBRELLA  OF  STATE. 


of  other  officers,  and 
when  turning  around 
corners. 

Four  men  carrying 
censers  having  burning 
incense. 

Four  men  carrying 
swords. 

Two  men,  whose  busi- 
ness in  part  is  to  receive 
petitions,  if  presented  in 
the  street. 

Four  men  to  steady 
the  sedan  of  the  man- 
darin. 

Four  men  on  horse- 
back, holding  each  a flag  having  a long  handle. 

Sixteen  soldiers  following  the  sedan,  carrying  swords,  spears, 
flags,  hammers,  iron  chains,  etc. 

On  occasions  when  he  wishes  to  appear  with  extraordinary* 
pomp  and  parade,  he  employs  more  men  and  more  soldiers. 

When  he  pleases,  he  . 

may  dispense  with 
many  of  the  usual  at- 
tendants. 

When  a district 
magistrate  appears  in 
the  streets,  he  has 
two  men  dragging 
along  two  halves  of  a 
large  bamboo,  some 
five  or  six  feet  long, 
one  end  only  touch- 
ing the  ground. 

There  are  also  two 
who  carry  leather 
whips  and  perform 
the  duty  of  lictors, 
and  two  who  carry  iron  chains  in  their  hands,  as  if  ready  to 
seize  and  chain  any  culprit  they  may  happen  to  find.  The 


LIOTOR  DRAGGING  ALONG  THE  HALF  OF  A BAMBOO. 


302 


MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 


lictors  with  leathern  whips  clear  the  way,  preceding  the  mag- 
istrate in  his  sedan.  Following  him,  usually  on  horseback,  are 
a couple  of  his  interpreters.  There  is  almost  always  a servant 
on  foot  carrying  pipe  and  tobacco,  and  his  card-case. 

The  uniform  worn  by  the  attendants  of  mandarins  as  they 
appear  in  the  streets  is  not  according  to  a cultivated  taste. 
Many  appear  in  dirty  and  ragged  garments.  The  lictors  are 
generally  dressed  in  long  black  garments,  having  either  tall 
black  or  tall  red  hats,  made  out  of  bamboo  splints.  High  offi- 
cials usually  have  eight  lictors,  half  having  red  and  half  having 
black  hats.  Lower  officers  have  two  with  red  and  two  with 
black  hats.  These  all  usually  have  leather  whips  in  their 
hands,  and  go  in  pairs.  They  are  cruel  and  hard-hearted  men. 
The  soldiers  have  a round  piece  of  white  or  red  cloth  upon 
their  back  and  upon  their  breast,  with  black  characters  upon 
it,  indicating  the  camp  or  the  company  to  which  they  belong. 


The  executioner  belong- 
ing to  the  viceroy’s 
yamun  sometimes  ap- 
pears in  his  master’s 
procession.  He  is  dress- 
ed partly  in  red  clothes 
made  after  the  fashion 
of  the  Ming  dynasty, 
wearing  about  his  loins 
a kind  of  petticoat,  and 
carrying  a large  sword 
of  a peculiar  shape.  In 
his  hat  he  wears  two 
feathers  of  a kind  of 
pheasant.  It  is  the 
common  saying  that 


EXECUTIONER. 


those  who  aspire  to  the  position  of  executioner  practice  in 
striking  at  a mark.  They  take  a turnip,  and,  drawing  a black 
streak  around  it  with  ink,  aim  at  cleaving  it  into  two  parts  at 
a blow,  striking  precisely  on  the  line.  When  they  can  inva- 
riably do  it  on  successive  trials,  they  feel  qualified  to  become 
candidates  for  the  post  when  there  is  a vacancy. 

The  third,  thirteenth,  twenty-third,  eighth,  eighteenth,  and 
twenty-eighth  days  of  every  month  are  the  appointed  days 


INFERIORS  MAKING  CALLS  ON  SUPERIORS.  803 


when  the  civil  officers  and  the  expectants  of  office  in  the  city 
and  suburbs  are  expected  to  call  on  the  viceroy  and  the  gov- 
ernor. They  first  go  to  the  yamun  of  the  viceroy  and  send  in 
their  cards.  If  he  wishes  to  see  any  one  he  sends  word  for 
Jnm  to  be  ushered  into  his  presence.  All  those  who  are  not 
requested  to  remain  consider  themselves  dismissed,  and  take 
their  departure  to  call  on  the  governor.  When  the  one  who 
has  been  invited  in  to  see  the  great  man  has  been  shown  out 
again,  he  proceeds  to  call  on  the  governor,  as  the  others  have 
already  done.  There  i$  always  a great  crowd  of  officers  and 
their  servants,  and  expectants  of  office,  on  the  forenoons  of 
these  days,  passing  to  and  fro  through  the  principal  streets  in 
the  city. 

The  same  days,  those  in  which  three  or  eight  occur,  are  also 
the  regular  periods  for  the  reception  at  the  different  yamuns 
of  written  complaints.  On  other  days  of  the  month  the  man- 
darins do  not  open  their  offices  for  the  admission  of  accusa- 
tions. When  any  one  wishes  to  appeal  to  the  law  in  regard 
to  affairs  which  do  not  admit  of  delay  until  the  next  day  for 
receiving  complaints,  he  sometimes  bribes  a clerk  connected 
with  the  yamun  to  which  his  business  properly  belongs  to  take 
his  written  accusation  to  the  mandarin  and  recommend  its  ac- 
ceptance. Without  a bribe  no  one  would  be  willing  to  pre- 
sent it  to  the  mandarin. 

There  are  certain  other  six  days  in  the  month  wThen,  early 
in  the  morning,  all  the  officers  below  them  in  rank,  and  expect- 
ants of  office  below  them,  are  expected  to  call  upon  the  treasur- 
er, the  judge,  the  salt  commissioner,  and  the  provision  commis- 
sioner, to  pay  their  respects  and  receive  instructions,  in  very 
much  the  same  manner  as  has  been  described  relating  to  call- 
ing upon  the  viceroy  and  governor.  Unless  the  inferior  offi- 
cers and  expectants  should  wait  at  the  appointed  times  upon 
their  superiors,  they  would  be  apt  to  incur  their  displeasure. 
The  regular  routine  of  attention  and  respect  must  be  carried 
out  between  superiors  and  inferiors  if  the  latter  would  stand 
well  with  the  former,  and  expect  to  be  promoted  by  them. 

In  front  of  the  yamuns  of  some  four  or  five  of  the  high  man- 
darins is%  small  eight-sided  building  called  “the  drum  pavil- 
ion,” designed  to  be  occupied  by  the  band  of  music  attached 
to  the  mandarinate,  where  they  play  at  the  usual  times  for  the 


304 


MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 


amusement  or  in  honor  of  the  mandarin.  When  he  rises  in 
the  morning,  washes  his  face  and  partakes  of  his  luncheon, 
they  must  perform  on  their  instruments,  the  fact  of  the  man- 
darin being  thus  engaged  having  been  duly  communicated  to 
them  by  his  servants  striking  a large,  hollow  wooden  fish,  or 
upon  certain  iron  utensils,  which  are  suspended  in  several  of 
the  different  halls  leading  from  his  apartments  to  the  outer 
gates.  While  employed  in  eating  breakfast,  dinner,  and  sup- 
per, they  also  play  some  airs.  His  going  to  bed  is  also  cele- 
brated in  a similar  way.  On  various»public  occasions  these 
musicians  are  also  required  to  practice  their  parts.  The  band 
consists  at  least  of  six  or  eight  men,  with  several  kinds  of  in- 
struments. They  are  paid  from  the  provincial  treasury,  and 
the  honor  of  having  them  is  conferred  by  the  emperor  as  a 
special  privilege,  hoping  to  gladden  the  hearts  of  his  servants 
and  induce  them  to  be  faithful  to  him. 

There  is  no  scale  of  fixed  fees  in  China  regulating  the 
charges  for  official  work  performed  by  mandarins  or  by  their 
underlings,  as  in  Western  lands.  Here  the  official  demands 
as  much  as  he  imagines  he  can  get,  considering  the  circum- 
stances of  the  case.  The  mandarins  have  a regular  salary 
from  the  imperial  treasury.  Within  a comparatively  short 
period  ^commenced  in  the  reign  of  Kien  Lun,  of  the  present 
dynasty)  an  extra  allowance  has  been  made  them  by  the  em- 
peror. The  design  of  this  was  to  remove  the  need  of  bribery 
and  extortion  by  furnishing  an  ample  support.  It  does  not 
have  the  happy  result  designed. 

Should  a prisoner  before  the  bar,  in  the  judgment  of  the 
mandarin,  deserve  the  rod,  either  as  a punishment  for  acknowl- 
edged or  proved  crime,  or  in  order  to  elicit  confession  of  vio- 
lations of  law,  or  for  contempt  of  court,  he  has  only  to  throw 
down  upon  the  ground  some  bamboo  slips.  Every  bamboo 
counts  five  strokes.  The  whipper  seizes  the  man  and  throws 
him  down  on  the  ground,  and  proceeds  to  beat  him.  He  is 
often  bribed  not  to  strike  hard,  though  he  pretends  to  be  in- 
flicting very  heavy  blows.  Sometimes,  also,  the  prisoner  has  a 
man  provided  to  receive  the  blows  which  should  fall  upon  his 
own  person.  This  individual  is  usually  connected  with  the  es- 
tablishment. This  can  be  accomplished  only  by  bribing  the 
assistants  and  underlings.  It  is  done  by  the  company  of  at- 


TRANSMISSION  OF  GOVERNMENT  DISPATCHES.  305 


taches  rushing  in  between  the  magistrate,  who  is  sitting  on 
his  tribunal,  and  the  prisoner,  who  is  some  distance  from  him. 
In  this  way  the  magistrate  is  sometimes  kept  from  seeing  who 
actually  receives  the  blows.  Such  a bribing  of  the  inmates  of 
the  yamun  requires  the  expenditure  of  a considerable  sum  of 
money,  especially  if  the  one  who  desires  to  escape  a personal 
flagellation  should  be  wealthy  and  accused  of  high  crimes. 

Every  document,  in  order  to  be  considered  binding  or  gen- 
uine, issuing  from  a mandarin’s  establishment,  must  have  his 
official  stamp  upon  it,  not  his  signature.  The  stamp  is  received 
when  he  enters  upon  office,  and  must  be  kept  with  great  care  ; 
for  if  it  should  be  lost,  or  stolen,  or  burnt  up,  he  would  assured- 
ly be  severely  fined,  or  punished  in  some  way.  He  would  be 
fortunate  if  not  degraded  from  office.  Mandarins  do  not  sign 
their  proclamations  or  documents  with  their  names.  The 
stamp  makes  them  official  and  authentic. 

The  couriers  who  take  government  dispatches  from  one 
place  to  another  are  commonly  called  “ horses  of  a thoasand 
li ” on  account  of  their  speed.  It  oftentimes  occurs  that  some 
especial  emergency,  as  a local  rebellion,  or  scarcity  of  provi- 
sions or  money  for  the  army,  requires  the  transmission  of  a 
dispatch  with  the  utmost  speed.  At  such  times,  in  the  ab- 
sence of  railroads  and  telegraphs,  the  courier  is  furnished 
with  some  hen’s  feathers,  which  are  usually  placed  in  the  top 
of  his  lantern,  to  indicate  to  all  whom  it  may  concern  that  he 
carries  messages  which  demand  the  utmost  speed.  Such  a 
messenger  must  be  helped  on  his  way  with  all  possible  celerity 
by  all  those  whose  business  it  is  to  assist  in  the  transportation 
of  government  dispatches.  It  is  asserted  that  in  some  parts 
of  the  empire  such  messages  are  sometimes  transmitted  at  the 
rate  of  eight  hundred  li  per  day,  or  over  two  hundred  English 
miles.  The  dispatch  is  contained  in  a parcel  which  is  bound 
on  the  shoulders  of  the  courier,  who  is  changed  at  certain  in- 
tervals, using  boats  or  horses,  or  running  on  foot,  as  circum- 
stances show  will  be  most  speedy. 

Generally  speaking,  cases  of  murder  are  never  investigated 
by  the  mandarin  unless  a formal  complaint  is  made,  on  the 
same  principle  that  he  never  arrests  thieves  until  a complaint 
has  been  made  against  them.  The  underlings  of  the  magis- 
trates often  lend  their  help  to  do  injustice  to  innocent  parties 


t 


306 


MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 


in  circumstances  like  the  following : A dead  body  is  clandes- 
tinely placed  during  the  night  on  the  premises  of  some  person, 
as  before  his  house  or  store,  in  order  to  injure  him  or  to  ex- 
tort money,  by  an  enemy  or  a rogue.  For  example:  The 
corpse  of  a beggar  found  in  the  street  is  placed  on  the  prem- 
ises of  a rich  man.  In  the  morning  the  rogue  comes  along  and 
charges  the  rich  man  with  having  quarreled  with  and  having 
killed  his  brother  or  cousin,  or  other  relative,  and  threatens  to 
apply  the  law  to  him.  The  man  appears  to  be  dreadfully 
shocked  at  finding  the  body  of  his  dear  relative  under  such 
circumstances  in  the  street.  If  the  man  really  only  wishes  to 
extort  money,  he  finally  agrees  to  compromise  the  matter. 
“His  relative  being  dead,  he  can  not  be  restored  to  life.  A 
public  prosecution  of  his  murderer  would  not  bring  the  dead 
back  to  his  family  and  to  his  friends.”  In  view  of  such  phil- 
osophical and  practical  considerations,  he  is  willing  to  desist 
from  prosecution  for  a pecuniary  consideration.  Should  the 
rich  man,  feeling  that  he  was  innocent  of  the  crime  of  murder, 
and  understanding  the  real  facts  in  the  case,  refuse  to  silence 
the  other  party  by  giving  him  money,  the  latter  has  only  to  call 
to  his  aid  a few  of  the  underlings  of  some  mandarin,  and  prom- 
ise them  a share  in  the  spoils.  They  come  to  the  house  or 
store  of  the  rich  man  and  make  a great  disturbance,  as  though 
sent  by  their  master  to  inquire  into  the  circumstances  of  the 
case.  The  rich  man  by  this  time  has  probably  counted  the 
expense  in  case  the  other  party  should  really  inform  against 
him,  and  knowing  that  it  would  cost  far  less  to  settle  the  mat- 
ter at  once  than  to  wait  until  more  harpies  should  arrive  or  a 
mock  prosecution  should  have  been  instituted  against  him,  has 
concluded  to  agree  to  the  terms  proposed  by  the  other  party, 
or  make  some  offer  which  is  accepted,  and  the  matter  drops. 
There  is  a large  class  of  men  who  are  none  too  good  to  engage 
in  such  an  affair,  and  who  are  much  feared  and  hated  by  the 
common  people.  They  are  exceedingly  bold  and  violent,  and 
are  on  good  terms  with  the  lowest  class  of  official  underlings. 

In  every  neighborhood  is  a local  officer,  corresponding  to  a 
village  constable,  who  is  of  great  help  to  his  superior,  the  dis- 
trict magistrate,  in  keeping  the  peace.  It  is  a part  of  his  duty 
to  prevent  quarrels  from  occurring  in  his  neighborhood,  and 
report  any  disturbance  of  importance  to  his  superior.  Should 


ANNUAL  TRIBUTE  SENT  TO  PEKING. 


307 


any  trouble  arise  which  he  can  not  quell  or  settle  at  once  and 
satisfactorily,  it  is  his  duty  to  send  in  a notice  of  the  facts  in 
the  case  as  soon  as  possible  to  the  district  magistrate  in  whose 
limits  his  neighborhood  is  situated.  Should  he  delay  to  do 
so  he  is  liable  to  be  severely  whipped,  or  put  in  a cangue  for 
a month  or  two,  or  be  degraded  from  his  position.  It  is  also 
his  business  to  report  in  regard  to  important  lawsuits  which 
relate  to  his  neighborhood.  He  is  the  organ  through  whom 
the  magistrate  communicates  to  the  residents  of  the  neighbor- 
hood his  will  in  regard  to  matters  which  concern  them.  It  is 
also  his  business  to  see  that  the  villagers  observe  the  regula- 
tions to  promote  the  public  interests  which  emanate  with  the 
magistrate.  He  acts  the  part  of  a policeman,  permanently 
stationed  at  one  place.  His  term  of  office  usually  continues 
during:  good  behavior.  Oftentimes  it  descends  to  his  son,  if 
he  has  one  of  sufficient  years  and  discretion,  when  he  dies  or 
retires  from  the  duties  of  his  station. 

The  title-deeds  to  sales  of  houses  must  be  reported,  in  order 
to  be  stamped  and  taxed,  before  five  years  after  the  sale.  The 
treasurer,  on  application  through  the  district  magistrate,  at- 
taches a piece  of  paper  to  the  deed,  stamped  in  red  with  his 
official  seal,  and  having  also  a few  sentences  relating  to  the 
deed  written  upon  it.  An  unstamped  deed  would  be  worth- 
less five  years  after  date,  as  it  would  justify  the  seizure  by 
government  of  the  property  involved.  A sale  of  land  must 
be  reported  within  three  years,  that  its  deed  may  be  stamped 
and  taxed  in  a similar  manner.  The  rate  of  taxing  is  fixed  by 
law,  being  usually  eight  or  ten  per  cent,  on  the  purchase  mon- 
ey. A stamped  deed  is  called  a “red”  deed,  because  it  has 
the  impress  in  red  of  the  seal  of  the  treasurer.  An  unstamped 
deed  is  referred  to  as  a “white”  deed. 

There  is  a singular  custom  or  law  relating  to  this  place 
which  must  be  annually  observed,  or  the  mandarin  whose  duty 
it  is  to  attend  to  the  matter  would  be  severely  reprimanded, 
or  perhaps  deprived  of  rank  and  office.  An  annual  tribute  of 
three  kinds  of  fruit,  for  the  production  of  which  this  place  has 
become  celebrated,  must  be  sent  on  to  Peking  so  as  to  arrive 
there  at  a certain  time.  These  presents,  as  tribute , are  the 
loose-jacket  orange , the  olive,  and  a certain  kind  of  very  fra- 
grant but  inedible  fruit  called  usually  “ Buddha’s  hand.”  The 


308 


MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 


oranges  are  required  to  be  in-  Peking  on  the  morning  of  new 
year’s  at  the  latest,  so  as  to  be  used  at  the  worship  and  sacri- 
fice in  honor  of  Heaven  by  the  emperor.  As  soon  as  oranges 
are  in  a state  fit  to  be  dispatched,  a quantity  is  picked  with 
care  and  packed  in  wooden  buckets,  and  started  off  for  Pe- 
king, carried  by  coolies  under  the  charge  of  two  officers,  one 
civil  and  one  military.  If  they  should  arrive  there  with  only 
a large  plateful  of  good  ones,  the  grand  object  would  be  duly 
accomplished.  Comparatively  a large  quantity  are  started  off 
for  the  capital,  great  allowance  being  made  for  rotting  and 
spoiling.  If  none  should  arrive  in  season  for  use  at  the  sacri- 
fices to  Heaven  on  the  first  day  of  every  new  year,  the  offi- 
cers in  charge  would  be  punished  for  their  tardiness,  and  the 
high  mandarins  here,  whose  business  it  is  to  attend  to  this 
important  matter,  would  be  liable  to  be  fined  or  otherwise 
punished.  The  use  of  this  kind  of  orange  is  considered  felici- 
tous and  lucky  on  new  year’s  day  here  as  well  as  at  Peking. 
The  olives  and  the  Buddha’s  hands  are  sent  on  in  much  the 
same  way  at  the  proper  season  of  the  year. 

It  is  a part  of  the  official  duties  of  mandarins  to  11  save  the 
sun  and  moon  when  eclipsed” 

Prospective  eclipses  are  never  noticed  in  the  Imperial  Cal- 
endar, published  originally  at  Peking,  and  republished  in  the 
provinces.  The  imperial  astronomers  at  the  capital,  a consid- 
erable time  previous  to  a visible  eclipse,  inform  the  Board  of 
Rites  of  its  month,  day,  and  hour.  These  officers  send  this 
intelligence  to  the  viceroys  or  governors  of  the  eighteen  prov- 
inces of  the  empire.  These,  in  turn,  communicate  the  inform- 
ation to  all  the  principal  subordinate  officers  in  the  provinces 
of  the  civil  and  the  military  grade.  The  officers  make  ar- 
rangements to  save  the  moon  or  the  sun  at  the  appointed 
time.  On  the  day  of  the  eclipse,  or  on  the  day  preceding  it, 
some  of  them  put  up  a written  notice  in  or  near  their  yamuns 
for  the  information  of  the  public. 

The  Chinese  generally  have  no  rational  idea  of  the  cause  of 
eclipses.  The  common  explanation  is  that  the  sun  or  the 
moon  has  experienced  some  disaster.  Some  even  affirm  that 
the  object  eclipsed  is  being  devoured  by  an  immense  ravenous 
monster.  This  is  the  most  popular  sentiment  in  Fuhchau  in 
regard  to  the  procuring  cause  of  eclipses.  All  look  upon  the 


SAYING  THE  SUN  AND  MOON  WHEN  ECLIPSED.  309 


object  eclipsed  with  wonder.  Many  are  filled  with  apprehen- 
sion and  terror.  Some  of  the  common  people,  as  well  as 
mandarins  generally,  enter  upon  some  course  of  action,  the  ex- 
press object  of  which  is  to  save  the  luminary  from  its  dire 
calamity,  or  to  rescue  it  from  the  jaws  of  its  greedy  enemy. 

Mandarins  must  act  officially,  and  in  virtue  of  their  being 
officers  of  government.  Neither  they  nor  the  people  seem  to 
regard  the  immense  distance  of  the  celestial  object  as  at  all  in- 
terfering with  the  success  of  their  efforts.  The  various  obsta- 
cles which  ought  apparently  to  deter  them  from  attempting 
to  save  the  object  eclipsed  do  not  seem  to  have  occurred  to 
them  at  all,  or,  if  they  have  occurred,  do  not  appear  to  be  suf- 
ficient to  cause  them  to  desist  from  prosecuting  their  laudable 
endeavors. 

The  high  mandarins  procure  the  aid  of  priests  of  the  Tauist 


MANDARIN  SAVING  THE  SUN  WHEN  ECLIPSED. 


310 


MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 


sect  at  their  yamuns.  These  place  an  incense  censer  and  two 
large  candlesticks,  for  holding  red  candles  or  tapers,  on  a table 
in  the  principal  reception-room  of  the  mandarin,  or  in  the  open 
space  in  front  of  it  under  the  open  heavens. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  eclipse  the  tapers  are  light- 
ed, and  soon  after  the  mandarin  enters,  dressed  in  his  official 
robes.  Taking  some  sticks  of  lighted  incense  in  both  hands, 
he  makes  his  obeisance  before  or  facing  the  table,  raising  and 
depressing  the  incense  two  or  three  times,  according  to  the  es- 
tablished fashion,  before  it  is  placed  in  the  censer.  Or  some- 
times the  incense  is  lighted  and  put  in  the  censer  by  one  of 
the  priests  employed.  The  officer  proceeds  to  perform  the 
high  ceremony  of  kneeling  down  three  times,  and  knocking 
his  head  on  the  ground  nine  times.  After  this  he  arises  from 
his  knees.  Large  gongs  and  drums  near  by  are  now  beaten 
as  loudly  as  possible.  The  priests  begin  to  march  slowly 
around  the  tables,  reciting  formulas,  etc.,  which  marching  they 
keep  up,  with  more  or  less  intermissions,  until  the  eclipse  has 
passed  off. 

A uniform  result  always  follows  these  official  efforts  to  save 
the  sun  aud  the  moon.  They  are  invariably  successful.  There 
is  not  a single  instance  recorded  in  the  annals  of  the  empire 
when  the  measures  prescribed  in  instructions  from  the  empe- 
ror’s astronomers  at  Peking,  and  correctly  carried  out  in  the 
provinces  by  the  mandarins,  have  not  resulted  in  a complete 
rescue  of  the  object  eclipsed.  Doubtless  the  vast  majority  of 
the  common  people  in  China  believe  that  the  burning  of  ta- 
pers and  incense,  the  prostration  of  the  mandarins,  the  beating 
of  the  gongs  and  drums,  and  the  recitations  on  the  part  of  the 
priests,  are  signally  efficacious  in  driving  away  the  voracious 
monster.  They  observe  that  the  sun  or  the  moon  does  not 
seem  to  be  permanently  injured  by  the  attacks  of  its  celestial 
enemy,  although  a half  or  nearly  the  whole  appeared  to  have 
been  swallowed  up.  This  happy  result  is  doubtless  viewed 
with  much  complacency  by  the  parties  engaged  to  bring  it 
about. 

The  lower  classes  generally  leave  the  saving  of  the  sun  or 
the  moon,  when  eclipsed,  to  their  mandarins,  as  it  is  a part  of 
their  official  business.  Some  of  the  people  occasionally  beat 
in  their  houses  a winnowing  instrument,  made  of  bamboo 


HOW  THE  VANITY  OF  THE  EMPEROR  IS  FLATTERED.  311 

splints,  on  the  occurrence  of  an  eclipse.  This  gives  out  a loud 
noise.  Some  venture  to  assert  that  the  din  of  this  instrument 
penetrates  the  clouds  as  high  as  the  very  temple  of  Heaven  it- 
self! The  sailors  connected  with  junks  at  this  place,  on  the 
recurrence  of  a lunar  eclipse,  always  contribute  their  aid  to 
rescue  the  moon  by  beating  their  gongs  in  a most  deafening- 
manner. 

Without  doubt,  most  of  the  mandarins  understand  the  real 
occasion  of  eclipses,  or,  at  least,  they  have  the  sense  to  per- 
ceive that  nothing  which  they  can  do  will  have  any  effect  upon 
the  object  eclipsed,  or  the  cause  which  produces  the  phenom- 
enon ; but  they  have  no  optional  course  in  regard  to  the  mat- 
ter. They  must  comply  with  established  custom,  and  with 
the  understood  will  of  their  superiors.  The  imperial  astrono- 
mers, having  been  taught  the  principles  of  astronomy  and  the 
causes  which  produce  eclipses  by  the  Roman  Catholic  mission- 
aries a long  while  since,  of  course  know  that  the  common  sen- 
timents on  the  subject  are  as  absurd  as  the  common  customs 
relating  to  it  are  useless.  But  the  emperor  and  his  cabinet 
cling  to  ancient  practices,  notwithstanding  the  clearest  evi- 
dences of  their  false  and  irrational  character. 

The  blunders,  or  the  ignorance,  or  the  superstitions  of  the 
Chinese  in  regard  to  eclipses  are  sometimes  made  the  occa- 
sion of  flattering  the  vanity  of  the  Emperor  of  China.  Davis, 
in  his  History  of  China,  remarks  that  during  the  dynasty  of 
Sung,  which  ended  about  1260  A.D.,  an  expected  eclipse  hav- 
ing failed  to  take  place,  “ they  congratulated  the  emperor  that 
the  heavens  had  dispensed  with  this  omen  of  ill  luck  in  his 
favor.'1’’  Williams,  in  his  Middle  Kingdom,  mentions  that 
some  clouds,  on  a certain  occasion,  having  prevented  the 
eclipse  being  visible,  “ the  courtiers  joyfully  repaired  to  the 
emperor  to  felicitate  him  that  the  heavens , touched  by  his  vir- 
tues,, had  spared  him  the  pain  of  witnessing  the  '■eating  of  the 
sun?  ” 

It  sometimes  occurs  that  a high  officer  falls  into  disrepute 
at  Peking,  either  because  he  is  really  guilty  of  maladministra- 
tion, or  because  he  has  some  powerful  enemy  who  is  poisoning 
the  minds  of  those  who  are  in  power  against  him,  and  he  is  re- 
quired to  appear  in  the  capital  for  trial  with  chains  about  his 
neck,  and  in  the  attitude  of  a felon.  When  an  officer  is  com- 


312 


MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 


mantled  to  “ arrest  and  chain”  a brother  officer,  he  proceeds 
to  arrest,  chain,  and  forward  him  to  Peking  if  he  manifests 
any  unwillingness  to  go,  and  if  the  exercise  of  force  is  neces- 
sary. It,  however,  seldom  happens  that  positive  force  or  per- 
sonal violence  are  employed.  The  man  usually,  as  soon  as  he 
learns  his  fate,  resigns  his  office,  and  provides  himself  with  a 
light  wooden  or  paper  cangue  for  his  neck,  and  with  a small 
chain  for  his  hands,  arrests  and  chains  himself. \ and  starts  as 
fast  as  possible  for  the  capital  of  the  empire.  He  delivers  him- 
self into  the  custody  of  the  proper  tribunal  there,  and  begs  of 
the  emperor  the  favor  of  a speedy  examination  and  punish- 
ment for  his  crimes.  If  he  can  get  the  start  of  the  official  or- 
der from  Peking  for  his  arrest,  it  is  usually  reckoned  as  worth 
considerable  in  his  favor ; it  seems  to  denote  a due  sense  of 
his  deserts,  and  that  he  has  no  intention  of  endeavoring  to 
thwart  the  administration  of  justice.  It  is  utterly  impossible 
for  a falling  mandarin  to  escape  the  officers  of  the  Tribunal  of 
Punishment,  and  experience  shows  that  the  mandarin  whose 
official  integrity  is  maligned  beyond  endurance  can  not  do 
better  than  to  proceed  to  Peking  and  demand  an  examination, 
ag  if  not  afraid  to  meet  the  worst.  At  such  times  he  uses  his 
money  freely  in  order  to  secure  the  friendship  and  influence 
of  the  high  officials  at  the  capital. 

Mandarins  are  sometimes  condemned  to  suffer  the  penalty 
of  death  by  strangulation  for  some  flagrant  dereliction  of  offi- 
cial duty,  or  for  some  willful  violation  of  the  laws  which  he  did 
not  succeed  in  concealing,  etc.  According  to  strict  law , there 
are  many  cases  where  mandarins  ought  to  be  deprived  of  life 
as  a punishment  for  their  crimes.  High  mandarins  oftentimes 
do  not  report  the  truth  to  the  court  at  Peking  because  they 
are  bribed  not  to  report,  or  are  prevented,  from  prudential  rea- 
sons, from  reporting  it.  They  often  pass  o\ver  flagrant  viola- 
tions of  law  by  others  high  in  office  or  power,  hoping  mutual- 
ly to  shield  and  help  each  other — unless  they  are  personal  ene- 
mies. In  cases  where  the  facts  become  known  at  head-quar- 
ters, and  the  culprit  should,  according  to  law,  lose  his  life  and 
have  his  property  confiscated  to  the  government,  high  officials 
at  Peking  are  very  often  bribed  to  intercede  for  him  before 
the  proper  tribunal,  and  excuse  his  crimes  by  the  invention  of 
some  plausible  story.  Such  bribing  costs  a large  sum. ' 


SELF-STRANGULATION. — SUICIDE. 


313 


In  case  of  the  highest  officers,  as  chancellors  of  the  empire, 
or  presidents  of  the  six  hoards  and  viceroys  of  the  provinces, 
when  they  have  committed  deeds  for  which  the  emperor  wish- 
es to  punish  them  capitally,  instead  of  beheading  them,  he  some- 
times, in  his  clemency,  intimates  his  wishes  by  sending  them 
a piece  of  silk  or  a silk  cord.  They  understand  the  meaning 
of  the  silken  present  to  be  “ strangle  yourselves ,”  which  they 
proceed  to  do.  If  they  should  hesitate  too  long,  or  decline  al- 
together to  commit  suicide  at  the  implied  request  of  their  im- 
perial master,  they  would  soon  lose  their  heads  by  decapita- 
tion. Self-strangulation  is  more  honorable  than  beheading  by 
the  executioner,  as  the  body  is  left  whole  and  unmutilated. 
Allowing  those  capitally  convicted  to  take  their  own  lives  is 
considered  a mark  of  especial  favor  on  the  part  of  the  empe- 
ror, for  which  they  are  expected  to  return  their  grateful  ac- 
knowledgments. Officers  of  low  rank  are  seldom  or  never  al- 
lowed the  honor  or  the  privilege  of  strangling  themselves  with 
a white  cord  or  girdle  of  silk  presented  by  the  emperor.  They 
are  summarily  beheaded  unless  they  commit  suicide  on  their 
own  account  and  responsibility.  Swallowing  gold-leaf  is  a 
very  popular  way  of  committing  suicide  by  mandarins  after 
their  condemnation,  or  when  in  despair  of  an  honorable  acquit- 
tal during  the  progress  of  their  trial,  or  when  some  great  disas- 
ter occurs  for  which  they  will  be  held  responsible. 

When  an  officer  has  fallen  largely  behind  in  the  amount  of 
revenue  which  it  is  expected  he  will  deliver  over  to  the  impe- 
rial treasury  for  government  use,  the  high  mandarins  some- 
times decide  to  “ search  his  house ,”  in  order  to  ascertain 
Avhether  he  is  able  to  pay  the  sum  for  which  he  is  in  arrears, 
or  whether  he  is  really  poor,  as  he  of  course  represents  him- 
self. The  “house”  which  is  searched  is  not  the  yamun  in 
which  he  lives,  but  his  paternal  or  ancestral  home  in  another 
province,  where  his  parents,  if  living,  reside,  and  Avhere  it  is 
surmised  his  property  will  be  found.  The  search  is  instituted 
without  his  knowledge  by  men  deputed  by  his  superior  man- 
darins. If  they  should  find  a large  amount  of  ready  money, 
or  valuable  property,  or  the  titles  to  large  joossessions  in  other 
places,  the  inference  would  be  natural  and  generally  just  that 
he  W'as  a dishonest  man,  and  that  he  had  intentionally  defraud- 
ed the  government,  and  sent  the  missing  money  to  his  ances- 

Vol.  I.— O 


314 


MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 


tral  home,  or  caused  it  to  be  invested  for  his  personal  or  his 
family’s  benefit.  In  such  a case,  he  would  be  arrested  and 
summarily  punished,  unless  he  could  account  for  the  existence 
of  so  much  wealth,  or  unless  he  should  succeed  in  bribing  his 
superiors  to  take  a favorable  view  of  the  matter.  If,  however, 
the  searching  of  his  house  should  indicate  that  he  was  really 
poor,  he  would  generally  be  dealt  leniently  with  by  the  impe- 
rial agents,  especially  if  he  or  his  family  should  be  able  to  per- 
suade them  to  report  favorably  to  their  superiors.  The  search- 
ing of  his  paternal  home  instead  of  his  actual  residence  is  based 
on  the  presumption  that,  if  he  were  wealthy,  sufficient  evidence 
would  be  furnished  there.  His  parents,  or  the  members  of  the 
family  at  home,  would  be  living  in  luxury,  the  grounds  and 
buildings  would  be  spacious  and  kept  in  good  repair.  Chinese 
mandarins  are  famous  for  sending  their  gains  of  office  home,  or 
away  from  the  place  where  they  play  the  mandarin  and  ac- 
quire it. 

It  is  not  a very  uncommon  occurrence  for  an  officer  of  high 
rank  to  be  fined  the  amount  of  his  salary  for  one  month,  or 
two  months,  or  a year,  as  a punishment  for  negligence  in  the 
discharge  of  his  duties,  or  for  some  maladministration  not  re- 
quiring a heavier  punishment.  The  occasions  where  the  manda- 
rins may  be  thus  fined  are  numerous;  but,  as  their  stated  al- 
lowance from  the  imperial  coffers  is  but  a small  portion  of 
their  actual  receipts,  the  stoppage  of  salary  for  a short  time  is 
a matter  of  little  pecuniary  consequence;  and  it  is  regarded  as 
a thing  of  import  only  as  it  affects  their  character  and  pros- 
pects of  advancement  in  rank  and  purse  with  their  superiors. 

In  cases  where  maladministration  is  of  a too  flagrant  char- 
acter-to  be  punished  simply  by  a fine,  sometimes  recourse  is 
had  to  a heavier  degree  of  punishment — that  of  degrading  him 
from  his  rank  and  titles,  but  obliging  him  to  continue  to  dis- 
charge his  official  duties.  This  punishment  is  generally  only 
temporary.  His  cap,  when  worn  during  this  period,  must  be 
without  its  button,  and  the  feather  denoting  his  rank  or  office 
must  be  laid  aside  until  he  has  cleared  up  his  character,  or 
made  far  himself  a new  reputation.  The  occasions  are  some- 
times comparatively  trivial  when  a magistrate  is  required  to 
perform  his  official  duties  deprived  of  his  rank.  It  is  frequent- 
ly done  when  there  is  a long  delay  in  paying  over  the  required 


RESIGNING  OFFICE  ON  THE  DEATH  OF  A PARENT.  315 

amount  of  revenue  into  the  treasury.  It  acts' as  a kind  of  ar- 
gument, expediting  the  settlement  of  his  accounts. 

When  one  degraded  from  his  rank,  hut  retained  in  office,  is 
unable  to  clear  himself  from  the  charges  against  him  in  a rea- 
sonable time,  to  the  satisfaction  of  his  superiors,  the  next  grade 
of  punishment  is  to  remove  him  from  the  official  trust.  In 
some  cases  he  is  degraded  from  his  rank  and  removed  from  of- 
fice at  the  same  time.  He  returns  to  the  position  of  a citizen, 
liable  to  arrest  and  further  punishment,  should  the  punishment 
already  inflicted  not  be  deemed  sufficiently  severe.  Often- 
times he  is  commanded  to  appear  as  soon  as  possible  at  Pe- 
king, to  be  tried  by  the  proper  tribunal. 

There  are  occasions  when  it  is  made  the  duty  of  a mandarin 
to  resign  his  office  for  a specified  time  or  for  a special  reason, 
expecting  to  take  office  again  when  the  time  has  expired  or 
when  the  reason  no  longer  exists.  For  example : 

Every  civil  mandarin,  on  the  occasion  of  the  death  of  a par- 
ent, must  immediately  resign  his  office,  announce  the  sorrow- 
ful fact  to  the  emperor  by  a memorial,  and  ask  leave  to  go  and 
mourn  the  usual  fteriod  of  three  years  at  his  ancestral  home. 
He  need  not  wait  until  an  answer  is  returned.  Such  requests 
are  never  refused ; and  not  to  resign  one’s  office,  and  return  to 
the  home  of  the  deceased  parent,  and  engage  in  the  established 
rites,  would  be  a crime  not  tolerated  by  Chinese  law  or  Chi- 
nese custom.  The  duties  of  his  vacated  office  will  be  cared 
for  by  the  high  officers  of  the  province  for  the  time  being,  un- 
til other  arrangements  can  be  made.  Military  officers  of  the 
three  highest  ranks  only  are  allowed  to  resign  their  appoint- 
ments and  return  home  to  mourn  three  years  on  the  death  of 
a parent.  Military  officers  of  some  lower  ranks  are  allowed  to 
be  absent  a shorter  period.  Such  a resignation  of  office  often- 
times produces  considerable  confusion  in  the  administration 
of  government,  but  the  derangement  is  regarded  as  unimpor-* 
tant  compared  with  the  sin  of  violating  the  ancient  custom  of 
resigning  office  and  returning  home  to  mourn,  which  custom 
Confucius  himself  honored  and  observed  on  the  death  of  his 
mother,  when  he  held  office.  The  expense  and  fatigue  to  the 
filial  son  are  also  sometimes  very  great,  as  when  he  holds  of- 
fice in  the  southern  part  of  the  empire,  while  his  ancestral 
home  is  in  a northern  province;  but  such  considerations  are 


816 


MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 


of  little  moment  compared  with  the  transcendent  importance 
of  showing  due  regard  to  the  memory  of  a deceased  parent. 
It  will  not  answer  for  a high  mandarin  to  fail  in  the  exhibition 
of  filial  piety  if  he  wishes  to  stand  well  with  the  imperial  gov- 
ernment or  with  the  people  whom  he  governs. 

When  a mandarin  has  been  a long  while  absent  from  his 
parents,  or  when  he  hears  that  they,  or  one  of  them,  are  very 
ill,  it  is  very  creditable  for  him  to  ask  permission  of  the  empe- 
ror to  leave  his  office  and  its  duties  for  a year  or  two,  for  the 
purpose  of  going  home  and  taking  care  of  his  parents.  Should 
he  be  made  acquainted  with  their  dangerous  illness,  and  not 
petition  for  a release  from  office  to  go  and  visit  them,  he  would 
be  charged  with  a want  of  filial  love,  which  is  one  of  the  most 
serious  charges  that  can  be  made  against  the  character  of  a 
man  in  China.  And  should  the  emperor,  through  the  offi- 
cials of  the  appropriate  board,  treat  lightly  an  application  from 
one  of  his  servants  in  the  provinces  for  leave  to  go  home  and 
visit  his  parents,  on  account  of  the  great  length  of  his  absence 
from  them,  or  because  he  has  learned  of  their  daugerous  ill- 
ness, he  would  be  liable  to  be  regarded  as  teaching  men  to 
think  little  of  their  parents,  and  to  be  unfilial  to  them,  and,  by 
inference,  unfaithful  to  himself,  the  great  father  aud  mother  of 
the  people  in  all  the  empire.  If  the  circumstances  of  the  case 
seem  really  to  require  the  absence  from  office  of  the  petition- 
er, and  the  condition  of  the  empire  will  admit  of  a favorable 
reply  to  the  petition  of  the  filial  mandarin,  permission  is  often 
given  to  him  to  do  as  he  formally  requested.  The  example  of 
such  men  is  regarded  as  praiseworthy,  aud  is  held  up  to  ap- 
probation and  imitation. 

It  sometimes  occurs  that  a mandarin  asks  permission  of  the 
emperor  to  resign  his  office  and  return  home,  for  the  purpose 
of  remaining  with  his  aged  and  infirm  parents  as  long  as  they 
live.  He  states  the  urgent  circumstances  of  the  case : that 
he  has  been  long  absent;  that  they  are  very  aged,  etc.  Be- 
fore granting  such  a request,  the  emperor  usually  causes  inqui- 
ries to  be  made  in  regard  to  the  circumstances  of  the  parents 
of  the  professedly  filial  mandarin  by  or  through  the  high  offi- 
cials of  the  province  where  they  reside.  If  the  facts  are  as 
stated  by  the  suppliant,  and  the  emperor’s  advisors  regard  him 
as  really  desirous  of  spending  his  time  with  his  parents  as  long 


SINGULAR  CAUSES  FOR  RESIGNING  OFFICE. 


317 


as  they  live,  because  of  his  filial  affection  for  them — not  be- 
cause he  wishes  to  enjoy  or  invest  the  money  he  has  already 
made— his  application  is  granted,  unless  there  are  manifest  and 
urgent  considerations  of  state  which  make  it  desirable  that  he 
should  postpone  the  gratification  of  his  filial  heart  to  a more 
remote  period.  Such  applicants  are  always  treated  with  re- 
spect and  honor,  even  if  their  requests  are  refused. 

Not  unfrequently  does  it  occur  that  a man  who  is  appointed 
to  office  is  in  duty  bound  to  offer  his  resignation  because  some 
member  of  his  family,  or  some  relative  or  very  intimate  friend, 
has  an  appointment  in  the  same  province  of  inferior  rank  to 
his  own.  For  instance,  if  a son  should  be  appointed  to  the 
governorship  of  a province  in  which  his  father  already  held  the 
office  of  a prefect,  or  a disti'ict  magistrate,  or  any  other  office 
lower  in  rank  than  that  to  which  he  was  appointed,  it  would 
be  the  duty  of  the  son  to  resign  his  office  without  delay;  or  if  a 
younger  brother  should  be  appointed  to  some  office  in  a prov- 
ince where  his  elder  brother  had  official  employment  less  honor- 
able or  less  elevated  in  rank  than  the  one  to  which  the  younger 
brother  was  appointed,  the  latter  is  required  to  tender  his  res- 
ignation. The  general  rule  is,  that  the  more  honorable  in  fam- 
ily relations  may  not  be  in  office  of  a lower  rank  under  one 
less  honorable.  A son  may  not  hold  office  in  the  same  prov- 
ince of  higher  rank  than  his  father ; a younger  brother  may 
not  be  put  over  his  elder  brother ; a nephew  may  not  be  a 
mandarin  of  superior  rank  to  his  uncle  in  the  same  province, 
etc.  On  the  same  general  principle  of  reasoning,  a la  Chinois , 
two  warm  and  mutual  friends  must  not  hold  office  in  the  same 
province  of  different  ranks.  A greater  must  not  worship  the 
less ; and  equals  must  not  be  placed  in  official  positions  so  that 
one  must  worship  the  other  as  higher  or  lower;  and  friends 
must  not  “ worship”  each  other.  Such  a relation  of  things 
would  be  contrary  to  the  order  of  nature.  As  a general  rule, 
the  emperor  is  also  desirous  that  relatives  and  mutual  friends 
should  not  be  employed  in  office  near  each  other,  lest  they 
should  favor  each  other  when  occasion  offers  at  the  expense 
of  justice,  or  lest  they  should  combine  to  oppress  and  injure 
the  people.  This  matter  is  a difficult  one  to  regulate  in  China. 

Sometimes  a mandarin  asks  to  be  relieved  from  the  cares  of 
official  responsibility  for  a short  time  in  consequence  of  being 


318 


MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 


wearied  out  with  his  previous  labors,  secretly  intending  often- 
times never  to  take  office  again.  The  higher  class  of  officers 
must  get  such  permission  from  the  dignitaries  at  Peking,  and 
the  lower  class  of  officers  must  obtain  it  from  their  superiors 
living  in  the  provincial  capital.  None  dare  ordinarily  leave 
their  official  positions  without  consent  previously  obtained ; 
if  they  did,  they  would  be  arrested  and  severely  punished  by 
degradation  or  by  fine,  or  both. 

Mandarins  who  have  amassed  considerable  wealth  are  often- 
times anxious  to  retire  temporarily  or  permanently  from  gov- 
ernment service,  in  order  to  secure  the  wealth  and  the  titles 
and  honors  they  have  gained.  If  they  remain  in  office  they 
are  liable  to  be  fined,  or  degraded,  or  severely  punished  for  in- 
nocent mistakes,  and  for  unsuccessful  efforts  to  do  what  falls 
to  their  duty  to  do.  Their  present  office  may  be  a poor  and 
scarcely  remunerative  one,  and  they  are  fearful  of  filling  in  ar- 
rears in  revenue.  If  they  can  retire  from  office  with  their 
riches  and  their  rank  intact,  they  will  have  the  reasonable 
prospect  of  handing  down  the  former  to  their  children,  and  of 
enjoying  the  latter,  and  the  importance  and  the  influence 
which  it  gives  as  resident  gentry  or  retired  mandarins  in  their 
native  village  or  city.  Their  applications  are  seldom  granted 
unless  they  bribe  largely  the  high  officials  to  report  favorably, 
and  to  use  their  influence  at  court  in  their  behalf. 

Officers  of  an  advanced  age  sometimes  ask  for  leave  to  re- 
tire from  office  on  the  score  of  their  old  age  and  their  increas- 
ing infirmities.  The  emperor  is  generally  anxious  to  retain 
in  office  his  long-tried  and  experienced  servants  as  long  as 
he  can,  and  therefore  is  always  loth  to  grant  permission  for 
them  to  retire  to  private  life.  Unless  they  can  bring  the  em- 
peror or  his  confidential  or  influential  advisers  to  believe  that 
they  are  really  becoming  more  and  more  infirm,  blind,  or  deaf, 
etc.,  it  is  usually  quite  difficult  to  obtain  a favorable  reply  to 
their  requests  for  a furlough  on  account  of  old  age.  There  is 
considerable  danger  of  urgently  pressing  the  request  for  res- 
pite on  this  account,  if  there  is  not  most  manifest  reason  for 
it.  The  emperor  may  become  displeased,  and  deprive  the  pe- 
titioner of  his  honors  and  titles,  and  let  him  go  home  as  a plain 
citizen,  which  is  a result  not  at  all  desired,  and  which  is  re- 
garded as  really  tantamount  to  dismissal  from  office  in  disgrace. 


SETTING  A THIEF  TO  CATCH  A THIEF. 


319 


When  sick,  mandarins  frequently  ask  leave  of  absence  or  per- 
mission to  resign  office,  in  order  to  return  home  and  take  meas- 
ures to  cure  themselves.  Sometimes  the  emperor,  in  a mani- 
festly urgent  case,  grants  the  permission  to  resign.  At  other 
times  he  permits  them  to  remain  nominally  in  office,  but  re- 
lieved of  its  cares  for  a time,  thus  enabling  them  to  employ 
medical  aid  without  the  necessity  of  attending  to  official  du- 
ties at  the  same  time,  expecting  them  to  resume  the  responsi- 
bilities of  office  as  soon  as  they  recover.  This  is  a very  com- 
mon excuse  for  trying  to  rid  themselves  of  official  duty,  and 
danger,  and  responsibility,  when  they  are  really  not  very  un- 
well, and  when  the  actual  reason  for  desiring  to  be  allowed  to 

* retire  is  to  obtain  an  opportunity  to  secure  or  invest  their 
property  in  some  profitable  manner,  and  to  enjoy  in  private 
life  the  honor  and  rank  which  they  have  already  attained  in 
government  employ.  When  this  is  suspected  to  be  the  real 
cause  of  preferring  a request  to  be  allowed  to  retire  from  of- 
fice “ on  account  of  sickness,”  of  course  the  request  is  prompt- 
ly denied.  There  is  a saying  here  to  the  effect  that  those  who 
feign  sickness  in 'order  to  go  to  their  ancestral  homes  and  en- 
joy their  wealth  and  honors,  will  be  sure  to  become  really  ill 
there,  as  a punishment  for  their  duplicity  and  mendacity  to- 
Avard  their  sovereign. 

A very  singular  state  of  things  prevails  in  this  part  of  China 
relating  to  the  management  of  thieves,  and  the  methods  to  be 
taken  in  order  to  obtain  stolen  property.  The  Chinese  gov- 

• ernment  seem  to  act  on  the  adage  “ set  a thief  to  catch  a 
thief  ” There  is  a class  of  men  connected  with  civil  official 

• establishments,  but  living  more  or  less  among  the  people,  who 
have  the  superintendence  of  matters  relating  to  thieves  and 
thieving.  These  men  enjoy  the  reputation  of  having  been 
great  thieves  themselves  before  they  Avere  recognized  as  chiefs 
of  this  branch  of  police.  It  is  currently,  reported  among  the 
people  that  many  of  these  men  were  detected  in  stealing,  and, 
instead  of  being  punished,  they  Avere  pardoned  on  their  agree- 
ing to  catch  other  thieves  and  to  aid  the  magistrates  to  obtain 
possession  of  stolen  property.  The  people  affirm  that  they  are 
head  thieves,  or  chief  of  the  local  robbers  Avhich  infest  neigh- 
borhoods, and  knoAV,  in  case  of  any  particular  theft,  who  the 
robbers  are,  and  where  the  stolen  goods  are  deposited,  be- 


320 


MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 


cause  they  instructed  the  thieves  where  to  rob  and  where  to 
carry  the  property  taken,  promising  to  protect  them.  After 
the  robbery  has  been  committed  the  thief-catchers  are  sum- 
moned, and  make  a great  ado,  pretending  to  be  sincerely  de- 
sirous of  recovering  the  property  and  ascertaining  the  thieves, 
and  having  them  arrested  and  punished.  Unless,  however, 
they  are  bribed  largely  to  recover  the  property,  it  is  seldom 
ever  seen  again  by  its  owner.  ? If  the  matter  after  a while 
should  die  away,  they  divide  the  spoils  or  the  profits  with  the 
thieves.  If,  however,  the  party  which  was  robbed  does  not 
give  up  the  affair,  but  makes  repeated  applications  to  the  mag- 
istrate whose  duty  it  is  to  attend  to  the  affair,  and  there  seems 
to  Hbe  no  other  way  of  proceeding,  the  magistrate  insists  on 
the  thief-catchers  finding  out  the  robbers  and  restoring  the 
goods.  The  thief-catchers,  in  case  they  perceive  their  magis- 
trate to  be  really  in  earnest,  usually  produce  some  one  who 
confesses  to  the  robbery,  and  perhaps  a small  part  of  the 
goods  stolen  is  restored.  The  thief  is  flogged  and  put  in  the 
cangue  for  a month  or  two,  and  the  matter  is  dropped.  The 
people  have  no  faith  in  the  honesty  of  the  official  thief-catch- 
ers. They  have  the  reputation  of  being  partners  or  personally 
concerned  in  the  principal  places  where  stolen  goods  are  de- 
posited for  a time,  and  afterward  offered  for  sale.  \ The  places 
where  they  are  sold  generally  are  an  illegal  kind  of  pawn- 
shops, not  authorized  or  recognized  by  government,  but  sim- 
ply tolerated.  It  is  exceedingly  difficult  to  arrest  thieves  and 
recover  stolen  property,  on  account  of  the  complicity  of  the 
official  thief-catchers  with  the  real  thieves,  and  their  pecuniary 
interest  in  the  profits  of  successful  robbery. 

The  men  connected  with  military  yamuns,  required  to  act 
the  part  of  thief-catchers,  are  known  by  a different  name  from 
those  belonging  to  civil  yamuns.  These  are  generally  com- 
mon soldiers,  who  are  employed  to  patrol  the  street  at  night. 
In  this  way  they  have  opportunity  to  find  out,  if  they  really 
desire  to  do  so,  all  who  in  their  section  of  the  city  or  suburbs 
are  regular  or  professional  thieves.  The  theory  is  that  they 
secretly  watch  any  who  are  out  thieving  until  they  have  en- 
tered a house.  They  remain  outside,  and  when  the  thieves 
come  forth  with  their  plunder  they  seize  them,  and  restore  the 
property  to  its  owners,  but  deliver  the  robbers  over  to  their 


ONCE  A THIEF,  AFTERWAED  A THIEF. 


321 


mandarins  for  punishment.  The  theory  is  a very  fine  one,  but 
the  practice  does  not  correspond  to  it.  They  divide  the  spoils 
■with  the  robbers,  and  let  them  go.  The  lion’s  share  falls  to 
the  lot  of  their  official  protectors. 

It  is  the  current  belief  among  the  people  that  those  who 
have  once  stolen,  and  have  shared  the  plunder  with  the  thief- 
catchers,  may  never  lead  honest  lives  again  if  they  continue  to 
reside  in  the  place,  but  must  rob  and  plunder,  dividing  the 
profits  with  the  official  thief-catchers.  If  the  former  are  after- 
ward seen  by  the  latter  with  any  valuable  property  in  their 
possession  in  the  streets,  they  claim  a part  of  it ; and  if  they 
have  any  respectable  clothing  upon  their  persons,  they  strip 
them  of  it,  on  the  charge  of  being  robbers.  If  they  do  not 
yield  peaceably,  the  thief-catchers  proceed  to  beat  and  abuse 
them,  and  threaten  to  take  them  into  custody,  and  deliver 
them  into  the  hands  of  their  masters  as  thieves.  It  is  said 
that  many  who  would  be  as  honest,  and  lead  as  exemplary 
lives  as  the  majority  of  the  population,  are  obliged  to  become 
thieves  and  robbers,  sharing  the  profits  with  the  thief-police, 
in  order  to  gain  a living,  after  they  have  once  been  detected  in 
pilfering  or  stealing. 

Common  fame  affirms  that  every  mandarin  receives  valuable 
presents  more  or  less  regularly  from  subordinates. 

On  arriving  at  the  place  of  his  mandarinate,  it  is  customary, 
in  this  part  of  the  empire,  for  clerks  and  inferior  officials  con- 
nected with  his  own  establishment  to  make  presents  to  the 
new  mandarin.  Tie  expects  a present  graduated  in  value  ac- 
cording to  the  comparative  lucrativeness  of  the  stations  which 
the  officers  fill.  The  amount  from  each  is  fixed  by  custom. 
Unless  they  should  give  it  on  the  arrival  of  the  mandarin,  pro- 
fessedly as  an  expression  of  their  satisfaction  and  respect,  but 
really  in  order  to  ingratiate  themselves  in  his  good  will,  mat- 
ters would  not  go  smoothly  with  them.  They  would  be  fre- 
quently faulted  and  required  to  do  their  work  over  again,  etc. 
They  give  the  customary  present  to  the  mandarin,  as  soon  as 
he  arrives,  as  a bribe  to  treat  them  well. 

All  of  the  officers  inferior  to  the  new-arrived  in  the  district, 
prefecture,  or  province,  who  are  under  his  supervision,  are  ex- 
pected to  make  him  a present.  The  district  magistrate  ex- 
pects a present  from  all  who  are  beneath  him,  the  prefect  from 

O 2 


322 


MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 


all  who  are  beneath  him,  and  the  governor  from  the  officers 
under  his  jurisdiction  who  report  to  him,  and  the  viceroy  from 
all  the  principal  officers  in  the  two  provinces  under  his  con- 
trol. The  value  of  these  presents  from  the  different  officials 
who  greet  their  new  superior  mandarin  in  this  manner  is  reg- 
ulated by  custom,  and  has  respect  to  the  comparative  rank 
and  profits  of  the  positions  occupied  by  them.  Those  who  do 
not  make  the  customary  token  of  respect  may  be  sure  that 
they  are  marked,  and  that  they  will  suffer  the  consequence  of 
their  violation  of  custom  in  the  subsequent  inattention  and  ill 
•will  of  their  superior.  Some  of  these  presents,  given  by  a sin- 
gle subordinate  to  his  superior  of  high  rank  and  in  a high  of- 
fice, are  saj$  to  amount  to  several  hundred  dollars,  especially 
if  he  has  a great  favor  which  he  hopes  to  gain  from  him,  or  if 
he  desires  to  be  promoted  through  his  influence.  It  is  easy  to 
perceive  that  on  the  arrival  of  a viceroy  or  of  a provincial  gov- 
ernor at  the  place  where  he  enters  upon  office,  he  ordinarily, 
before  he  has  performed  much  work,  receives  in  the  aggregate 
a large  sum  of  ready  money,  as  presents  or  as  bribes,  from  the 
large  staff  of  subordinate  officers  resident  in  various  parts  of 
the  province.  Mandarins  of  lower  rank  receive  much  smaller, 
but  still  a comparatively  large  amount  of  money  from  their 
subordinate  officers. 

The  newly-arrived  mandarin  is  to  a large  extent  under  the 
influence  of  the  subordinates  whom  he  finds  connected  with 
his  yamun.  He  is  usually  accompanied  by  a number  of  family 
relatives  and  confidential  advisers  who  aid  him.  Still,  he  is 
necessarily  very  much  under  the  control  or  influence  of  those 
who  are  attached  to  the  establishment.  The  new  mandarin  is 
very  frequently  entirely  unacquainted  with  the  customs  of  the 
place  and  with  its  dialect.  He  finds  sometimes  several  tens 
or  scores  of  men  belonging  to  the  yamun  who  are  strangers, 
and  whom  he  can  not  understand  when  they  converse  with 
each  other  in  their  vernacular.  The  statement  that  he  is  to  a 
great  extent  under  the  control  or  influence  of  his  subordinates 
connected  with  his  yamun  will  be  evident  in  the  course  of  the 
following  observations : 

There  are  a large  number  of  men,  called  “ Great  Sires”  al- 
ways found  in  yamuns  of  the  higher  rank,  with  whom  the 
chief  mandarin  has  constant  intercourse. 


INFLUENTIAL  POSITION  OF  INTERPRETERS.  323 

Some  of  the  great  sires  act  as  interpreters  to  the  manda- 
rin. The  mandarin,  being  generally  from  another  province, 
requires  an  interpreter  to  explain  the  dialect  spoken  by  na- 
tives of  the  place  who  may  have  business  to  do  with  him,  if 
they  can  not  speak  the  court  dialect.  In  case  of  a criminal 
trial  where  the  culprit  is  from  a distant  part  of  the  province, 
and  speaks  the  brogue  of  that  section,  it  would  be  necessary 
for  an  interpreter  to  translate  the  language  of  the  culprit  to 
the  mandarin,  and  the  language  of  the  mandarin  to  the  culprit. 

Should  the  great  sire  for  any  reason  desire  to  favor  the  per- 
son interrogated,  it  is  sometimes  an  easy  matter  to  put  a 
plausible  coloring  upon  his  statements,  especially  as  he  readily 
learns,  from  constant  intercourse  with  his  master,  the  manner 
in  which  he  may  dupe  him ; and,  unless  he  should  receive  a 
bonus  from  the  party  interrogated  by  the  mandarin,  it  is  very 
easy  to  misinterpret,  or  to  fail  of  interpreting  the  whole  truth, 
and  nothing  but  the  truth,  to  that  party  from  the  mandarin,  or 
from  the  mandarin  to  that  party.  It  is  for  the  interest  of  the 
mandarin  to  gain  and  keep  the  good-will  of  his  interpreter,  and 
it  is  also  for  the  interest  of  the  other  party  to  stand  well  with 
him.  Without  the  use  of  much  imagination,  it  is  not  difficult 
to  perceive  that  the  mandarin  necessarily  comes  under  the  in- 
fluence of  his  great  sires  to  a large  extent. 

Another  of  these  great  sires  has  the  charge  of  the  entrance- 
door  to  the  yamun.  All  who  desire  to  see  the  resident  man- 
darin must  have  their  cards  of  introduction,  or  their  visit- 
ing cards,  received  and  passed  along  by  him  or  his  assistants. 
He  levies  a contribution  from  those  who  wish  to  see  his  mas- 
ter called  “the  door-parcel.”  Sometimes  he  demands  an  ex- 
orbitant sum  before  he  will  receive  and  pass  along  the  card, 
and  announce  the  arrival  of  a stranger  who  wishes  to  see  the 
mandarin  on  urgent  business.  On  the  arrival  of  a new  incum- 
bent of  office  at  the  yamun  whose  door-keeper  he  is,  he  gener- 
ally reaps  a large  harvest,  as  a great  number  of  official  visitors 
must  call  to  pay  their  respects  to  their  superior.  Unless  the 
inferior  mandarins  call  to  see  him  or  send  in  their  cards,  the 
newly-arrived  will  be  offended  at  their  want  of  politeness ; but 
to  succeed  in  doing  this  they  must  come  to  terms  with  the 
chief  door-keeper. 

Only  a few  years  ago,  a high  official  in  the  city,  recently  ap- 


324 


MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 


pointed,  having  arrived,  was  waited  upon  by  all  his  subordi- 
nates except  one,  who  was  a distant  relative.  He  did  not  ap- 
pear until  after  comparatively  a long  time,  and  then  he  found 
his  superior  in  an  unpleasant  mood.  In  reply  to  the  remark 
that  he  had  not  called,  or  even  sent  in  his  card,  the  late-caller 
said  that  he  had  been  to  the  door  several  times,  but  the  door- 
keeper had  demanded  a present  of  several  hundred  taels,  a 
sum  which  he  deemed  exorbitant,  and  had  declined  to  give, 
and  that  he  had  therefore  returned  to  his  own  yamun  without 
paying  his  respects.  He  farther  stated  that  he  had  to  force 
his  way  in  at  that  time,  the  door-keeper  demanding  a very 
high  sum,  and  attempting  to  obstruct  his  passage.  On  hear- 
ing this,  the  high  official’s  wrath  against  his  guest  was  molli- 
fied, and  diverted  toward  his  door-keeper,  whom  he  embraced 
an  early  opportunity  to  reprimand  sharply  for  his  extortion, 
bamboo  severely,  and  dismiss  from  his  position.  It  is  not  ev- 
ery guest  who  would  be  tolerated  in  expressing  dissatisfaction 
with  the  exorbitant  extortion  practiced  by  the  door-keeper  of 
the  mandarin  upon  whom  he  was  calling.  Such  complaints 
would  in  ordinary  cases  probably  make  him  personally  obnox- 
ious with  his  host,  and  certainly  such  would  be  the  result  with 
his  underlings.  On  occasion  of  making  presents  to  the  man- 
darin on  the  recurrence  of  his  birthday,  and  of  the  great  festi- 
vals during  the  year  in  accordance  with  established  customs, 
the  door-keeper  must  be  largely  bribed  by  those  who  would 
show  their  respects  and  intimate  their  congratulations  to  his 
master,  else  he  will  not  allow  their  presents  and  the  accom- 
panying card  to  be  taken  into  the  premises.  After  a success- 
ful application  for  an  office  in  the  bestowment  of  the  high 
mandarin,  his  door-keeper  is  usually  sure  to  fleece  the  appli- 
cant when  he  comes  at  the  appointed  time  to  receive  his  cre- 
dentials and  return  his  thanks ; for,  unless  he  calls  to  receive 
his  credentials  at  the  appointed  time,  the  mandarin  would  be 
displeased  at  his  want  of  punctuality,  and  might  possibly 
change  his  mind ; and  the  other  party  can  not  proceed  to  the 
place  of  his  mandarinate  until  he  has  obtained  the  requisite 
documents.  The  deeply-interested  caller  can  do  no  better 
than  come  to  terms  with  the  door-keeper. 

Among  the  permanent  attaches,  during  good  behavior,  to  a 
mandarinate,  is  a class  of  men  usually  called  the  mandarin’s 


HOW  A MANDARIN  ENGAGES  HIS  TEACHER.  325 


“teacher”  or  “adviser.”  Every  civil  mandarin  has  at  least 
one  whom  he  regards  as  his  right-hand  man  and  his  chief 
“ teacher,”  who  really  is  indispensable  to  him.  He  usually  has 
been  a long  while  connected  with  that  mandarinate,  and  is  ac- 
quainted with  the  recorded  decisions  of  his  master’s  predeces- 
sors, and  with  the  laws  bearing  upon  the  matters  generally  in- 
vestigated and  decided  at  that  yamun,  and  is  familiar  with  lo- 
cal customs,  sentiments,  and  feelings.  In  regard  to  these  sub- 
jects the  new  occupant  of  the  office  is  at  first  quite  ignorant. 
In  fact,  he  is  often  quite  dependent  on  his  “ teacher,”  who  is 
always  a man  of  talent  and  experience.  In  regard  to  most 
cases  he  is  consulted  and  his  opinion  obtained.  He  is  always 
treated  with  great  respect  by  the  mandarin ; eats  at  the  same 
table  with  him,  and  occupies  the  post  of  honor,  being  the  man- 
darin’s guest  according  to  Chinese  notions  of  etiquette. 

The  process  which  it  is  customary  for  a mandarin  to  adopt 
at  this  place,  when  he  wishes  to  engage  the  services  of  any 
particular  individual  to  be  his  “teacher”  for  a year,  or  to  take 
the  supervision  of  any  particular  department  in  his  yamun,  is 
like  this : he  prepares  a large  sheet  of  red  paper,  and  on  it 
writes  his  invitation,  stating  the  business  he  desires  to  have 
him  do,  and  the  salary  he  offers  him,  and  when  to  be  paid, 
whether  monthly  or  quarterly.  In  signing  this  document,  the 
mandarin  often  styles  himself'  “ his  stupid  younger  brother .” 
This  paper  and  his  card  he  sends  by  some  one  to  the  individ- 
ual, together  with  a present  of  ten  or  fifteen  dollars,  more  or 
less.  If  the  man  receives  the  present  and  the  document,  and 
retains  them,  it  is  understood  that  he  accepts  the  terms  and 
consents  to  fill  the  station.  He  considers  himself  engaged  for 
a year.  But  if  he  declines  to  receive  the  present  with  the  red 
paper  and  card,  sending  them  back,  the  meaning  is  that  he  is 
dissatisfied  with  something,  or  that  it  is  impossible  for  him  to 
accept,  being  engaged  or  in  feeble  health.  In  this  case  the 
mandarin  must  make  another  offer  if  he  wishes  to  secure  his 
services,  or  he  must  look  out  for  another  suitable  person  to 
act  as  teacher. 

In  connection  with  mandarin  establishments  of  the  first 
rank  in  the  provincial  city  will  be  found  six  separate  offices 
or  boards,  in  imitation  of  the  corresponding  six  boards  at  the 
imperial  capital.  The  head  clerk  of  each  of  these  offices  is  a 


326 


MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 


man  of  ability,  and  well  acquainted  with  the  history  and  the 
condition  of  his  department.  The  first  relates  to  offices  and 
vacancies;  the  second  relates  to  revenue,  as  provisions  and 
moneys  received  for  taxes ; the  third  relates  to  official  cer- 
emonies and  rites,  as  sacrificing  in  spring  and  autumn ; the 
fourth  relates  to  war,  as  the  number  of  soldiers,  their  pay  and 
rations ; the  fifth  relates  to  punishment,  as  regards  degree  and 
kind ; the  sixth  relates  to  public  works,  as  building  and  re- 
pairs. These  head  clerks  are  paid  out  of  government  funds  a 
regular  and  handsome  salary.  After  they  have  served  with 
credit  for  six  years,  they  are  entitled  to  the  honorary  reward 
of  wearing  a button  on  their  caps,  denoting  the  sixth  degree 
of  rank,  conferred  by  the  emperor.  It  is  manifest  that  every 
new  incumbent  of  the  mandarinate  is  dependent  upon  these 
men  to  a very  great  extent  in  regard  to  the  details  of  their 
departments,  as  well  as  in  regard  to  the  proper  decision  of  im- 
portant questions  which  concern  them.  Their  opinions  are 
oftentimes  of  necessity  of  more  value,  and  generally  much 
nearer  the  requirement  of  the  law,  than  his  opinions  on  dispu- 
ted and  delicate  points. 

These  head  men  sometimes  work  under  the  personal  super- 
vision of  the  mandarin  their  master,  and  they  submit  their  re- 
ports to  Peking,  and  public  notices  for  the  region  where  they 
live,  to  him  for  criticism  and  correction.  These  are  issued  in 
his  name,  and  have  his  official  seal.  They  are  men  of  ready 
talent,  quick  in  the  use  of  the  pencil,  and  possessed  of  much 
more  than  an  average  amount  of  general  ntelligence.  When 
they  and  the  principal  “ teacher”  agree  well  with  each  other, 
every  thing  usually  works  smoothly ; but  when  they  are  not 
on  good  terms  with  him,  the  wheels  of  government  turn  with 
friction,  producing  oftentimes  actual  enmity  and  ill  will. 


MANDARINS  GENERALLY  UNPOPULAR. 


327 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES-*-  Continued. 

Mandarins  sometimes  popular. — “ Umbrellas  from  ten  thousand  of  the  Peo- 
ple.”— “Garments  from  ten  thousand  of  the  People.” — Sons  in  Office 
obtain  Titles  of  Rank  for  Parents  living  or  dead. — Peacock  Feathers  be- 
stowed as  Rewards. — Transference  of  Titles  of  Honor. — Policemen  con- 
nected with  Yamuns  detested. — Seizing  and  torturing  Relatives  of  Cul- 
prits.— “White  Market.” — Mandarins  held  responsible  for  large  Confla- 
grations.— Manuscript  official  daily  Gazettes. — No  Newspapers  for  the 
Million. — People  instructed  by  public  Proclamations. — Exhortations  to 
subscribe  Money  for  Use  of  Government. — Office  obtained  by  Purchase 
or  by  Bribery. — First  Class  literary  Graduates  of  third  Rank  enter  on 
Office  at  once. — Legal  Modes  of  Torture  and  of  Punishment ; Inferior  and 
superior  Classes. — Wearing  the  Cangue. — Beating  on  the  Cheeks. — Beat- 
ing on  the  Posteriors. — Squeezing  the  Fingers. — Squeezing  the  Ankles. — 
Imprisonment. — Beheading.—”  Cutting  into  small  Pieces”  before  Decap- 
itation.— Strangulation. — Banishment  beyond  the  Frontiers. — Banishment 
three  thousand  Li  from  Home.— Banishment  one  thousand  Li. — Favors 
shown  to  Criminals  by  Grace  of  the  Emperor. — Illegal  Modes  of  Torture 
and  of  Punishment : Fastened  on  a Bedstead. — Frame  of  the  flowery  Eye- 
brow.— Monkey  holding  a Peach. — Standing  in  a Cage. — Smoking  the 
Head  in  a Tube. — A Shirt  made  of  Iron  Wire. — Hot-water  Snake.  — Whip 
of  Hooks. — Kneeling  on  Chains  or  Bits  of  Crockery.  — Common  hut  unlaw- 
ful Practices  : Relating  to  Gambling. — Keeping  of  Brothels. — Private  and 
unlicensed  Pawn-shops. — Clandestine  Manufacture  or  Sale  of  Salt. — 
Counterfeiting  Bank-bills. — Counterfeiting  Cash  and  deteriorating  Silver. 

Few  mandarins  are  popular,  and  have  the  confidence  and 
esteem  of  the  people  over  whom  they  rule.  They  generally 
are  too  desirous  to  become  rich  to  administer  affairs  with  jus- 
tice, usually  deciding-  the  causes  which  are  brought  before 
their  tribunals  in  favor  of  those  who  give  them  the  most  mon- 
ey as  presents  or  bribes.  But  there  are  exceptions  to  the 
above  remarks,  which  are  the  more  honorable  and  noticeable 
because  they  are  few.  Some  mandarins  are  universally  spoken 
favorably  of  by  the  people,  because  of  the  general  regard  to 
justice  which  they  evince  in  their  decisions,  and  on  account 
of  their  evident  desire  to  promote  the  happiness  and  the  pros- 


328 


MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 


perity  of  their  subjects.  When  they  die  in  office,  their  death 
is  regarded  as  a public  calamity ; and  when  their  term  of  of- 
fice expires,  and  they  are  transferred  to  some  other  station, 
their  departure  is  regarded  as  a public  loss. 

It  is  sometimes  the  custom,  when  such  a popular  officer  de- 
parts, for  the  rich  people  and  the  gentry  to  join  together  and 
bear  the  expense  of  presenting  him  with  one  or  more  umbrel- 
las of  state,  made  in  a rich  style.  From  this  circumstance 
they  are  called  “ umbrellas  from  ten  thousand  of  the  people” 
It  is  presented  in  the  name  of  the  people.  It  is  made  gen- 
erally out  of  red  satin  or  of  red  silk,  having  three  tiers  of 
folds  or  flounces.  Usually  the  names  of  the  principal  donors 
are  put  upon  the  outside  of  it  in  golden  letters.  When  he  de- 
parts from  his  yamun,  en  route  to  another  place  where  he  is 
to  discharge  the  duties  of  office  again,  this  umbrella  is  carried 
in  procession  in  connection  with  his  own  proper  retinue  of 
lictors,  servants,  etc.  Generally,  also,  a large  number  of  those 
who  live  in  the  place  which  he  is  leaving  join  in  the  procession 
for  a distance.  This  umbrella  is  received  with  great  pleasure 
by  the  popular  mandarin.  It  is  a source  of  real  joy  and  satis- 
faction to  him  and  to  his  family,  as,  when  spontaneously  pre- 
sented, it  is  a proof  of  his  having  the  affections  and  confidence 
of  the  community. 

On  the  same  principle,  and  for  the  same  reason,  sometimes 
a certain  kind  of  outside  official  garment  is  made  out  of  rich 
red  satin,  at  the  expense  and  in  the  name  of  the  people,  and 
presented  to  him  about  the  time  of  his  departure.  This  is 
called  a “ garment  from  ten  thousand  of  the  people”  The 
names  of  the  most  prominent  of  the  contributors  are  placed 
on  the  outside  in  golden  letters.  When  presented  it  is  borne 
on  a kind  of  pavilion,  so  as  to  be  seen  by  the  public,  accom- 
panied by  a band  of  music.  This  kind  of  popular  testimonial 
to  the  character  of  its  recipient  is  regarded  as  much  more  hon- 
orable than  the  umbrella  of  state,  and  is  much  more  rarely 
given.  It  is  a mark  of  the  greatest  respect  and  confidence. 

It  is  contrary  to  the  principles  of  Chinese  filial  pictij  for  a 
son  to  enjoy  a title  of  high  rank  and  honor  without  getting  a 
title  of  higher  rank  and  honor  for  his  paternal  ancestor.  Ac- 
cording to  law,  a dutiful  son  must  ask  the  emperor  to  confer 
upon  his  father  a title  of  rank  onp  degree  higher  than  his  own. 


peacock’s  feathers  bestowed  as  rewards.  329 


If  the  son  is  of  the  third  rank,  his  father  should  be  of  the  sec- 
ond rank.  The  mother  of  the  hopeful  and  dutiful  son  also  re- 
ceives a proper  and  corresponding  title.  Whether  living  or 
dead,  the  parent  must  be  honored  if  his  son  is  honored. 

One  of  the  most  common  and  most  valued  marks  of  imperi- 
al favor  and  approbation  (promotion  in  rank  and  office  except- 
ed) bestowed  upon  civil  or  military  officei’s  as  a reward  for 
their  faithful  services,  is  one  of  a certain  kind  of  feathers,  gen- 
erally called  peacock’s  feathers.  There  are  various  kinds  of 
these  feathers,  each  kind  indicating  a certain  degree  of  honor, 
or  the  comparative  value  put  upon  the  services  which  the  em- 
peror w'ishes  to  reward  and  to  commemorate.  One  kind  is 
spoken  of  as  the  “ flower"  feather,  another  as  the  '■'•green”  feath- 
er, another  as  the  “ one-eyed ” feather,  another  as  the  “ two- 
eyed ” feather,  and  another  as  the  “ tliree-eyed ” feather.  These 
are  treasured  up  as  marks  of  great  honor  by  the  recipients, 
and  worn  on  public  occasions.  By  simply  inspecting  the  feath- 
er worn  by  a mandarin,  and  regarding  its  color,  or  whether  it 
has  one  or  more  t! eyes”  he  who  is  acquainted  with  the  com- 
parative value  set  upon  these  things  understands  the  degree 
of  approbation  which  the  emperor  has  been  pleased  to  bestow 
upon  the  wearer.  One  of  the  great  incentives  to  bravery  on 
the  part  of  soldiers  is  that  of  expecting  to  receive  the  reward 
of  wearing  a peacock’s  feather  bestowed  by  the  emperor. 

When  a mandarin  considers  himself  under  lasting  obliga- 
tions to  a family  relative  (beside  his  father  and  mother)  for 
services  done  him  in  former  times,  he  sometimes  endeavors  to 
reward  the  person  by  obtaining  some  high  title  from  the  em- 
peror for  himself,  and  then  receiving  permission  to  transfer  it 
to  the  individual.  The  title  sought  for  is  sometimes  of  a high- 
er rank  than  the  one  enjoyed  by  the  mandarin.  The  emperor 
is  specially  requested  to  transfer  it  to  the  person  designated, 
not  so  much  to  bestow  a favor  upon  the  petitioner  as  to  re- 
ward merit,  and  to  indicate  his  approbation  of  the  kindness 
shown  to  one  who  afterward  rose  to  high  official  dignity. 
For  example,  the  parents  of  the  petitioner  may  have  deceased 
while  he  was  very  young,  and  the  individual  referred  to  might 
have  received  the  orphan  lad  into  his  family,  and  educated 
him  with  great  care  and  wisdom,  resulting  in  his  becoming  a 
high  mandarin. 


330 


MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 


The  principle  of  transferring  honors  and  titles  which  are  of 
a lower  rank  than  those  enjoyed  by  the  mandarin  himself  upon 
some  of  his  family  ralatives,  in  return  or  as  a reward  for  serv- 
ices formerly  rendered,  is  also  recognized  by  the  laws  or  reg- 
ulations of  the  land.  The  prospect  of  a talented  but  destitute 
lad  hereafter  becoming  a high  officer  of  government  is  some- 
times a powerful  motive  with  his  richer  and  more  fortunate 
relatives  for  treating  him  well  and  assisting  in  his  education. 

Every  yamun  has  one  or  more  head  constables  or  policemen 
connected  with  it,  whose  principal  employment  is  to  arrest 
those  who  are  charged  with  crimes.  The  position  of  the  head 
man  of  these  constables  is  often  bought  or  obtained  by  brib- 
ery, and  at  other  times  it  is  bestowed  as  a reward  for  faithful 
services.  If  there  is  a large  amount  of  business  for  them  to 
do,  they  amass  considerable  money  by  their  oppressive  and 
extortionate  course.  They,  as  a class,  are  universally  detest- 
ed. Respectable  people  do  not  care  to  be  associated  with 
them  in  any  way.  They  become  very  hard-hearted  and  unjust 
men.  They  abuse  and  oppress  those  who  are  accused  of  crime 
and  those  who  are  convicted  of  crime,  demanding  and  often 
receiving  large  sums  of  money  from  the  wealthy  who  fall  into 
their  clutches.  They  often  enforce  the  giving  of  money,  or 
treating  with  wine  or  opium,  by  the  families  to  which  the  ac- 
cused or  the  condemned  belong,  by  destroying  or  injuring  the 
chairs,  or  the  tables,  or  the  crockery  which  come  in  their  way. 
The  Chinese  dread,  as  a great  curse,  having  official  bu^ness  to 
do  with  them,  on  account  of  their  lawless  and  extortionate  de- 
mands, enforced  Avitli  violence.  Such  a course  is  illegal,  but 
there  is  generally  no  method  of  redress. 

It  frequently  occurs,  Avhen  the  constables  can  not  find  the 
man  their  master  bids  them  arrest,  they  seize,  imprison,  tor- 
ture, and  cross-question  some  near  relative  of  the  missing  man 
in  order  to  find  out  the  place  of  his  concealment.  This  is  a 
very  unjust  and  cruel  course  to  pursue,  but  one  Avhich  is  au- 
thorized by  custom  and  practice,  if  not  by  the  laws.  It  is 
done  on  the  supposition  that  the  relative  arrested  is  privy  to 
the  place  of  concealment,  and  perhaps  interested  in  his  escape. 
When  he  reveals  the  place  where  the  suspected  man  is  con- 
cealed, and  he  has  been  actually  arrested  and  imprisoned,  the 
relative  is  usually  set  at  liberty  on  paying  the  policemen  and 


MANDARINS  RESPONSIBLE  FOR  FIRES. 


331 


the  jailors  their  fees  for  their  trouble  in  regard  to  him.  In 
this  land  of  lawful  lawlessness  on  the  part  of  constables  and 
mandarins  in  regard  to  suspected  persons,  it  is  impossible  for 
friends  and  relatives  to  secrete  one  long  from  those  who  are 
seeking  for  him  on  account  of  the  brutal  course  pursued  to- 
ward his  family.  It  usually  occurs  that  the  man  who  gives 
the  constables  considerable  trouble  to  arrest  and  imprison, 
so  as  to  be  on  hand  when  the  mandarin  desires  to  examine 
him,  fares  the  worse  after  his  actual  arrest.  They  often  treat 
him  more  cruelly,  and  make  more  extortionate  demands  as  a 
compensation  for  their  extra  trouble. 

It  is  the  custom  for  shop-keepers  located  near  the  scene  of 
any  extensive  disorder  produced  by  mobs  in  the  street  or  a 
fire,  which  calls  together  a rabble,  to  close  their  establish- 
ments by  putting  up  the  thick  and  long  boards  which  form 
the  front  of  their  shops,  just  as  they  do  in  the  night,  lest  they 
should  be  robbed.  This  is  called  '•'■white  market ,”  and  is  an 
unlawful  course  for  the  people  to  pursue,  or,  rather,  it  is  a 
course  which  the  mandarins  are  anxious  should  not  be  pur- 
sued, lest  unhappy  consequences  should  result  to  themselves. 
They  are  held  responsible  for  the  preservation  of  the  peace, 
and  for  protecting  the  people  in  an  uninterrupted  prosecution 
of  their  lawful  calling.  The  existence  of  such  a state  of  affairs 
as  to  oblige  the  people  in  self-defense  to  close  their  stores  in 
daylight  would  be  interpreted  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  man- 
darin in  charge.  He  would  be  liable  to  degradation  in  rank, 
if  not  from  office,  if  known  to  his  superiors.  He  comes  at  once 
with  his  followers,  not  only  to  arrest  those  who  make  the  dis- 
turbance, but  also  to  persuade  the  people  to  open  their  estab- 
lishments. The  existence,  and  especially  the  continuance  of 
the  closing  of  the  shops,  indicates  incompetency  on  the  part 
of  the  mandarin  in  charge  to  keep  bad  men  in  check  and  pre- 
serve good  citizens  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  rights. 

The  mandarins  are  also  held  responsible  if  a large  confla- 
gration takes  place.  If  public  property  or  buildings  are  de- 
stroyed by  fire,  they  are  liable  to  be  degraded  or  punished  in 
some  way.  Some  twelve  or  thirteen  years  ago  the  Temple  of 
Confucius,  located  near  the  south  gate  and  inside  the  city,  took 
fire  just  after  it  had  been  left  one  morning  by  the  officers  whose 
business  it  was  to  burn  incense  there.  The  city  officers  were 


332 


MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 


greatly  alarmed  lest  the  burning  of  the  temple  should  be  made 
known  to  the  officials  at  Peking,  in  which  case  they  expected 
to  be  punished.  The  affair,  however,  was  managed  in  such  a 
manner  that  none  of  them  were  punished  for  permitting  the 
conflagration  of  the  temple.  Good  officers,  it  is  expected,  will 
keep  every  thing  in  order.  When  any  event  occurs  which 
ought  not  to  have  occurred,  they  are,  in  theory , held  responsi- 
ble for  permitting  its  occurrence,  and  treated  as  though  they 
were  guilty. 

In  cities  which  contain  yamuns  of  high  mandarins,  there  is 
an  office  where  manuscript  daily  gazettes  are  prepared,  giving 
the  public  news  relating  to  the  important  doings  of  the  man- 
darins, and  facts  which  concern  them,  such  as  appointments, 
advancement  in  rank,  degradations,  arrivals  and  departures  of 
officers.  This  is  prepared  for  the  different  high  officials,  the 
gentry,  and  subscribers  generally.  It  corresponds  somewhat 
to  a daily  gazette , but  is  not  printed  and  published,  and 
hawked  about  the  streets.  This  costs  for  city  subscribers 
several  shillings  per  month.  It  is  uninteresting  and  valueless 
except  to  those  who  desire  to  keep  posted  up  with  aflairs  re- 
lating to  mandarins.  Besides  this  daily,  there  may  be  had 
manuscript  copies  of  the  Peking  Gazette  as  often  as  there  is 
an  arrival  of  one  from  the  capital.  Generally  one  copy  comes 
down  from  Peking  to  this  city,  from  which  copies  are  made 
for  regular  subscribers.  It  is  always  very  much  behind  its 
date.  There  are  no  regular  dailies  or  weeklies  to  which  the 
people  have  access  containing  the  news  of  the  day.  Almost 
all  of  the  public  information  in  regard  to  current  events  in 
other  parts  of  the  empire  is  conveyed  by  family  letters,  and  by 
travelers  who  detail  the  news  as  they  go  from  place  to  place. 
The  means  of  transporting  letters  are  very  dilatory,  unsafe, 
and  expensive,  so  that  members  of  families  widely  separated, 
or  personal  friends  remote  from  each  other,  seldom  correspond, 
giving  the  news,  unless  it  relates  to  their  mutual  interests. 

When  it  is  necessary  that  the  people  should  be  instructed 
in  regard  to  important  affairs,  the  mandarins  cause  proclama- 
tions to  be  posted  up  more  or  less  numerously,  in  the  most 
frequented  streets  of  the  city  and  in  the  country  villages,  con- 
taining the  information.  These  proclamations  are  sometimes 
printed  and  sometimes  in  manuscript.  Those  concerned  are 


OFFICE  OFTEN  OBTAINED  BY  PURCHASE. 


333 


supposed  to  make  themselves  acquainted  with  its  contents, 
and  learn  thereby  what  they  are  expected  to  do,  and  what 
they  are  expected  not  to  do.  These  proclamations,  together 
with* handbills,  and  advertisements,  and  notices  issued  by  store- 
keepers, etc.,  constitute  the  newspapers  of  China,  and  are  found 
on  the  posts  and  walls  of  houses  and  shops.  They  take  the 
place  of  dailies  and  weeklies.  There  is  this  difference  between 
them  and  newspapers  of  the  West — they  cost  the  public  read- 
ers nothing,  but  are  furnished  gratuitously,  and  posted  up  con- 
spicuously for  the  information  of  all  whom  they  may  concern. 

During  the  reigns  of  the  last  two  or  three  emperors  it  has 
become  more  and  more  common,  and,  at  the  same  time,  more 
and  more  unpopular,  for  the  mandarins  to  “exhort  the  people 
to  subscribe  money”  for  the  use  of  the  emperor  in  the  admin- 
istration of  the  government.  Orders  are  occasionally  sent 
down  from  Peking  stating  the  urgent  need  of  more  funds,  and 
authorizing  the  officials  to  “exhort”  the  people  to  contribute 
to  the  imperial  treasury.  In  obedience  with  the  intimations 
from  Peking,  the  mandarins  undertake  the  task  of  endeavor- 
ing to  “persuade”  the  rich  men  and  the  gentry  under  their 
jurisdiction  to  supply  the  wants  of  the  emperor.  The  kind 
of  arguments  used  are  sometimes  very  forcible  and  powerful, 
as  threats,  arbitrary  arrests,  or  personal  violence,  together 
with  the  promise  of  obtaining  an  office  or  a title,  or  the  priv- 
ilege of  wearing  a button  or  feather  denoting  some  degree  of 
rank.  It  is  put  to  their  credit  if  they  are  able  to  report  enor- 
mous sums  paid  into  the  provincial  treasury  as  contributions 
from  the  people,  and  they  expect  to  be  rewarded  in  a suitable 
way  for  their  patriotic  efforts. 

Many  who  are  now  in  office  in  the  Middle  Kingdom  have 
obtained  it  principally  by  bribery  or  by  purchase,  or  by  the 
union  of  both  bribery  and  purchase.  The  two  are  so  intimate- 
ly related  that  perhaps  the  obtaining  of  office  by  the  dex- 
terous and  ample  use  of  money,  as  if  by  purchase,'^  invaria- 
bly connected  with  a greater  or  less  degree  of  bribery  of  the 
officials  who  manage  the  procurement  by  purchase.  A few 
years  ago  it  was  the  common  report  that  all  of  the  high  civil 
officials  at  this  city  had  procured  their  places  by  purchase.  It 
requires  practical  tact  of  a high  order  to  manage  the  affairs  of 
gove*nment  with  success.  A talented  business  man  is  often 


334 


MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 


dull  at  his  books  and  in  the  use  of  his  pencil,  and,  unless  he  has 
money  to  help  him  in  climbing  the  rounds  of  official  employ- 
ment and  emolument,  he  would  generally  remain  at  the  foot 
of  the  ladder,  looking  upward,  but  unable  to  ascend.  A poor 
scholar  without  funds  stands  ordinarily  but  a sorry  chance  to 
become  a mandarin  of  high  rank,  no  matter  how  great  his  tal- 
ent for  governing  and  for  transacting  business  may  be. 

It  frequently  occurs  that  graduates  of  the  first  or  second  lit- 
erary degree,  by  the  payment  of  a sum  of  money  into  the  im- 
perial treasury,  may  enter  at  once  on  the  discharge  of  official 
duty  and  power.  The  sum  paid  by  graduates  of  the  low  lit- 
erary degrees  varies  with  their  rank  as  scholars,  and  the  rank 
of  the  office  to  which  they  aspire.  The  higher  their  rank  as 
scholars,  the  less  is  the  sum  necessary  to  pay  for  the  position 
they  seek.  Some  men,  who  are  rich  but  not  learned,  and  who 
desire  to  play  the  mandarin  without  any  literary  rank  already 
obtained,  must  pay  comparatively  very  dear  for  an  office  — 
much  dearer  than  a scholar  would  have  to  pay.  Those  who 
buy  any  particular  office  usually  enter  without  delay  upon  its 
duties,  having  the  precedence  of  those  whose  talents  have 
earned  them  the  station,  or  who  have  acquired  it  by  gradual 
promotion. 

A man  of  talent,  having  arrived  at  the  rank  of  doctor  of 
laws  by  his  own  ability  in  the  nse  of  the  pencil  in  literary 
compositions,  need  not  fear  that  he  will  be  long  without  offi- 
cial employment,  if  he  desires  it.  Should  he  succeed  in  grad- 
uating at  the  fourth  examination  before  the  emperor,  he  is  sure 
of  entering  the  imperial  college  at  Peking,  or  of  receiving  im- 
mediate official  employment  somewhere,  without  the  necessity 
of  using  much  money  in  bribing  the  officials  there.  Should  he 
fail  to  graduate  at  the  examination  before  the  emperor,  and 
yet  have  arrived  at  a certain  rank  on  the  list  of  graduates  of 
the  third  degree,  he  is  entitled  to  enter  upon  the  duties  of 
some  magistracy  without  delay.  The  particular  place  in  the 
empire  is  decided  by  lot,  and  the  incumbent  of  the  position 
which  falls  to  the  doctor  of  laws  by  lot  must  give  way  to  him, 
or  the  higher  mandarins  there  must  provide  for  him  immedi- 
ately on  arriving  with  an  office  either  temporary  or  perma- 
nent. The  late  incumbent  must  be  supplied  without  long  de- 
lay with  another  office. 


INFERIOR  CLASS  OF  PUNISHMENTS. 


335 


Legal  Modes  of  Torture  and  of  Punishment. 

Legal  tortures  and  punishments  are  divided  into  the  infe- 
rior and  the  superior. 

The  inferior  class  includes — 

1.  Wearing  the  Cangue. — This  is  a square  collar  made  of 
boards,  and  is  locked  upon  the  neck.  It  is  usually  three  or 
four  feet  across,  having  a hole  in  the  centre  for  the  neck  of  the 
culprit.  It  prevents  the  wearer  from  reaching  his  mouth  with 
his  fingers.  It  is  locked  on  during  the  daytime,  and  generally 
taken  off  during  the  night.  The  crime  for  which  one  is  pun- 
ished by  wearing  this  wooden  collar,  and  the  time  for  which 
he  is  to  wear  it,  are  indicated  in  writing  upon  the  upper  or 
the  front  side  of  it.  He  is  placed  in  the  daytime  by  the  way- 
side,  usually  in  the  vicinity  of  the  spot  where  he  committed 
his  offense.  In  the  evening  he  is  taken  away  from  the  public 
street  by  the  constable  of  the  neighborhood,  who  is  responsi- 
ble for  his  safety.  In  the  morning  he  is  returned  to  his  usual 
place  of  exposure  in  public,  where  he  begs  his  living,  unless 
his  friends  supply  him  with  food.  The  legal  time  of  wearing 
the  cangue  is  from  one  to  three  months. 

2.  Beating. — This  is  of  two  kinds,  according  to  the  crime  : 
one  consists  of  heating  the  cheeks , and  the  other  of  heating  the 
posteriors.  When  the  cheeks  are  beaten,  the  culprit  is  usual- 
ly made  to  kneel  down.  The  instrument  used  is  about  a foot 
long  and  two  or  three  inches  wide,  and  is  made  of  leather. 
The  lictor  seizes  the  culprit  by  the  hair  of  his  head  with  one 
hand,  while  with  the  other  he  holds  the  instrument  with  which 
he  beats  the  man  the  number  of  blows  ordered  by  the  manda- 
rin. The  number  of  blows  does  not  often  exceed  twenty  <jr 
thirty. 

When  the  posteriors  are  beaten,  the  person  is  made  to  lie 
prostrate  on  the  ground,  face  downward,  and  the  parts  to  be 
beaten  are  stripped  of  clothing.  The  instrument  used  is  made 
of  bamboo,  and  is  of  two  kinds.  One  is  about  five  feet  long 
and  two  inches  wide.  With  this  only  forty  strokes  can  legal- 
ly be  inflicted.  The  other  is  about  three  feet  long  and  one 
inch  wide.  An  indefinite  number  of  strokes  can  be  inflicted 
with  it,  at  the  direction  of  the  magistrate.  In  military  yamuns, 
a wooden — not  bamboo — ferule  or  stick  is  used,  without  strip- 


336 


MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 


ping  the  offender.  When  a female  is  whipped  with  the  bam- 
boo in  civil  offices  or  courts  of  justice,  she  is  simply  made  to 
kneel,  and  then  the  strokes  are  inflicted  upon  her  thighs  or 
body,  only  her  outer  garments  having  been  removed. 

Immense  suffering  is  very  frequently  caused  by  the  cruel 
use  of  the  leathern  scourge  and  of  the  bamboo  sticks.  The 
lawful  number  of  blows  is  oftentimes  largely  exceeded.  The 
severity  of  the  beating,  however,  is  not  to  be  estimated  by  the 
number  of  blows  inflicted, but  by  the  amount  of  strength  which 
the  lictor  puts  forth.  If  bribed  to  beat  lightly,  he  lays  on  ac- 
cordingly, though  he  may  appear  to  strike  very  heavily.  This 
method  is  oftentimes  employed  to  produce  or  extort  confes- 
sion, as  well  as  to  inflict  punishment. 

3.  Squeezing  the  Fingers. — This  is  a kind  of  torture  used 
principally  to  extort  confession.  The  man  is  usually  made  to 
kneel  down,  and  is  then  tied  by  his  cue  to  an  upright  post. 


SQUEEZING  TUB  FINGERS. 


The  fingers  of  each  hand  are  then  put  between  small  rods  (a 
rod  coming  between  two  fingers),  which  are  so  arranged  that 
by  pulling  a cord  attached  to  these  rods  the  fingers  are 
squeezed  between  them.  The  harder  the  cord  is  pulled  or 


SUPERIOR  CLASS  OF  PUNISHMENTS. 


337 


twisted,  the  tighter  are  the  fingers  squeezed,  and  the  more 
painful  does  the  torture  become.  The  victim  is  finally  willing 
to  confess  any  thing  which  his  accuser  desires,  so  dreadful  is 
the  pain  suffered.  He  sometimes  stands  while  tortured. 

4.  Squeezing  the  Ankles. — This  is  also  a species  of  torture. 
The  prisoner  is  made 
to  kneel  on  the  ground, 
and  his  ankles  are 
placed  in  a frame  con- 
sisting of  three  sticks 
or  poles  fastened  near 
each  other  at  one  end. 

Each  ankle  comes  be- 
tween two  sticks.  By 
pulling  on  the  cords 
fastened  to  the  other 
end  of  the  sticks,  the 
ankles  are  squeezed  by 
the  sticks  as  they  are 
made  to  approach  each 
other. 

5.  Imprisonment. — 

This  kind  of  punishment,  except  in  the  case  of  those  who  are 
rich,  or  w’ho  have  rich  friends  willing  to  bribe  the  jailers  to 
treat  them  well,  is  awful  and  revolting  beyond  description. 
Insufficient  and  vile  food  is  given  them,  and  horrible  tortures 
unknown  to  the  laws  are  inflicted. 

The  superior  class  of  punishments  include — 

1.  Beheading . — The  condemned  man  is  carried  forth  to  the 
execution  ground  in  a kind  of  cage  or  box  made  of  slats  or 
bamboo.  The  crime  for  which  he  is  to  die  is  written  upon  a 
slip  of  paper,  fastened  to  a piece  of  bamboo,  which  is  then  stuck 
into  his  hair.  In  his  cage  is  a pail  for  holding  his  head,  which 
is  often  suspended  on  the  city  wall,  or  on  a pole  near  the 
street,  as  a warning  to  the  public. 

Beheading  consists  of  two  methods,  differing  in  degree  of 
ignominy.  One  is  that  of  simply  striking  off  the  head  of  the 
wretch  at  a blow,  while  kneeling,  with  his  hands  tied  behind 
him,  and  while  bending  down  his  head.  The  other  is  that 
where  the  body  of  the  victim  is  mangled,  or  cut  in  several 

VOL.  I.— P 


SQUEEZING  THE  ANKLES. 


338 


MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 


CARRYING  FORTH  TO  THE  PLAGE  OF  EXECUTION. 

places,  previous  to  his  head  being  struck  off.  This  is  called 
'■'■cutting  into  small  pieces.”  It  is  described  as  cutting  into 
the  eyebrows  or  over  the  eyes,  the  cheeks,  the  fleshy  part  of 
the  arms,  and  the  breasts,  in  such  a way  that  the  skin  or  the 
flesh  in  these  different  places  will  hang  down.  Then  a stab 
is  made  with  the  sword  by  the  executioner  into  the  abdomen, 


JUST  JiEFORE  DECAPITATION. 


STRANGULATION  AND  BANISHMENT. 


339 


which  is  followed  by  cutting  off  the  head.  Oftentimes  the 
head  is  put  into  a kind  of  cage  or  pail,  and  hung  up  on  the 
wall  of  the  city,  or  on  a pole  in  some  public  place,  as  a warn- 
ing to  the  people.  The  second  kind  of  beheading  referred  to, 
that  of  “ cutting  into  small  pieces ,”  is  regarded  as  the  most 
ignominious  of  all  cajrital  punishments.  Women  who  are  con- 
demned to  die  as  a punishment  for  committing  adultery  are 
oftentimes  made  to  suffer  death  in  this  way.  A parricide  is 
also  thus  punished. 

2.  Strangulation. — This  is  regarded  as  the  least  disgraceful 
of  capital  punishments,  because  the  body  is  left  unmutilated. 
The  condemned  is  sometimes  made  to  kneel  on  a frame,  with 
his  hands  tied  behind  him,  or  stretched  out  and  fastened  to  a 
cross-piece.  His  head  is  secured  to  a perpendicular  post  by 
his  cue,  his  face  being  turned  outward,  or  away  from  it.  In 
the  post  there  is  sometimes  a hole  made  about  as  high  from 
the  ground  as  the  neck  of  the  prisoner  comes.  Through  this 
hole  the  two  ends  of  a cord,  which  has  been  passed  around  his 
neck,  are  put.  Tightening  the  ends  of  the  rope  by  pulling  or 
twisting  them  soon  produces  strangulation.  Oftentimes, 
when  the  victim  is  almost  dead,  the  cord  is  loosened,  and  he 
is  allowed  to  take  breath,  only  to  go  through  the  pain  of  stran- 
gulation again. 

3.  Banishment  beyond  the  frontiers  of  the  empire. — This  is 
a form  of  punishing  state  criminals,  convicted  of  peculiarly 
aggravated  offenses,  when  they  are  not  sentenced  to  death  by 
beheading  or  strangulation.  High  officers  of  government, 
when  they  fall  under  the  displeasure  of  the  emperor,  or  when 
they  have  political  enemies  sufficiently  powerful  to  procure 
their  ruin,  are  often  condemned  to  be  exiled  to  the  vast  terri- 
tories which  are  tributary  to  China  lying  outside  of  the  north- 
western provinces.  They  are  required  to  serve  the  emperor 
in  the  army.  Oftentimes,  by  good  behavior  in  their  exile, 
they  acquire  such  a stock  of  merit  as  to  cause  them  to  be  re- 
called and  reinstated  in  office.  Banishment  beyond  the  fron- 
tiers is  a happy  expedient  of  temporarily  disposing  of  eminent 
men  who  have  become  too  popular  or  too  powerful,  or  for 
some  reason  obnoxious,  until  the  time  arrives  when  they  may 
safely  be  again  intrusted  with  power,  or  until  their  services 
become  necessary  in  the  administration  of  government,  or  un- 


840 


MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 


til  their  political  enemies  have  become  unpopular  and  are 
overthrown.  This  kind  of  exile  is  almost  always  preceded  or 
followed  by  the  confiscation  of  a part  or  the  whole  of  the 
victim’s  property. 

4.  Banishment  three  thousand  li  from  home. — This  often- 
times is  the  punishment  accorded  to  murderers  of  the  second 
or  third  degree,  noted  robbers,  or  culprits  whose  high  crimes 
are  regarded  as  having  some  very  extenuating  circumstances, 
and  who  may  have  money  and  influence  enough  to  escape  the 
sentence  of  death.  They  are  sometimes  supported  by  funds 
derived  from  the  imperial  coffers.  They  are  obliged  to  reside 
in  specified  districts,  and  are  under  the  superintendence  of  a 
local  officer.  Sometimes  they  are  allowed  to  engage  in  busi- 
ness and  support  themselves.  They  are  required  to  return  to 
their  former  homes  at  the  expiration  of  their  term  of  exile,  un- 
less they  desire  to  remain  where  they  have  been  living,  and 
have  influence  and  money  sufficient  to  procure  the  consent  of 
the  government  to  remain. 

5.  Banishment  one  thousand  li  for  three  years , or  to  an- 
other province. — This  is  the  lightest  form  of  exile.  It  is  said 
that  under  some  circumstances  those  who  have  been  con- 
demned to  this  punishment  can  often  escape  its  infliction  by 
the  payment  of  money  as  a fine.  The  crimes  for  which  this 
punishment  is  usually  allotted  are  gambling,  fighting,  thieving, 
and  very  mitigated  cases  of  manslaughter. 

There  are  occasionally  to  be  seen  in  the  streets  of  this  city 
exiles  from  other  provinces,  wearing  the  badges  of  their  ban- 
ishment. These  badges  consist  sometimes  of  an  iron  rod  sev- 
eral feet  long,  or  a stone  weighing  ten  or  fifteen  pounds,  at- 
tached to  a chain  locked  around  their  necks.  In  such  cases 
the  stone  or  the  iron  rod  is  carried  on  the  shoulder,  steadied 
by  the  hand.  When  not  in  the  public  streets  they  unlock  the 
chain,  and  lay  aside  the  badge  of  their  exile.  According  to 
law,  it  is  affirmed,  in  the  case  of  those  who  carry  the  stone  on 
their  shoulder,  it  ought  to  be  made  too  heavy  to  be  readily 
carried  about,  and  the  stone  should  be  placed  in  the  daytime, 
with  the  culprit  securely  locked  to  it,  in  public,  near  some  ya- 
mun,  as  a warning  to  the  people  passing  by. 

There  are  occasions  when  the  sentences  of  criminals  through- 
out the  empire  are  remitted  one  grade  or  more — e.  y.,  the  sen- 


ILLEGAL  TORTURES  AND  PUNISHMENTS. 


341 


tence  of  banishment  beyond  the  frontiers  is  changed  to  ban- 
ishment three  thousand  li,  and  banishment  three  thousand 
li  to  banishment  one  thousand  li,  or  to  another  province,  etc. 
The  occasions  referred  to  are  such  as  the  accession  of  a new 
emperor  to  the  throne,  the  espousal  of  an  empress,  the  birth 
of  a first-born  son  to  the  emperor,  or  the  celebration  of  an  ad- 
vanced imperial  birthday.  The  emperor  is  not  guided  by  any 
fixed  rules  when  granting  a full  pardon,  or  a partial  remission 
of  these  sentences  to  criminals.  He  sometimes  remits  punish- 
ments one  degree ; at  other  times  two  or  more  degrees ; or  he 
freely  pardons  certain  classes  of  offenders,  or  he  remits  certain 
fines  or  arrears  of  taxes,  according  to  caprice  or  the  counsels 
which  prevail  in  his  cabinet,  after  professedly  considering  the 
circumstances  which  call  for  p,  display  of  his  paternal  love  to- 
ward his  distressed  or  erring  subjects. 


Illegal  Modes  of  Torture  and  of  Punishment. 

Jailers  and  magistrates  frequently  resort  to  modes  of  pun- 
ishment and  torture  entirely  unauthorized  and  unrecognized 
by  law.  Jailers  unlawfully  torture  the  prisoner  for  the  pur- 
pose of  extorting  money,  and  magistrates  unlawfully  torture 
him  for  the  sake  of  eliciting  confession  of  guilt  or  information 
about  his  accomplices.  The  kinds  of  torture  are  not  few,  and 
the  torment  caused  is  often  dreadfully  excruciating. 

It  should  not  be  supposed  that  all  of  the  methods  mentioned 
are  in  general  use  in  every  part  of  the  empire.  They  are  re- 
sorted to,  with  various  modifications,  when  jailers  and  magis- 
trates are  pleased  to  use  them.  In  different  provinces,  proba- 
bly, there  are  in  use  illegal  methods  of  torture  different  from 
those  described. 

Fastened  on  a bedstead. — If  a prisoner  does  not  promise 


FASTENED  ON  A IJEDSTEAD. 


342 


MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 


three  kinds  or  TORTURES  (taken  from 
Canton  pith-paper  pictures). 


money  sufficient  to  satisfy  the 
demands  of  his  keepers,  he  is  lia- 
ble to  b q put  to  bed  on  a wooden 
bedstead.  He  is  placed  on  his 
back,  and  his  body  made  nearly 
immovable  in  something  like  the 
following  manner:  Boards  with 
holes  are  passed  up  through 
openings  in  the  bedstead.  One 
is  placed  over  each  ankle,  and  one 
over  each  wrist,  and  another  over 
the  neck.  They  are  then  pressed 
down,  more  or  less  tightly,  on 
these  parts  of  the  body,  and  fast- 
ened under  the  bedstead  in  such 
a way  that  he  can  not  change  his 
position.  Besides  all  this,  some- 
times a pole  is  fastened  at  right 
angles  to  a bar  of  wood  placed 
across  his  ankles,  the  pole  ex- 
tending to  his  chin  and  pressing 
against  it,  so  that  his  head  will 
be  thrown  backward  or  upward. 
In  this  position  he  is  made  to 
pass  the  night,  unless  the  jailers 
relent  or  he  comes  to  their  terms. 
No  one  is  willing  to  sleep  the  sec- 
ond night  on  such  a bedstead,  if 
he  can  arrange  matters  with  his 
keepers.  Rich  men  are  often  un- 
mercifully tortured  by  their  jail- 
ers, in  order  to  extort  from  them 
a large  sum  of  money. 

Frame  of  the  flowery  eyebrow. 
— Some  say  this  instrument  is 
named  after  a certain  bird,  which, 
being  tied  to  a frame  by  a short 
string,  is  continually  hopping 
about,  or  flying  away  to  the 
length  of  its  string,  and  then  re- 


TORTURE  OF  “MONKEY  GRASPING  A PEACH.”  343 


turning.  If  such  is  the  origin  of  the  name,  it  indicates  the  in- 
tense agony  which  the  wretched  man  suffers,  not  allowing  a 
moment’s  ease.  It  consists  of  an  upright  post,  and  two  cross- 
pieces firmly  fastened  to  it.  The  culprit  is  made  to  kneel  on 
the  lower  of  the  cross-pieces,  with  his  back  to  the  post.  His 
arms  are  outstretched,  and  fastened  to  the  other  cross-piece, 
which  is  placed  several  feet  higher  than  the  lower  one. 
Across  the  calves  of  his  legs  is  laid  a stick  several  feet  long. 
To  the  two  ends  of  this  stick  are  attached  cords  which  pass 
through  holes  made  in  the  ends  of  the  cross-piece  on  which 
he  kneels.  By  tightening  these  cords,  the  pressure  on  his 
legs  becomes  dreadful ; kneeling  of  itself  would  soon  cause  in- 
tolerable pain.  To  this  is  added  the  pain  caused  by  pressing 
down  the  piece  laid  on  the  upper  sides  of  his  legs  while  he  is 
in  a kneeling  posture.  Some  say  that  the  wrists  or  arms  are 
pressed  at  the  same  time  ancT  in  a similar  manner  between  the 
upper  cross-piece  and  another  stick  placed  on  the  upper  side 
of  the  arms.  This  form  of  torturing  a prisoner  is  sometimes 
employed  by  officers  in  order  to  extort  confession. 

Monkey  grasping  a peach. — The  name  of  this  torture  is 
said  to  be  derived 
from  the  fancied  re- 
semblance of  the  vic- 
tim while  enduring  it 
to  a monkey  grasping 
something  in  his  paw. 

It  is  used  by  manda- 
rins to  compel  a pris- 
oner to  confess  his 
guilt.  It  consists  in 
suspending  the  man 
by  one  arm  over  a 
horizontal  stick  sev- 
eral feet  from  the 
ground,  with  the  oth- 
er arm  passed  down  under  one  or  both  legs,  and  the  hands 
then  securely  tied  together  by  the  thumbs  under  or  near  the 
knees.  In  this  way  no  part  of  the  body  is  allowed  to  touch 
the  floor,  and  the  whole  weight  comes  under  the  arm-pit  on 
one  arm  passed  over  the  stick  or  pole.  Simply  to  bind  to- 


MONKEY  GRASPING  A PEACH 
(culprit  suspended  by  the  arm-pit). 


344 


MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 


gether  the  thumbs  of  a person  whose  hands  are  brought  in 
contact  under  the  knees  would  alone  produce  intolerable  ag- 
ony in  a short  time,  even  if  the  victim  were  permitted  to  sit 
or  take  any  position  at  pleasure.  How  dreadful,  then,  must 
be  the  torture  when,  besides  the  agony  arising  from  such  a 
cramped  position  of  the  body,  the  whole  weight  of  the  prison- 
er is  sustained  on  a small  piece  of  wood  passing  under  one  of 
his  arms ! 

Standing  in  a cage. — The  cage  is  made  of  slabs  of  wood, 
and  high  enough  to  contain  the  wretch  sentenced  to  stand  in 


6TANDING  ON  TIPTOE  IN  A CAGE. 


it,  his  head  protruding  out  of 
the  top  of  the  cage.  He  is 
obliged  to  stand  on  his  tip- 
toes, and  the  orifice  in  the 
top  is  only  large  enough  for 
his  neck.  In  this  way  the 
man  is  made  to  suffer  intense 
pain.  To  stand  long  on  tip- 
toe is  impossible.  But  the 
victim  is  obliged  to  stand 
partially  on  tiptoe,  or  be  hung 
by  the  neck  if  he  draws  up 
his  feet  in  endeavors  to  rest 
himself.  Only  momentary  re- 
lief is  obtained  by  drawing  up 
his  legs,  for  that  movement 
brings  his  whole  weight  on 
his  neck.  It  is  said  that  some 
time  during  the  latter  part  of 
the  reign  of  the  emperor  who 
died  in  1850,  a noted  robber 


was  compelled  to  stand  in  public  in  such  a cage  in  the  suburbs 
of  this  city  until  he  died. 

Smoking  the  head  in  a tide. — A large  tube  of  bamboo, 
with  the  natural  joint  or  division  in  one  end  still  remaining,  is 
put  upon  the  head  of  the  culprit,  and  extends  down  a little  be- 
low the  chin.  Sometimes  a small  tub  or  pail,  turned  bottom 
side  upward  on  the  head,  is  used,  the  object  being  to  incase 
the  head  in  something  air-tight  on  the  top  and  yet  open  at 
the  bottom.  Some  incense  is  lighted,  and  placed  so  that  the 


TORTURE  OF  “SHIRT  MADE  OF  IRON  WIRE.”  345 


smoke  shall  ascend  into  the  tube.  As  the  smoke  can  not  es- 
cape through  the  top,  suffocation  ensues  unless  the  instrument 
is  removed,  or,  to  say  the  least,  the  victim  endures  indescriba- 
ble agony.  This  torture  is  not  very  frequently  used. 

A shirt  made  of  iron  wire. — This  kind  of  torture,  it  is  af- 
firmed, was  formerly  used  in  this  part  of  China,  and  is  now 
occasionally  resorted  to  at  Peking.  A shirt-like  garment, 
made  of  very  fine  iron  wire,  with  interstices  something  like 
those  of  a fishing-net,  is  put  on  the  prisoner,  the  clothing  from 
the  upper  part  of  his  body  having  been  removed.  A cord  is 
attached  to  it  in  such  a way  that  when  pulled  the  shirt  will 
press  down  closely  on  the  body,  and  t^e  skin  and  flesh  will 
protrude  more  or  less  through  the  interstices.  A knife-like 
instrument  is  then  passed  over  the  wire  shirt  on  the  outside, 
cutting  or  rasping  off  the  protruding  skin  and  flesh.  This 
operation  is  repeated  at  the  option  of  the  dispenser  of  jus- 
tice ! 

Hot-water  snake. — A coil  in  form  somewhat  resembling  a 
snake,  and  manufactured  out  of  pewter,  or  some  other  mallea- 
ble metal,  is  arranged  in  such  a way  that  an  arm  of  the  prison- 
er can  be  thrust  into 
it.  Each  arm  is  put 
into  such  a coil,  the 
head  of  the  metal 
snake  being  higher 
than  the  other  parts. 

Sometimes  a similar 
tube  is  coiled  around 
the  body.  A quanti- 
ty of  boiling  water  is 
then  poured  into  the 
mouths  of  the  snakes, 
and  as  it  passes  down 
the  tube  burns  the 
flesh,  and  causes  in- 
tense pain.  It  is  as- 
serted that  this  kind 
of  torture  is  nowa- 
days seldom  resorted 
to  in  the  south  of  China,  though  it  is  believed  to  be  still  occa- 

P 2 


HOT-WATEK  SNAKE. 


346 


MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 


sionally  used  at  the  capital  on  state  prisoners.  The  Chinese 
place  it  in  the  list  of  illegal  tortures. 

Whip  of  hooks. — A large  number  of  very  fine  hooks  are  se- 
curely fastened  to  a handful  of  the  fibres  of  hemp.  The  whole 
is  then  used  as  a whip  with  which  to  beat  the  prisoner,  iu  or- 
der to  elicit  a confession.  When  a blow  is  given  with  this 
whip,  many  of  the  hooks  will  stick  to  the  body  of  the  victim, 
and,  unless  a satisfactory  confession  is  forthcoming,  the  whip 
is  pulled  or  jerked  back  by  main  force,  and  another  blow  giv- 
en. The  operation  is  repeated  according  to  the  dictation  of 
the  presiding  officer.  This  kind  of  torture  is  represented  to 
be  more  and  more  seldom  employed  in  this  part  of  the  empire. 

Kneeling  on  chains  or  bits  of  crockery. — The  prisoner  is 
made  to  kneel  down  on  chains  or  bits  of  crockery,  with  the 
arms  outstretched  at  right  angles  to  the  body.  If  the  culprit 
lowers  his  hands,  he  is  mercilessly  ■whipped.  At  other  times 
he  is  made,  with  his  hands  tied  behind  his  back,  to  kneel  down 
on  these  hard  and  uneven  substances.  The  pain  induced  by 
kneeling  on  one’s  bare  knees  on  a chain  or  any  sharp-pointed 
mineral  substance,  even  without  any  whipping,  and  without 
being  obliged  to  hold  out  the  arms,  is  soon  absolutely  intoler- 
able. Not  unfrequently,  in  the  case  of  stubborn  criminals,  are 
several  hundred  blovrs  inflicted  with  a ratan  thong  while  in 
the  position  above  described — so  the  Chinese  say.. 

The  above  outline  sketch  of  some  of  the  ways  of  torture  and 
of  punishment  used  by  jailers  and  mandarins,  though  declared 
to  be  unknown  and  unauthorized  by  the  statutes,  are  perhaps 
sufficient  to  intimate  the  inhumanity  and  injustice  which  ac- 
cused, as  well  as  convicted  persons,  are  liable  to  experience  at 
the  hands  of  the  administrators  of  the  law.  No  wonder  the 
people  are  exceedingly  anxious  to  avoid  falling  into  the  clutch- 
es of  the  mandarins,  especially  if  wealthy  and  of  respectable 
connections. 


Common  but  unlawful  Practices. 

As  illustrations  of  the  customs  which  prevail  here,  touching 
the  law  and  its  violations,  going  to  make  up  a correct  view 
of  Chinese  society  as  it  is,  several  practices  will  be  described. 

The  opening  of  gambling  dens,  or  the  assembling  of  men 
for  the  purpose  of  gambling,  and  the  manufacture  of  gambling 


COMMON  BUT  UNLAWFUL  PRACTICES. 


347 


utensils,  as  cards,  dice,  dominoes,  etc.,  are  forbidden  by  law, 
but  are  openly  practiced.  There  are  certain  streets  or  alleys 
near  the  Big  Bridge  and  the  south  gate  of  the  city  where  al- 
most every  house  is  a gambling  shop.  In  a certain  part  of 
the  suburbs  is  a neighborhood  where  probably  a majority  of 
the  population  is  engaged  in  the  manufacture  of  gambling 
cards ; in  another  part  is  a public  green,  where  oftentimes,  day 
after  day,  may  be  seen  several  mats,  on  which  are  strings  of 
cash,  with  cards,  dice,  and  other  kinds  of  gambling  utensils 
spread  out  on  the  ground,  surrounded  by  a crowd  of  men 
openly  engaged  in  the  very  act  of  violating  the  law. 

Lotteries  are  also  prohibited,  in  consequence  of  their  exceed- 
ingly pernicious  influence  on  society.  Mandarins  are  anxious 
to  prevent  them,  and  succeed  only  by  the  use  of  the  most 
stringent  measures.  A few  years  since,  the  head  man  of  a 
certain  lottery  was  arrested  and  beheaded  by  order  of  the 
viceroy,  which  decisive  course  struck  terror  into  all  who  were 
engaged,  or  who  were  desirous  of  engaging  in  the  business. 
The  secret  in  regard  to  this  consists  in  guessing  which  set,  out 
of  certain  thirty-seven  sets  of  names,  is  the  successful  one  for 
a particular  day.  The  set  selected  as  the  successful  one  for 
any  specified  day  is,  of  course,  known  only  to  the  managers  of 
the  lottery.  Those  who  happen  to  guess  it  draw  thirty  cash 
for  every  one  they  stake.  This  great  percentage  of  profit  in- 
duces many  to  engage  in  this  kind  of  lottery. 

The  opening  of  gambling  shops,  and  the  overt  act  of  gam- 
bling, together  with  the  manufacture  of  gambling  tools,  are 
connived  at  by  petty  local  officers,  constables,  and  official  em- 
ployes generally.  The  head  men  who  engage  in  such  viola- 
tions of  the  law  bribe  these  local  officers,  and  the  spies  and 
servants  of  the  high  mandarins,  to  silence  in  regard  to  their  il- 
legal acts.  The  high  officials,  as  some  assert,  are  not  aware 
of  the  extent  of  these  unlawful  practices ; but  it  is  much  more 
probable  that  they  are  content  to  have  the  law  violated,  if  the 
neighborhoods  particularly  concerned  permit  it,  and  no  one 
commences  a prosecution  of  these  violators  of  the  law.  With- 
out the  aid  of  their  underlings,  who  are  already  in  the  paid  in- 
terest of  these  men,  magistrates  would  make  but  poor  prog- 
ress in  ferreting  out,  arresting,  and  punishing  the  guilty.  In 
fact,  such  is  the  condition  of  things  here,  that  it  would  be  next 


348 


MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 


to  impossible  to  prevent  gambling  or  to  suppress  lotteries 
without  the  most  extraordinary  and  determined  personal  ef- 
forts on  the  part  of  high  officials.  It  is  much  more  easy  for 
them  to  let  things  go  on  in  the  accustomed  way  than  to  en- 
deavor to  execute  the  laws  in  regard  to  this  subject. 

The  keeping  of  brothels  is  also  prohibited  by  law,  but  toler- 
ated by  custom  in  certain  neighborhoods.  It  does  not  seem 
probable  that  the  existence  of  these  establishments  in  such 
numbers  can  be  unknown  to  the  high  officers  of  government, 
but  they  take  no  active  measures  to  arrest  the  proprietors  or 
suppress  the  establishments.  No  Chinaman  is  williug  to  com- 
mence in  earnest,  and  from  correct  motives,  a regular  prosecu- 
tion against  them;  and  the  mandarins  do  not  feel  sufficiently 
interested  to  interfere  and  put  them  down,  unless  compelled, 
in  the  execution  of  the  laws  in  consequence  of  legal  prosecu- 
tion, to  do  so.  The  local  constables  and  the  policemen,  and 
runners  connected  with  official  establishments,  have  the  repu- 
tation of  being  bribed  to  be  silent,  or  represent  matters  in  a fa- 
vorable light  to  their  superiors,  should  any  prosecution  be  at- 
tempted. The  quarter  of  the  suburbs  where  brothels  princi- 
pally prevail  has  been  burnt  over  twice  during  the  past  six  or 
eight  years.  At  the  latest  fire,  while  the  buildings  were  being 
consumed  and  the  inmates  were  being  scattered  in  all  direc- 
tions, some  of  the  mandarins,  who  were  present  with  their 
body-guard,  as  is  the  custom  at  fires,  made  no  great  efforts  to 
put  it  down.  One  of  them  is  reported  to  have  said  he  was 
willing  to  have  the  place  burnt  over.  A certain  class  of 
sharpers,  who  live  principally  by  obtaining  money  by  false  pre- 
tenses— either  connected  with  literary  and  influential  families, 
or  on  intimate  terms  with  mandarin  employes — sometimes  go 
to  the  proprietors  of  these  haunts  of  vice  and  threaten  them 
with  prosecution  before  the  magistrates.  The  design  and  the 
effect  of  such  threats  is  the  obtainment  of  money ; for,  should 
they  be  properly  prosecuted  before  the  mandarins,  the  latter 
would  be  obliged  to  execute  tbe  laws,  unless  they  could  find 
some  pretext  to  defer  the  matter  or  dismiss  the  complaint; 
and  in  all  such  cases  the  defendant  would  be  required  to  spend 
comparatively  a large  sum  of  money  in  presents  or  bribes  to 
mandarin  runners.  It  is  much  cheaper  for  the  brothel-keepers 
to  make  a present  to  those  blacklegs  who  threaten  to  prose- 


OTHER  COMMON  BUT  UNLAWFUL  PRACTICES.  349 


cute  them,  than  for  them  to  delay  to  compromise  the  matter 
until  it  gets  into/  the  hands  of  the  employes  of  the  magistrate. 

Private  or  unlicensed  pawn-shops  are  illegal.  The  large  and 
legal  pawn-shops  have  a license  from  the  government.  They 
are  allowed  to  charge  certain  rates  of  interest  per  month  on 
the  money  advanced  on  the  estimated  value  of  the  articles 
pawned.  This  is  now  said  to  he  three  per  cent,  per  month  on 
the  smallest  sums  advanced,  and  two  and  four  tenths  per  cent, 
on  larger  sums.  The  smallest  sum  charged  as  monthly  inter- 
est on  a loan  is  one  and  six  tenths  per  cent.  The  licensed 
pawn-shops  receive,  when  first  licensed,  a small  sum  from  gov- 
ernment as  a loan,  on  which  they  pay  annual  interest,  profess- 
edly used  as  capital  in  the  transaction  of  their  business.  Be- 
sides these  there  are  unlicensed  pawn-shops.  Their  proprie- 
tors charge  an  exorbitant  rate  of  monthly  interest  on  the  sums 
lent  on  the  security  of  the  property  they  receive,  being  often 
nearly  three  times  as  high  as  that  of  the  licensed  pawn-shops. 
A part  of  their  large  gains  is  spent  as  bribes  to  gain  the  con- 
nivance of  the  mandarin  runners  and  the  local  constables. 
These  shops  are  willing  to  receive  very  inferior  articles,  while 
the  lawful  and  licensed  pawn-shops  will  have  to  do  only  with 
better  and  more  valuable  articles.  The  value  at  which  articles 
are  received  by  the  former  is  estimated  at  comparatively  much 
higher  rates  than  would  be  allowed  by  the  latter,  should  they 
be  willing  to  receive  them.  These  unlicensed  and  unlawful 
pawn-shops  are  opened  only  by  widows,  orphans,  exiles,  or  by 
persons  in  their  name  and  professedly  for  their  benefit.  Many 
of  the  employes  of  mandarins  are  deeply  interested  in  the 
profits  of  these  private  pawn-shops,  under  the  names  of  other 
individuals.  It  is  said  that  the  mandarins  are  aware  of  the  ex- 
istence of  these  unlawful  establishments,  but  make  no  efforts 
to  suppress  them,  if  conducted  by  the  classes  of  persons  above 
mentioned  as  proprietors.  Thieves,  robbers,  and  rogues  gen- 
erally are  the  greatest  customers  of  these  establishments. 

Clandestine  manufacture  or  sale  of  salt  is  unlawful.  Salt  is 
a government  monopoly.  What  is  not  made  or  what  is  not 
sold  through  certain  agencies  is  liable  to  be  confiscated  to  gov- 
ernment. The  gains  of  the  illicit  trade  in  it,  if  undetected,  are 
great,  prompting  to  the  invention  of  various  methods  of  viola- 
ting the  law,  and  of  evading  the  vigilance  of  those  who  are  ap- 


350 


MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 


pointed  to  superintend  the  manufacture,  the  transportation, 
and  the  sale  of  this  indispensable  article.  It  has  been  found 
impossible  to  prevent  the  illegal  sale  of  salt  and  its  smuggling 
because  of  the  venality  of  the  subordinate  officials.  They  are 
sometimes  princq:>als  in  the  illegal  acts,  or  interested  accom- 
plices. When  neither  principals  nor  active  accomplices,  they 
are  often  ready  to  be  bribed  to  wink  at  the  violation  of  the 
salt  regulations.  The  official  agents  not  unfrequently  steal 
salt  from  their  superiors,  and  sell  it  as  opportunity  offers.  It 
sometimes  occurs  that  the  very  one  who  is  sent  to  spy  out  and 
report  illegal  sales  or  smuggling  of  the  article  is  the  one  most 
deeply  interested  in  the  surreptitious  trade  in  it,  and  it  is  easy 
to  conjecture  the  nature  of  his  report  to  his  employers.  The 
sale  of  brine  among  the  common  people,  in  which  fish  or  meat 
has  been  preserved,  is  also  illegal.  The  explanation  of  this  is 
to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  brine  contains  salt,  and  after  evap- 
oration the  salt  remains.  If  the  sale  of  brine  should  be  tol- 
erated, it  is  feared  that  the  revenue  to  the  government  derived 
from  salt  would  soon  be  greatly  diminished,  as  salt  would  be 
converted  into  brine  to  avoid  the  payment  of  customs  dues, 
and  brine  could  be  easily  made  into  salt  if  necessary.  Brine, 
if  containing  a proper  amount  of  something  edible  manifestly 
put  in  for  preservation,  is  salable  according  to  law.  The  ille- 
gal sale  of  brine  is,  however,  connived  at  more  or  less  by  the 
agents  of  the  farmers  of  the  salt  business.  It  may  be  retained 
by  its  owner  for  his  own  private  use,  but  may  not  be  publicly 
or  privately  sold  for  use  in  another  place. 

Some  men  have  extraordinary  abilities  at  counterfeiting 
bank-bills,  which  they  cultivate,  notwithstanding  that  such 
counterfeiting  is,  in  theory  at  least,  a capital  crime,  when 
proved  against  one.  These  men  generally  become  known  to 
the  proprietors  of  banks,  and,  through  them,  to  the  employes 
of  officers  of  government.  Instead  of  having  them  arrested 
and  punished,  so  as  to  prevent  them  from  practicing  their  cun- 
ning in  the  future,  the  principal  bankers,  it  is  alleged,  make  an 
agreement  with  them  not  to  counterfeit  their  bills,  and  not  to 
teach  others  to  counterfeit  them,  paying  a stipulated  sum  per 
month  or  per  quarter,  according  as  they  can  agree.  Subordi- 
nate officials  of  the  mandarins,  according  to  established  cus- 
tom, demand  and  receive  money  from  these  counterfeiters,  if 


COUNTERFEITERS  HIRED  NOT  TO  COUNTERFEIT.  351 


they  become  known  to  them,  as  the  price  of  not  molesting 
them.  It  is  said  that  in  this  way  less  counterfeiting  of  bank 
bills  is  really  performed  than  would  be  performed  if  the  coun- 
terfeiters were  not  hired  not  to  counterfeit.  If  the  mandarins 
should  arrest  a counterfeiter  of  bank  bills,  he  would  usually 
only  have  to  fee  largely  the  petty  officials,  and  undergo  the 
punishment  of  being  bambooed  or  of  wearing  the  cangue  in 
the  streets  a month  or  two,  after  which  he  would  be  again  set 
at  liberty  and  allowed  to  resume  the  practice  of  his  art.  The 
bankers  protect  themselves  from  being  largely  harmed  by 
counterfeited  bills  by  making  it  the  interest  of  a head  counter- 
feiter not  to  counterfeit  their  bills,  and  not  to  teach  his  art  to 
others,  and  not  to  connive  at  counterfeiting  when  done  by 
others,  if  known  to  him.  A certain  man  who  flourished  here 
some  fifteen  or  twenty  years  ago,  is  spoken  of  among  the  peo- 
ple as  exceedingly  successful  in  his  efforts  at  counterfeiting 
bills.  The  imitations  he  made  sometimes  could  not  be  distin- 
guished from  the  genuine,  even  by  the  bankers  themselves. 
This  man  became  notorious  for  his  illegal  but  tolerated  clever- 
ness, and  received  many  presents  from  various  rich  bankers, 
who  were  desirous  of  propitiating  his  good-will  and  of  secur- 
ing his  active  efforts  in  their  favor  by  inducing  him  to  dis- 
courage counterfeiting  on  the  part  of  others.  For  several 
years  he  received  regular  stipends  from  the  proprietors  of 
banks.  He  was  the  recognized  chief  of  counterfeiters.  By 
engaging  such  a man  not  to  counterfeit,  and  not  to  instruct  or 
abet  others  in  counterfeiting  the  bills  of  their  banks,  they  Avere 
comparatively  safe  from  extensive  frauds,  and  they  could  have 
his  aid  in  detecting  and  individualizing  other  clever  imitators. 
If  he  still  lives,  he  doubtless  receives  regular  stipends  from 
those  Avho  are  most  deeply  interested  in  his  not  exercising  his 
gifts.  All  this  is  in  perfect  accordance  Avith  the  Chinese  sys- 
tem of  employing  a rogue  to  catch  a rogue,  and  of  making  an 
honorable  mandarin  out  of  a notorious  chief  of  pirates. 

Counterfeiters  of  cash,  and  persons  engaged  in  deteriorating 
silver,  comprise  a tolerably  large  class  of  men,  Avho  Avould  be 
arrested  and  severely  punished  by  mandarins  if  they  could 
ascertain  their  rendezvous  and  reach  it  Avith  faithful  folloAvers 
before  the  guilty  have  been  warned  of  the  attempt  to  take 
them.  But  policemen  in  the  employment  of  government,  and 


352 


MANDARINS  AND  THEIR  SUBORDINATES. 


the  constables  living  in  the  neighborhood  where  the  illegal 
work  is  secretly  carried  on,  make  it  their  interest  to  maintain 
silence  on  the  subject  when  not  personally  called  upon  to  fur- 
nish information  or  aid,  and  also  to  screen  these  men  from  de- 
tection and  arrest,  whenever  possible,  by  giving  them  timely 
warning  of  the  approach  of  a posse  of  officers,  or  by  throwing 
the  latter  off  the  track.  Holes  are  made  in  foreign  dollars  or 
lumps  of  silver,  and  quicksilver,  lead,  white  copper,  or  brass, 
etc.,  is  put  into  the  centre,  and  the  outer  edge  of  the  orifice  is 
neatly  filled  in  with  pure  silver ; or  sometimes,  in  running  in- 
gots of  silver,  the  baser  metal  is  put  into  the  centre  of  the 
mould,  and  then  the  pure  metal  is  poured  into  it.  In  regard 
to  foreign  dollars,  the  skill  exhibited  in  removing  a part  of  the 
middle  of  them — filling  up  the  cavity  with  some  cheaper  yet 
heavy  metal,  and  closing  over  the  orifice — is  so  great,  that  de- 
tection of  the  fraud  from  the  external  appearance  is  often  very 
difficult.  Silver  wristlets,  silver  ornaments  for  the  hair,  and 
silver  earrings,  are  very  often  served  in  a similar  way.  The 
common  copper  cash  is  sometimes  counterfeited,  the  counter- 
feit being  smaller  and  thinner  than  the  genuine,  and  made  out 
of  adulterated  metal.  All  the  above-mentioned  methods  of 
deteriorating  the  value  of  dollars,  ornaments,  and  sycee,  and 
of  counterfeiting  cash,  and  some  other  methods  not  enumera- 
ted, either  require  the  use  of  fire  in  melting  the  material,  or  in 
beating  or  working  it,  so  that  it  is,  in  fact,  found  impossible  for 
any  great  length  of  time  to  prevent  the  neighbors  from  learn- 
ing what  is  being  done.  The  local  policemen,  and  finally  some 
of  the  mandarin  runners,  come  to  know  the  illegal  nature  of 
the  transactions.  The  neighbors,  however,  seldom  or  never 
interfere  in  what  does  not  personally  concern  themselves, 
though  known  to  be  contrary  to  law,  and  practiced  by  one  of 
their  community.  It  is  a common  saying,  that  even  a thief  is 
never  complained  of  or  molested  by  his  neighbors  unless  he 
should  steal  from  them.  As  for  the  local  petty  officials  who 
may  become  cognizant  of  the  counterfeiting  of  cash,  or  of  the 
adulteration,  of  the  precious  metals,  in  their  neighborhood, 
they  are,  generally  speaking,  easily  bribed,  not  only  not  to  do 
any  thing  to  molest  the  law-breakers,  but  to  screen  them  from 
any  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  officers  to  bring  them  to  jus- 
tice, if  they  can  screen  them  with  safety  to  themselves. 


WHAT  THE  STATE  RELIGION  INCLUDES. 


353 


CHAPTER  XIY. 

THE  STATE  RELIGION. 

Enumeration  of  some  of  the  Objects  worshiped  by  Mandarins.  What  is  meant 
by  State  Religion. — Binning  Incense  bi-monthly. — Vernal  and  autumnal 
Sacrifices. — Confucius,  or  God  of  War  — Heaven  and  Earth. — Processions 
in  honor  of  Spring  and  of  military  Utensils.  — Goddess  of  Sailors  and 
“Mother.”  — Expense  defrayed  by  Government.  — Emperor’s  Birthdays 
and  Death  celebrated. — Worship  of  the  Flag.  — Saving  Eclipses  of  the 
Moon  or  Sun. — Seals  of  Office. — God  of  the  Gate  and  the  Fox. — This 
Worship  not  performed  because  proper. — No  Christian  can  be  a high  Offi- 
cer.— Worship  of  Confucius,  illustrating  the  State  Religion  : Description  of 
prefectural  Temple  to  Confucius  at  Fuhchau. — Its  Cost. — Size. — Tablet 
to  Confucius. — Autumnal  Sacrifice  in  1858  witnessed.— Preparatory  Re- 
hearsal.— Method  of  preparing  the  Articles  to  be  offered. — Incident. — 
Method  of  arranging  the  Articles. — Place  assigned  by  the  Prefect. — Ar- 
rival of  Mandarins  and  Musicians. — Manner  of  Worship  and  presenting 
Food  to  Confucius. — Musicians  and  Boys  perform  with  their  Instruments. 
— Burning  of  Silk. — Articles  and  Animals  offered  annually  in  China  to 
Confucius. — Manner  of  national  Mourning  for  the  Death  of  Hien  Fung,  also 
illustrating  the  State  Religion:  Arrival  of  a Dispatch  with  the  Blue  Seal  from 
Peking. — Time  fixed  for  official  Mourning. — Shaving,  Marriages,  and 
Theatricals  forbidden  for  one  hundred  Days  from  the  Death  of  the  Em- 
peror.—Sign-boards  put  in  Mourning. — Many  Marriages  celebrated  before 
forbidden. — Official  Lamentations  witnessed. — Mandarins  in  Mourning. 
— Description  of  Arrangements.— Ceremony  of  three  Kneelings  and  nine 
Knockings  performed. — The  Mandarins  pretend  to  Cry. 

Enumeration  of  some  of  the  Objects  worshiped  by  Mandarins. 

The  Chinese  usually  speak  of  only  three  native  religions — 
Confucianism,  Buddhism,  and  Tauism.  There  is,  however, 
another  religion,  using  that  term  in  a modified  sense,  which  is 
properly  and  distinctively  called  the  religion  of  the  state,  or 
the  state  religion,  because  it  is  intimately  connected  with  the 
administration  of  the  government  according  to  the  established 
regime.  It  includes  the  various  superstitious  and  idolatrous 
acts  which  mandarins  are  obliged  to  perform  in  virtue  of  then- 
being  oilers  of  government — whether  demanded  by  the  pub- 
lished laws  and  by  the  occasional  rescripts  of  the  emperor,  or 


354 


THE  STATE  RELIGION. 


by  the  established  customs  of  the  place  where  they  are  called 
to  discharge  their  official  duties. 

The  high  mandarins  are  required  to  make  sacrifices  in  the 
spring  and  autumn,  and  to  burn  incense  on  the  first  and  fif- 
teenth of  every  Chinese  month,  before  certain  gods  or  objects 
of  worship. 

The  most  important  and  imposing  of  the  vernal  and  autum- 
nal ceremonies  are  performed  in  honor  of  the  “ Literary  and 
the  Military  Sages,”  viz.,  Confucius,  and  Kuanti,  the  Chinese 
god  of  war.  These  take  place  in  the  temples  devoted  to  them. 
The  principal  officers  are  required  to  be  present,  each  per- 
forming his  respective  part,  as  standing  or  kneeling,  etc. 
There  is  much  pomp  and  show  on  these  occasions.  A whole 
buffalo  or  ox,  a whole  goat,  and  a whole  hog,  and  many  dishes 
of  meats,  vegetables,  and  fruits,  are  presented,  and  the  best 
kind  of  incense  and  large  candles  are  burned. 

The  high  officers  must  also  make  a sacrifice  or  burn  incense 
in  honor  of  Heaven  and  Earth,  and  in  honor  of  the  mountains 
and  the  streams  of  the  province,  in  the  spring  and  autumn  of 
every  year,  at  an  altar  on  Black  Rock  Hill  in  the  city,  and  at 
an  altar  on  Great  Temple  Hill  in  the  suburbs.  They  are  held 
responsible  for  the  performance  of  an  appointed  ceremony 
twice  per  annum  at  the  altar  of  the  Wind,  Clouds,  Thunder, 
and  Rain.  About  the  time  of  planting  or  sowing  seed  in  the 
spring,  it  is  also  made  the  duty  of  the  high  mandarins  to  offer 
a sacrifice  in  honor  of  the  gods  of  the  land  and  grain,  in  a 
place  not  far  from  the  south  gate  of  the  city. 

The  high  officials,  as  the  viceroy,  the  provincial  governor, 
the  Tartar  general,  etc.,  must  themselves  officiate  in  regard  to 
the  class  of  objects  which  have  been  referred  to  as  requiring 
a vernal  and  an  autumnal  sacrifice  and  worship.  It  is  not  op- 
tional to  do  it  by  proxy,  if  they  are  in  the  city  and  in  good 
health.  The  objects  which  the  emperor  himself  at  Peking 
annually  or  semi-annually  worships,  and  unto  which  he  makes 
sacrifices,  it  is  the  imperative  duty  of  Ids  high  officials  in  the 
provinces  to  worship  and  sacrifice  unto  in  person  for  him, 
representing  his  majesty  himself.  A failure  to  perform  these 
official  and  representative  acts  with  due  solemnity  and  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  established  rites  would  surely  be  visited 
with  his  displeasure,  should  it  become  known  to  him. 


SEMI-ANNUAL  SACRIFICES  BY  MANDARINS.  355 


The  temples  dedicated  to  the  literary  and  the  military  sages 
must  be  visited  regularly  early  in  the  morning  of  the  first  and 
the  fifteenth  of  each  Chinese  month  by  some  high  mandarin 
or  his  substitute,  in  order  to  burn  incense  and  candles  before 
their  images  or  their  tablets.  The  time  spent  in  the  perform- 
ance of  worship  is  not  long,  but  the  worship  must  be  punctual- 
ly performed. 

The  prefect  presides  at  an  annual  procession  through  the 
streets  of  the  city,  composed  of  mandarins  lower  in  rank  than 
himself  and  of  the  gentry,  in  honor  of  spring.  In  the  suburbs, 
the  marine  inspector  is  chief  of  this  annual  procession.  A mil- 
itary officer  is  chief  in  a procession  in  which  military  utensils 
are  paraded  through  the  streets  of  the  city  in  the  autumn. 
The  vernal  and  the  autumnal  processions  are  accompanied 
with  various  superstitious  or  idolatrous  practices. 

Besides  the  altars  and  temples  which  have  been  specified, 
there  are  a number  of  others  where  high  officials  are  expected, 
in  person  or  by  proxy,  to  make  a sacrifice  twice  per  annum, 
or  to  burn  incense  twice  per  month,  according  to  specific  di- 
rections from  Peking.  Among  them  are  certain  temples  be- 
longing to  Ma  Chu,  the  goddess  of  sailors,  and  to  a goddess 
of  children  usually  called  “Mother,”  and  a temple  located  near 
the  centre  of  the  city,  often  referred  to  as  the  temple  of  the 
“ city  wall  and  moat.'''1  In  that  temple  a divinity  who  corre- 
sponds in  rank  in  the  other  world  with  the  provincial  govern- 
or in  this  is  worshiped.  There  is  no  whole  ox  offered  before 
this  divinity,  but  a whole  goat  and  a whole  hog,  with  a large 
variety  of  fruits  and  vegetables,  etc.,  are  duly  presented. 
There  are  also  several  temples  where  some  local  divinities  are 
honored  by  command  of  the  emperor — numerous  “ neighbor- 
hood worthies,”  “chaste  and  filial”  widows  and  virgins,  etc. 
These  are  seldom  or  never  honored  by  the  presence  of  high 
officials.  Incense,  candles,  and  meat  or  vegetable  sacrifices 
are  offered  before  them  by  persons  deputed  by  the  high  offi- 
cers. 

The  expense  connected  with  these  official  sacrifices  is  paid 
out  of  the  provincial  treasury  in  the  case  of  some ; in  the  case 
of  others  it  is  defrayed  by  the  neighborhoods  in  which  the 
temples  are  situated,  or  by  funds  belonging  to  the  temples. 
The  actual  expense  of  most  of  these  observances  is  quite  small. 


356 


THE  STATE  RELIGION. 


Some  of  the  temples  have  an  annual  stipend  granted  by  the 
emperor  for  the  purpose  of  meeting  this  expense ; others  only 
receive  a stipend  at  the  time  the  divinities  worshiped  in  them 
are  admitted  into  the  number  of  objects  worshiped  by  offi- 
cials. 

On  the  recurrence  of  the  birthday  of  the  emperor,  or  in 
mourning  on  account  of  his  death,  the  high  and  the  low  man- 
darins are  required  to  “rejoice”  or  to  “lament”  in  the  tem- 
ple devoted  to  him,  or  in  some  other  place  appointed,  using 
the  highest  ceremony  known  in  China,  viz.,  the  “three  kneel- 
ings and  the  nine  knockings.”  In  some  of  the  temples  where 
semi-annual  or  semi-monthly  ceremonies  are  performed  by  im- 
perial command,  ceremonies  betokening  “joy”  or  “ sorrow” 
on  occasion  of  the  recurrence  of  the  birthday  of  the  emperor 
or  of  his  death  are  observed  before  the  idols,  just  as  though 
these  things  rejoiced  or  mourned. 

The  viceroy,  as  generalissimo  of  the  Chinese  army,  whenev- 
er he  is  about  to  start 
on  a warlike  expedi- 
tion, must  worship  his 
flag.  Whenever  he 
sends  away  with  a de- 
tachment of  soldiers 
any  high  military  offi- 
cer as  his  deputy  to 
fight  the  enemy,  and, 
generally,  whenever 
any  high  military  offi- 
cer is  about  to  proceed 
into  battle,  the  flag  of 
his  division  or  brigade 
must  be  worshiped. 
The  worship  is  often 
performed  on  the  pub- 
lic parade  - ground  in 
the  suburbs  near  the 
south  gate  of  the  city. 
The  viceroy  sometimes 
chooses  to  sacrifice  to 

FLAG-REARER,  OR  GOD  OF  TIIE  FLAG  , ,,  1 ' 

(worshiped  by  military  mandarins  and  by  soldiers).  tilG  ling  Oil  illS  OiUl 


MANNER  OF  • WORSHIPING  THE  FLAG. 


357 


private  parade-ground  connected  with  his  yamun.  The  time 
selected  is  often  about  daylight  or  a little  later.  Usually,  how- 
ever, the  day,  hour,  and  minute  are  fixed  by  some  fortune-tell- 
er. Oftentimes  the  high  officials,  both  civil  and  military,  con- 
nected with  the  government  are  present.  It  is  necessary  that 
all  of  the  officers  who  are  to  accompany  the  expedition  should 
not  only  witness  the  ceremony,  but  take  a part  in  it.  The 
same  remark  is  true  of  the  soldiers  who  are  to  be  sent  away 
or  to  engage  in  the  fight.  In  the  centre  of  the  arena  is  placed 
a table  having  upon  it  two  candles,  one  censer,  and  several 
cups  of  wine.  The  candles  are  lighted  at  the  proper  time. 
Some  officer,  kneeling  down,  holds  the  large  flag  by  means  of 
its  staff  near  the  table.  The  viceroy,  or  the  officer  who  is  to 
command  the  expedition,  standing  before  the  table  and  the 
flag,  receives  three  sticks  of  lighted  incense  from  a professor  of 
ceremony,  which  he  reverently  places  in  the  censer  arranged 
between  the  candles.  He  now  kneels  on  the  ground,  and  bows 
his  head  down  three  times.  Some  of  the  wine  taken  from  the 
table  is  handed  to  him  while  on  his  knees,  which  he  pours  out 
on  the  ground.  Then  a cup  of  wine  is  dashed  upon  the  flag, 
the  professor  of  ceremony  crying  out,  “ Unfurling  the  flag , 
victory  is  obtained  ; the  cavalry  advancing , merit  is  perfect- 
ed i''  The  whole  company  of  officers  and  soldiers,  who  had 
previously  knelt  down  and  bowed  their  heads  in  the  prescribed 
manner,  now  simultaneously  rise  up  with  a shout,  and  com- 
mence their  march  at  once  for  the  scene  of  action  or  their  ap- 
pointed rendezvous. 

On  an  eclipse  of  the  sun  or  the  moon,  mandarins  must  en- 
gage in  certain  superstitious  ceremonies  to  save  the  luminary 
eclipsed. 

The  mandarins,  on  arriving  at  their  official  residences  from 
Peking,  or  from  their  previous  homes — from  the  viceroy  down 
to  the  district  magistrate — (as  some  Chinese  assert)  are  re- 
quired by  custom,  if  not  by  law,  to  perform  three  superstitious 
ceremonies.  They  first  worship  their  seals  of  office;  they  then 
offer  sacrifice  to  the  god  of  the  gate  or  door ; finally , they  wor- 
ship the  fox.  After  these  acts,  they  may  proceed  to  perform 
official  business  with  the  hope  of  success. 

There  is,  in  connection  with  some  of  the  principal  civil  ya- 
muns,  a small  two-storied  building,  devoted  to  the  worship  of 


358 


THE  STATE  RELIGION. 


his  majesty,  Master  Reynard.  There  is  no  image  or  picture 
of  a fox  to  be  worshiped,  but  simply  an  imaginary  fox  some- 
where. Incense  candles  and  wine  are  placed  upon  a table  in 
the  room  of  the  second  story  of  this  building,  and  before  this 
table  the  mandarin  kneels  down  and  bows  his  head  in  the  cus- 
tomary manner,  as  an  act  of  reverence  to  Reynard,  the  keeper 
of  his  seals  of  office.  This  sacrifice,  it  is  affirmed,  is  never  per- 
formed by  deputy.  The  Chinese  believe  the  official  seal  of  the 
mandarin,  after  he  has  arrived  at  his  yamun,  to  be  in  the  keep- 
ing of  the  fox.  They  assert,  with  great  earnestness  and  ap- 
parent sincerity,  that  if  the  mandarin  did  not  worship  the  fox 
on  his  arrival  at  his  residence,  his  seal  of  office  would  shortly 
disappear  in  some  inexplicable  way,  or  some  singular  and 
strange  calamity  would  certainly  befall  him  or  his  yamun. 

Probably  this  worshiping  of  the  fox,  as  the  keeper  of  the 
seals  of  office,  is  nothing  more  than  a custom — possibly  a mere- 
ly local  custom,  and  not  required  or  recognized  by  the  laws  of 
the  empire.  It  has,  however,  all  the  power  of  law  in  this 
place — a practice  observed  by  new  incumbents  of  high  office 
as  reverently  as  though  it  were  one  of  the  most  important  and 
momentous  of  duties.  Any  disrespect  or  slight  of  the  fox,  on 
the  part  of  the  mandarin,  is  said  to  be  always  sure  to  be  re- 
membered and  avenged  by  his  invisible  majesty  in  such  a man- 
ner as  to  produce  repentance  and  the  exhibition  of  proper  re- 
spect and  fear. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  dwell  at  greater  length  on  the  personal 
complicity  of  mandarins  with  the  worship  of  deified  men,  or 
heavenly  objects,  or  imaginary  divinities,  in  consequence  of 
their  official  position,  either  by  special  command  of  the  empe- 
ror, or  the  requirements  of  established  law,  or  local  custom. 
Enough  has  been  said  to  show  that  native  officials  in  the  serv- 
ice of  the  emperor  must  perform  regularly  many  very  super- 
stitious and  very  idolatrous  rites  and  ceremonies,  in  virtue  of 
their  being  in  the  employment  of  the  state. 

It  ought  not  to  be  supposed  that  mandarins  engage  in  these 
official  superstitious  acts  because  they  believe  them  to  be  prop- 
er in  themselves.  Many  are  intelligent  enough  to  know  that 
some  of  them  are  quite  absurd  and  useless.  Most  or  all  of  the 
officials  may  indeed  sympathize  heartily  in  the  worship  paid  to 
Confucius;  but,  in  regard  to  many  of  the  other  objects  which 


CHRISTIANS  CAN  NOT  BE  HIGH  MANDARINS.  359 


they  are  required  to  worship  officially,  they  would  not  think 
of  reverencing  them  in  the  manner  described  if  they  were  left 
to  themselves,  and  if  they  would  not  be  deprived  of  their  offi- 
cial positions  in  case  they  declined  or  omitted  to  conform  with 
the  established  practices.  The  Chinese  people  in  large  num- 
bers, Avho  are  much  less  intelligent  than  are  the  mandarins,  in 
theory  admit  the  folly  and  the  uselessness  of  many  of  these 
practices,  but  assert  that  the  customs  and  the  laws  of  their 
country  must  be  obeyed  and  observed. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  perceive  that  under  existing  regulations 
no  sincere  Protestant  native  Christian  can  be  an  officer  of 
government  in  China.  He  would  be  required,  on  occasions 
not  a few,  to  take  a part  in  ceremonies  and  rites  which  are  in 
direct  variance  with  the  doctrines  contained  and  the  duties 
enjoined  in  the  sacred  Scriptures,  and  which  he  could  not  dis- 
charge in  person  or  sanction  by  proxy,  even  if  that  were  per- 
mitted. The  emperor,  by  his  requirements,  really  excludes 
honest  and  conscientious  natives,  who  are  determined  to  do 
only  what  is  right,  from  taking  office  and  assisting  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  government.  He  can  employ  only  those 
who  are  willing  to  do  his  bidding,  whether  reasonable  and 
right,  or  whether  exceedingly  unreasonable  and  monstrously 
wrong.  No  wonder  that  the  officials  in  China  are  venal,  hyp- 
ocritical, deceitful,  and  time-serving. 

The  worship  of  Confucius , illustrating  the  State  Religion. 

The  manner  in  which  the  worship  of  Confucius  is  conducted 
will  show  the  high  estimate  in  which  the  sage  is  held,  and  will 
illustrate  by  example  what  is  meant  by  the  term  “ State  Relig- 
ion.'1'’ 

There  are  three  temples  dedicated  to  the  Chinese  sage  at 
this  place.  The  largest  was  built  ten  years  ago,  and  belongs 
to  the  prefecture.  The  two  smaller  ones  belong  to  the  two 
districts  which  join  or  meet  in  the  city. 

The  old  temple,  on  the  site  of  the  present  prefectural  temple 
to  Confucius,  was  destroyed  at  daybreak  one  morning  in  the 
fall  of  1851  by  a fire,  which  originated  in  the  temple  at  the 
close  of  the  usual  autumnal  sacrifice  to  Confucius.  In  two 
months  a new  temple,  on  the  same  site,  was  commenced,  built 
by  subscription  cf  funds  from  the  mandarins,  gentry,  and  liter- 


360 


THE  STATE  RELIGION. 


ati  of  the  city  and  vicinity.  The  needed  amount  was  easily 
raised.  It  was  considered  a work  of  merit  to  aid  in  rebuilding 
the  temple  of  the  sage  of  China.  In  the  summer  of  1854  the 
building  was  finished,  at  the  cost  of  74,000,000  of  copper  cash, 
a sum  at  that  time  equal  to  about  $53,000.  The  mason’s  bill 
amounted  to  a little  less  than  two  tenths  of  the  whole  cost ; 
the  carpenter’s  and  the  painter’s  bills  to  more  than  six  tenths ; 
and  the  stone-cutter’s  bill  to  about  two  tenths.  The  same 
amount  and  kind  of  labor  and  material  would  probably  have 
cost  in  England  or  America  several  times  the  sum  reported  as 
the  entire  cost  of  the  new  temple.  The  well-cut  pillars  or  posts 
of  solid  granite,  of  which  there  are  several  scores  of  various 
heights  and  diameters,  some  of  which  are  very  tall  and  large, 
would  alone  have  cost  a very  large  sum  at  the  West.  This 
temple  well  repays  the  visit  of  a u stranger  from  afar,”  who 
has  never  visited  any  Chinese  temple  but  those  devoted  to  the 
worship  of  idols.  The  temple  inclosure  is  about  three  hund- 
red and  forty  feet  long  by  about  one  hundred  and  five  feet 
wide,  and  consists  principally  of  three  parts.  One  is  a large 
hall  or  room  about  seventy-five  feet  deep,  in  which  the  tablet 

to  Confucius  is  erected,  and  the 
sacrifices  and  worship  are  per- 
formed. This  tablet  is  about 
one  foot  wide  and  six  feet  high, 
painted  red  and  partially  gilded. 
Its  inscription,  in  large  gilded 
characters,  denotes  that  it  is 
erected  to  uThe  Most  Iloly  An- 
cient Teacher  ConfuciusT  The 
room  also  contains  sixteen  small- 
er tablets  of  Chinese  worthies 
and  fiimous  scholars,  among 
which,  in  the  highest  place  of 
honor,  stands  that  of  the  sub- 
sage Mencius.  Near  it  is  the 
tablet  of  the  great  commentator 
of  the  Chinese  classics,  Chufutze. 
Another  part  is  a large  court,  to 
the  south  of  the  main  hall,  and 
is  about  one  hundred  and  fifty- 


DESCRIPTION  OF  TEMPLE  TO  CONFUCIUS. 


361 


TRADITIONAL  LIKENESS  OF  MENCIUS.  TRADITIONAL  LIKENESS  OF  ’CHUFUTZE. 

four  feet  long.  On  the  east  and  the  west  sides  are  long  build- 
ings, in  which  are  contained  about  one  hundred  and  thirty 
four  tablets  of  the  pupils  of  Confucius  and  of  distinguished 
scholars ; sixty-seven  tablets  are  deposited  in  each  building, 
arranged  in  eleven  niches  or  apartments.  In  each  niche  is  a 
long  table  or  a stationary  altar,  made  of  stone,  on  which  in- 
cense and  candles,  etc.,  are  to  be  placed  when  the  sage  is  wor- 
shiped in  the  spring  and  autumn.  The  open  space  between 
these  long  rooms  is  neatly  paved  with  granite,  and  is  bept  in 
good  repair.  In  this  court  are  two  gaudy  pavilions,  six  or 
eight  sided,  each  containing  a large  stone  tablet  covered  with 
Chinese  characters.  Still  farther  to  the  south  is  another  court, 
about  one  hundred  and  ten  feet  deep.  On  its  east  and  west 
sides  are  several  small  rooms  for  the  reception  of  officers  and 
for  tablets  of  very  distinguished  literary  men.  Some  of  the 
tablets  represent  men  who  were  natives  of  this  province. 
Within  a few  years,  the  tablet  of  a very  faithful  courtier  of  an 
emperor  who  flourished  in  the  Sung  dynasty — a native  of  this 
place — has  been  admitted  among  the  tablets.  The  place  which 
it  formerly  occupied  in  a temple  outside  of  the  west  gate  is 
now  occupied  by  a tablet  or  an  image  of  Commissioner  Lin, 
of  opium-war  notoriety,  who  died  in  the  summer  of  1 850.  In 
Vor..  T.— Q 


362 


THE  STATE  RELIGION. 


one  of  these  rooms  are  five  small  images,  the  origin  and  design 
of  which  have  not  been  ascertained,  the  keepers  of  the  temple 
always  declining  to  communicate  information  about  them  on 
the  plea  of  ignorance.  These  images  offer  a striking  contrast 
to  the  tablets  in  the  other  parts  of  the  temple,  and  to  the 
large  and  numerous  images  to  be  found  in  almost  all  Chinese 
temples.  Some  have  thought  them  to  be  local  deities,  which 
for  some  reason  have  obtained  a place  in  the  Confucian  tem- 
ple. In  the  old  temple  to  Confucius,  an  image  made  of  clay, 
brought  from  Shantung,  his  native  province,  instead  of  a tab- 
let, was  worshiped. 

The  established  times  for  offering  sacrifices  to  Confucius 
usually  fall  in  the  second  and  the  eighth  Chinese  months. 
The  autumnal  sacrifice  for  1858  came  on  the  11th  of  Septem- 
ber. The  vernal  sacrifice  for  1S59  fell  on  the  10th  of  March. 
These  sacrifices  are  performed  about  four  or  five  o’clock  in  the 
morning,  by  torch  and  candle  light. 

It  was  my  good  fortune,  in  company  with  two  other  mis- 
sionaries, to  be  present  at  the  autumnal  sacrifice  to  Confucius 
which  occurred  on  the  11th  of  September,  1858,  in  the  prefect- 
ural  temple. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  10th,  two  of  us  went  into  the  city 
to  witness  the  preparatory  rehearsal,  which  was  attended  in  a 
large  temple  adjoining  that  of  Confucius.  A crowd  of  noisy 
youngsters,  and  of  dignified  and  self-complacent  literati,  had 
collected  there,  together  with  some  of  the  subordinate  officials 
of  the  city,  to  look  on  while  the  business  of  rehearsing  some 
of  the  parts  of  the  ceremony,  to  come  off  in  grand  style  on  the 
following  morning,  was  being  performed  by  those  who  were 
appointed  to  help  in  the  ceremony.  None  of  the  high  officials 
who  were  to  take  a principal  part  in  the  worship  were  pres- 
ent. They  received  private  instructions  from  their  professor 
of  rites  and  ceremonies  in  regard  to  what  they  were  to  do. 
At  the  close  of  the  rehearsal  we  called  at  the  Confucian  tem- 
ple. 

We  found  a crowd  of  idlers  loitering  about,  while  some  men 
and  boys  were  busy  at  work  preparing  for  the  approaching 
sacrifice.  We  noticed  a large  number  of  vessels,  made  after 
strange  and  unique  patterns  (said  to  be  like  those  used  in  an- 
cient times),  of  various  sizes  and  shapes,  and  capable  of  hold- 


TRYING  TO  DECEIVE  CONFUCIUS  JUSTIFIED.  363 


ing  from  a quart  to  several  quarts  apiece.  They  were  de- 
signed to  be  filled  with  rice,  salt,  fruits,  uncooked  vegetables, 
etc.,  and  to  be  put  upon  the  stationary  stone  altars  which 
stood  in  front  of  the  tablets  of  the  sage  and  the  worthies. 
We  counted  over  one  hundred  and  eighty  vessels  already  pre- 
pared, and  the  attendants  were  preparing  others.  We  ob- 
served that  instead  of  honestly  filling,  up  the  vessels  from  the 
bottom,  they  sometimes  pasted  a paper  around  the  sides,  just 
below  the  brim  of  the  vessels,  designed  to  hold  small  articles, 
leaving  the  space  in  the  vessels  underneath  the  paper  quite 
empty.  On  this  paper  they  carefully  laid  rice,  salt,  and  other 
articles  comparatively  dear.  One  kind  was  put  on  one  vessel 
— not  several  articles  mixed  together ; there  was  quite  a large 
number  of  vessels  having  the  same  kind  of  article  upon  them. 

On  some  one  of  our  party  asking  whether  they  expected  to 
deceive  Confucius,  and  how  they  dared  to  try  to  deceive  him 
by  offering  to  him  vessels  containing  only  a very  small  quanti- 
ty of  the  articles,  while  the  bottom  was  empty,  a young  man 
pertly  answered,  “ Yes , it  toill  answer  to  deceive  Confucius , but 
it  will  not  ansiver  to  deceive  Jesus.”  "True,  thought  we ; Jesus 
requires  His  followers  to.be  sincere,  and  to  put  away  all  decep- 
tion. How  different  from  the  theory  and  the  practice  of  those 
who  worship  Confucius ! The  explanation  of  the  conduct  of 
these  persons  undoubtedly  is,  that  having  agreed  to  prepare 
for  the  sacrifice  a certain  number  of  vessels  filled  with  certain 
kinds  of  articles,  by  the  job , they  planned  to  make  as  much 
money  as  possible — pasting  paper  near  the  top  of  some  of  the 
vessels,  and  then  using  only  as  much  of  some  fine  articles  as 
would  fill  the  vessel  from  the  paper  to  its  top,  leaving  the 
space  below  unfilled.  The  vessels  containing  most  of  the 
coarser  and  cheaper  vegetables  were  filled  up  from  the  bottom. 

While  two  of  us  were  making  our  observations  on  the  tem- 
ple and  the  preparations  for  the  approaching  sacrifice,  the  oth- 
er, standing  with  his  back  toward  the  tablet  to  Confucius,  ad- 
dressed the  crowd  (which  gathered  about  him  as  he  began  to 
speak  in  the  vernacular  of  the  place)  on  the  folly  and  the  sin 
of  worshiping  deceased  men,  and  the  duty  of  worshiping  and 
serving  the  only  true  and  living  God — perhaps  the  first  Gospel 
discourse  ever  delivered  in  a temple  dedicated  to  the  worship 
of  the  Chinese  sage. 


364 


THE  STATE  RELIGION. 


The  next  morning,  about  four  o’clock,  we  repaired  to  the 
temple  to  witness  the  sacrificial  worship  rendered  to  Confu- 
cius by  the  high  mandarins.  The  premises  were  lighted  up 
with  fires  built  on  elevated  iron  racks  and  by  torches.  A 
large  number  of  idle  spectators  of  the  lower  class  and  of  liter- 
ary men  had  already  gathered  together,  though  the  high  offi- 
cials had  not  arrived.  We  improved  the  opportunity  to  no- 
tice the  arrangement  of  the  articles  to  be  offered  as  sacrifice. 

On  a large  stone  altar,  which  stood  directly  in  front  of  the 
tablet  of  Confucius,  were  placed  two  large  tall  candles,  and  four 
shorter  and  smaller  ones,  already  lighted,  and  a quantity  of 
burning  incense,  a large  piece  of  cooked  pork,  a piece  of  ven- 
ison, and  quite  a variety  of  other  kinds  of  food.  A few  feet 
in  front  of  this  stone  altar  were  one  large  and  two  small  tables. 
On  the  large  table,  which  was  placed  between  the  other  two, 
was  the  carcass  of  a yearling  bullock.  On  one  of  the  small 
tables  was  the  carcass  of  a small  hog,  and  on  the  other  that 
of  a very  poor  goat.  The  hair  of  these  animals  had  been  care- 
fully removed,  and  the  bodies,  uncooked,  were  placed  in  a 
kneeling  position,  with  their  heads  toward  the  tablet  of  Con- 
fucius, as  though  they  were  devoutly  contemplating  the  vir- 
tues of  the  sage.  On  the  large  table  there  were  also  several 
dishes  of  food,  two  large  and  two  small  candles,  and  a quan- 
tity of  incense  already  ignited.  Besides  the  altar  before  the 
tablet  of  Confucius,  there  were  four  other  similar  but  smaller 
altars.  Two  of  these  were  placed  before  the  eight  tablets  rep- 
resenting eight  worthies  on  one  side  of  the  room,  and  two 
placed  before  other  eight  tablets  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
room.  In  front  of  each  of  these  altars  were  a pig  and  a goat, 
arranged  on  two  tables,  but  no  bullock.  On  these  altars  were 
several  plates  of  food,  with  candles  and  incense.  The  various 
vessels  seen  on  the  day  previous,  containing  fruits,  grains,  veg- 
etables, etc.,  were  partly  arranged  on  the  altars  in  the  main 
building,  but  the  most  of  them  were  distributed  about  on  the 
altars  before  the  tablets  in  the  two  long  rows  of  rooms  on  the 
sides  of  the  large  court  in  front  of  the  main  building.  Before 
the  large  altar  in  front  of  the  Confucian  tablet,  behind  the  bul- 
lock, and  at  several  other  places  in  the  main  hall,  pieces  of  mat- 
ting were  spread  on  the  pavement  at  the  spots  where  the  high 
officials  were  to  kneel. 


WORSHIPERS  OF  CONFUCIUS  TAKE  THEIR  PLACES.  365 


While  we  were  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the  high  mandarins, 
one  of  the  district  magistrates  came  to  us,  attended  by  an  in- 
terpreter, and  very  courteously  said  that  he  had  been  sent  by 
the  prefect  to  assign  us  a place,  so  that  there  should  be  no  con- 
fusion during  the  service.  Accordingly,  a very  eligible  posi- 
tion was  assigned  to  us,  just  outside  one  of  the  large  doors  of 
the  main  hall,  enabling  us  to  observe  to  a great  extent  what 
was  going  on  within  and  without.  We  could  not  have  select- 
ed a better  position. 

Soon  after,  the  beating  of  an  immense  drum  suspended  near 
the  most  eastern  entrance  to  the  main  building,  and  the  sound 
of  musical  instruments  at  a distance,  betokened  the  approach 
of  the  expected  great  ones.  A herald  proclaimed  their  arri- 
val, and  the  flare  of  a multitude  of  torches  and  lanterns  con- 
firmed the  fact.  These  officers  and  their  attendants  halted  at 
the  proper  places  in  the  large  court,  while  a company  of  twelve 
or  fifteen  players  on  musical  instruments,  together  with  some 
twenty-four  boys,  attended  by  two  or  three  persons  who  di- 
rected their  movements,  marched  up  an  inclined  plane  leading 
to  a level  arena  in  front  of  the  main  hall.  The  musicians  en- 
tered the  hall  and  disposed  themselves  in  several  parties.  One 
company  stood  near  the  left,  and  another  near  the  right  end 
of  the  altar,  in  front  of  the  Confucian  tablet.  The  boys,  with 
their  directors,  stopped  on  the  open  arena  in  front  of  the  hall, 
and  divided  themselves  into  two  companies,  arranging  them- 
selves along  the  opposite  sides  of  the  large  central  doors. 
These  urchins  were  clad  in  an  embroidered  tunic,  much  the 
worse  looking  for  service,  and  they  wore  on  their  heads  the  red 
official  cap  used  by  Chinese  on  grand  occasions.  They  were 
provided  with  instruments  about  two  feet  long,  consisting  of 
two  parts.  One  of  these  parts  was  hollow.  The  other  was 
solid,  and  passed  partially  through  the  hollow  one.  A nail 
or  spike  was  driven  into  the  upper  end  of  the  solid  sticks,  and, 
according  to  the  regulations  of  the  ceremony,  there  ought  to 
have  been  a feather  of  the  pheasant  stuck  on  this  iron  point. 
But  on  this  occasion  the  feather  was  wanting,  if  our  observa- 
tion was  correct.  Perhaps  only  very  small  feathers  were  used, 
which  could  not  be  seen  in  the  distance. 

When  every  thing  was  ready,  at  signals  given  by  the  drum, 
some  five  or  six  officers,  attired  in  very  rich  dresses  and  caps, 


366 


THE  STATE  RELIGION. 


were  seen  slowly  and  solemnly  ascending  the  stone  steps  on 
the  east  and  west  sides  of  the  arena  in  front  of  the  main  hall, 
one  following  another  at  a short  interval.  Each  mandarin 
was  preceded  by  one  or  two  “ professors  of  ceremony .”  The 
viceroy  was  not  present  on  this  occasion,  being  absent  from 
the  city  on  a rebel-quelling  expedition  in  the  western  part  of 
the  province.  The  highest  functionaries  who  took  part  in  the 
sacrificial  worship  were  the  provincial  governor,  treasurer, 
criminal  judge,  the  two  commissioners  of  the  salt  and  of  the 
provision  department.  The  Tartar  general,  and  other  Tartar 
and  military  officers,  and  the  prefect,  and  other  subordinate 
civil  officers,  not  being  allowed  to  participate  personally  in  the 
main  hall,  stood  below  in  the  court  in  front,  ready  to  bow 
down  at  the  proper  time,  which  they  doubtless  did.  Our  po- 
sition did  not  admit  of  our  seeing  them  perform. 

The  officers,  having  ascended  to  the  elevated  arena  with 
great  solemnity,  entered  the  hall  by  the  doors  on  the  right  and 
the  left  of  the  centre,  and  proceeded  to  the  places  appointed 
for  kneeling  in  front  of  the  altars  and  the  tables  covered  with 
offerings,  all  under  the  escort  of  their  professors  of  ceremony. 
Here  they  slowly  knelt  down,  and  bowed  the  head  toward  the 
pavement  three  times,  holding  with  both  hands  some  sticks 
of  burning  incense,  which,  after  the  bowing  was  completed, 
they  delivered  back  to  their  attendants  from  whom  they  had 
been  received.  The  attendants  handed  to  their  officers,  still 
kneeling,  a vessel  taken  from  the  altar  or  the  table  in  front  of 
which  they  were,  which,  having  received  very  carefully  with 
both  hands,  they  presented  with  a very  reverential  air  toward 
the  tablet  in  front,  whether  of  Confucius  or  of  some  of  the 
worthies,  as  though  requesting  them  to  partalce  of  the  con- 
tents. They  then  returned  the  dish  to  the  attendants,  who  re- 
placed it  upon  the  table  or  altar  whence  it  had  been  taken. 
Sometimes  the  same  ceremony  was  repeated  with  other  arti- 
cles of  food.  Some  or  all  of  the  officers  passed  from  one  altar 
to  another,  performing  similar  ceremonies. 

The  musicians  all  this  while  were  playing  on  their  instru- 
ments, and  chanting  the  words  of  an  adulatory  ode  to  Confu- 
cius. The  big  drum  gave  forth  its  sonorous  peals  occasional- 
ly, and  the  urchins  outside  of  the  hall  were  performing  certain 
evolutions  with  their  sticks,  accompanied  with  kneelings  and 


MANNER  OF  WORSHIPING  CONFUCIUS — CONTINUED.  367 

bowings.  These  manoeuvres,  in  the  estimation  of  the  Chinese, 
indicated  great  reverence  and  majesty,  but,  in  the  humble  opin- 
ion of  the  foreign  observers,  were  eminently  ridiculous.  The 
manipulations  of  the  two  sticks  seemed  to  consist  principally 
in  moving  one  up  through  the  other  as  far  as  its  handle  would 
allow,  the  movements  being  slow  and  deliberate,  designed  to 
be  in  accord  with  the  music. 

Soon  the  high  officials,  piloted  by  their  professors  of  cere- 
mony, walked  slowly  out  of  the  hall  and  descended  into  the 
court,  taking  the  same  route  by  which  they  ascended.  Short- 
ly afterward  they  and  their  cicerones  came  up  again,  went 
through  with  similar  performances,  and  retired.  The  same 
routine  was  repeated  for  the  third  time,  with  slight  devia- 
tions. At  a certain  period  of  the  performances,  while  the  of- 
ficers were  below  in  the  court,  a professor  of  ceremony  enter- 
ed the  hall,  and,  proceeding  to  a particular  spot  where  was 
placed  a small  stand  by  itself,  reverently  knelt  down  and  chant- 
ed, in  a shrill  and  most  doleful  tone  of  voice,  a sort  of  sacri- 
ficial ode  to  Confucius. 

Shortly  after  the  third  and  final  descent  of  the  worshiping 
officers  into  the  court,  a company  of  men  walked  out  of  the 
hall  through  the  large  central  door,  and  passed  directly  down 
the  inclined  plane  into  the  open  area  below,  each  holding  with 
both  hands  a roll  of  coarse  white  silk  above  his  head.  These 
rolls  of  silk  were  burned  on  the  pavement  of  the  court  as  a 
special  offering  to  the  Chinese  sage. 

A few  moments  more,  and  the  ceremonies  were  brought  to 
a conclusion  by  the  retiring  of  the  chief  and  subordinate  man- 
darins in  their  sedans,  a fact  indicated  most  unmistakably  by 
a tumultuous  rush  of  idle  men  and  boys  toward  the  torches 
and  fires,  which  until  this  time  had  been  kept  burning  bright- 
ly, each  seizing  what  he  could  of  the  ignited  brands.  Confu- 
sion prevailed  at  once,  and  lasted  until  the  multitude  had  dis- 
persed. In  a very  short  time  comparative  darkness  and  si- 
lence reigned  throughout  the  precincts  of  the  temple  where 
there  had  been  so  much  pomp  and  parade. 

Only  those  who  had  a public  and  official  part  to  perform 
seemed  solemn  and  reverential,  while  many  of  the  spectators 
laughed,  talked,  and  jested,  apparently  enjoying  the  perform- 
ance in  much  the  same  manner  as  circus  goers  enjoy  a circus, 


368 


THE  STATE  RELIGION. 


or  urchins  at  the  West  enjoy  a show  of  rare  and  strange  ani- 
mals. The  lictors  or  subordinates  of  the  officers  several  times 
checked  the  idlers  who  happened  to  be  near  us,  lest  their  mirth 
should  attract  the  attention  of  their  superiors. 

It  is  said  that,  according  to  the  established  regulations,  the 
carcasses  of  the  animals  used  in  sacrifice  on  the  occasion  of  the 
vernal  and  the  autumnal  worship  of  Confucius  are  subsequent- 
ly cut  up  and  divided  among  the  principal  officials  of  the  city. 
Some  one  has  estimated  that  the  number  of  temples  dedicated 
to  the  Chinese  sage,  in  all  parts  of  the  empire,  is  1560,  and  that 
27,000  pieces  of  silk,  and  62,606  pigs , rabbits , sheep,  and  deer, 
not  to  specify  the  quantity  of  fruits,  vegetables,  etc.,  are  annu- 
ally presented  upon  their  altars — an  estimate  which  seems  not 
to  include  the  number  of  bullocks  slaughtered  and  offered  as 
oblations  in  his  honor. 

Manner  of  national  Mourning  for  the  Death  of  the  Emperor 
Hien  Fung , also  illustrating  the  State  Religion. 

The  Chinese  are  all  required  to  mourn  for  the  death  of  the 
emperor,  the  empress,  and  the  widow  of  an  emperor,  in  cer- 
tain established  ways,  according  to  their  rank  and  position  in 
life.  I propose  to  describe  the  national  mourning,  as  it  was 
observed  at  this  place  in  the  fall  of  1861,  on  the  occasion  of 
the  death  of  Hien  Fung.  It  will  be  remembered  that  he  died 
at  Yehol,  in  Tartary,  on  the  22d  of  August,  1S61,  whither  he 
had  fled  in  October  of  the  previous  year,  not  long  antecedent 
to  the  destruction  of  his  summer  palace  by  the  allied  English 
and  French  troops. 

The  courier,  bringing  an  official  dispatch  from  Peking,  with 
a blue  seal  on  it,  announcing  his  death,  arrived  here  thirty-four 
days  after  it  occurred.  The  news  of  his  decease  had  been 
made  known  to  the  public  several  days  earlier,  having  arrived 
by  steamer  from  Shanghai,  but  the  mandarins  could  not  rec- 
ognize the  fact  until  they  had  received  official  intelligence  in 
the  established  manner.  The  viceroy  immediately  issued  a 
proclamation,  announcing  the  fact  and  date  of  the  emperor’s 
death,  and  commanding  all  the  civil  and  military  officers,  the 
gentry,  and  the  people  to  put  on  mourning,  commencing  from 
that  day.  The  mandarins  accordingly  had  the  large  and  hid- 
eous figures  on  the  doors  of  their  yamuns  painted  black,  and 


MANDARINS-  IN  MOURNING  FOR  THE  EMPEROR.  369 


the  neat  red  inscriptions  on  their  door-posts  and  the  posts  of 
their  yamuns  covered  over  with  reddish  blue  paper.  They 
removed  their  buttons  of  rank  from  their  caps,  began  to  use 
sedan-chairs  covered  with  plain  black  cotton  cloth,  and  wore 
plain  black  clothes,  with  a white  long  coat  or  tunic  on  the  out- 
side, which  extended  down  to  their  ankles,  and  which  was  fast- 
ened around  their  waist  with  a girdle  or  belt  of  white  cotton 
cloth. 


CHINESE  GENTLEMAN,  OK  ONE  OF  THE  GENTRY. 


370 


THE  STATE  RELIGION. 


The  imperial  rescript,  giving  specific  directions  in  regard  to 
the  public  mourning,  after  being  waited  for  quite  a number  of 
days,  not  arriving,  the  high  mandarins  decided  not  to  delay 
longer  for  it,  ^ut  to  mourn  and  weep  according  to  the  method 
practiced  in  1850  on  the  death  of  the  preceding  emperor.  Ac- 
cordingly, on  the  17th  of  October,  the  viceroy  issued  a procla- 
mation, ordering  the  civil  and  military  officers,  and  the  gentry 
and  others  who  ought  to  take  a part  in  the  public  demonstra- 
tion, to  meet  twice  per  day,  on  the  eighteenth,  nineteenth,  and 
twentieth  days  of  the  said  month,  in  a certain  temple  adjoin- 
ing the  prefectural  temple  to  Confucius,  and  there  to  “ lift  up 
their  lamentations.”  The  times  specified  were  seven  o’clock 
A.M.  and  three  o’clock  P.M. 

On  the  same  day  he  issued  another  proclamation,  notifying 
the  common  people  that  thereafter , reckoning  for  one  hundred 
days  from  the  day  of  the  death  of  the  emperor,  they  should 
not  shave  their  pates  as  usual,  nor  should  there  be  any  mar- 
riages nor  any  festivities  whatever.  On  the  following  day, 
the  governor  of  the  province  issued  a proclamation  to  the 
same  general  effect,  rehearsed  the  news  previously  made 
known  by  other  proclamations,  and  reiterated  the  commands 
of  the  viceroy  for  the  officials  and  the  gentry  to  meet  together 
and  “ weep”  at  the  temple  and  on  the  days  above  specified. 
On  the  following  morning,  the  19th  of  October,  appeared  proc- 
lamations from  the  two  district  magistrates  of  the  city,  order- 
ing the  people  to  put  the  usual  badges  of  national  mourning 
on  their  sign-boards,  if  engaged  in  trade,  and  on  the  common 
red  inscriptions  found  very  numerously  on  the  posts  of  their 
houses. 

The  sign-boards  of  the  stores,  hongs,  banks,  etc.,  which  had 
the  names  of  the  firms  painted  thereon  in  red  characters  or 
gilded,  were  put  in  mourning,  in  obedience  to  the  proclama- 
tions of  the  district  magistrates.  Those  having  black  letter- 
ing, according  to  my  observation,  remained  as  before.  But 
of  the  other  sign-boards,  some  had  yellow,  others  had  green, 
others  had  blue  or  white  paper  attached  to  them  in  some  way. 
Sometimes  the  sides  of  the  sign-boards  were  first  covered  over 
with  green  paper,  and  then  the  name  of  the  firm  was  written 
on  the  paper  with  black  ink.  At  other  times,  the  paper  at- 
tached to  the  sign  had  two  characters  written  on  it  in  black 


BADGES  OF  NATIONAL  MOURNING. 


371 


ink,  which  indicated  that  the  “nation  was  in  mourning.” 
Sometimes  several  such  pieces  of  paper,  of  a square  or  oblong- 
shape,  were  pasted  on  the  same  sign ; at  other  times  only  one, 
according  to  the  fancy  of  the  proprietor,  or  perhaps  that  of 
his  clerks.  Red  paper  was  not  used,  red  being  the  symbol  of 

joy- 

According  to  law,  on  the  death  of  an  emperor,  barbers,  play- 
actors, and  players  on  musical  instruments,  are  deprived  of 
their  usual  methods  of  obtaining  a living  for  the  space  of  one 
hundred  days.  Barbers  may  not  shave  the  crowns  of  their 
customers,  though  they  are  allowed  to  comb  and  braid  their 
cues.  In  fact,  however,  some  persons  whose  business  does  not 
call  them  into  the  public  street,  if  not  connected  with  the  fam- 
ilies of  the  gentry  or  of  acting  mandarins,  do  have  their  heads 
shaven  more  or  less  during  the  interdicted  season,  but  it  is  at 
the  risk  of  arrest  and  punishment.  The  proclamation  ordering 
the  people  not  to  shave  their  heads  did  not  appear  here  till 
more  than  fifty  days  had  elapsed  after  the  emperor’s  death  oc- 
curred, and  some  twenty  or  more  after  the  news  had  arrived 
per  steamer ; during  all  this  time  they  continued  to  shave  as 
usual. 

Before  official  news  of  the  emperor’s  decease  arrived,  and 
after  reliable  intelligence  of  that  event  had  reached  this  port, 
a large  nnmber  of  marriages  were  celebrated  among  the  peo- 
ple. This  was  owing,  in  many  cases,  to  the  law,  that  for  one 
hundred  days  subsequent  to  that  event,  marriage  processions 
through  the  streets  in  the  customary  manner — that  is,  with 
the  bride  seated  in  a red  bridal  chair,  and  preceded  by  a band 
of  music — would  not  be  allowed.  Some  marriages  that,  ac- 
cording to  previous  expectations,  would  have  been  celebrated 
during  the  latter  part  of  the  hundred  days,  were  hastened  so 
as  to  be  over  with  before  the  prohibitory  proclamation  should 
make  its  appearance.  If  the  parties  are  willing  to  have  the 
bride  carried  through  the  streets  in  a plain  black  sedan,  with 
no  show  of  rejoicing  and  without  any  band  of  musical  per- 
formers preceding  it,  marriages  during  the  period  of  national 
mourning  could  be  celebrated,  and  no  notice  of  them  would 
ordinarily  be  taken  by  the  mandarins.  But  few  respectable 
families  are  willing  to  have  a marriage  connected  with  them 
celebrated  in  this  private  manner. 


372 


THE  STATE  RELIGION. 


On  tlie  afternoon  of  the  19th  of  October,  in  company  with 
several  friends,  I went  to  see  the  mandarins,  gentry,  and  ex- 
pectants of  office  of  certain  ranks  engage  in  the  “lamenta- 
tions” on  account  of  the  decease  of  Hien  F ung.  It  was  an  oc- 
casion which  none  of  us  Avill  soon  forget.  We  were  rather 
early,  and  found  a rabble  of  men  and  boys  assembled  around 
the  outer  door  of  the  temple  where  the  lamentations  were  to 
take  place,  and  desirous  of  slipping  into  the  premises  along 
with  the  attendants  and  retainers  of  the  persons  who  were  en- 
titled to  enter.  We  were  at  once  allowed  to  enter,  but  sev- 
eral Chinese  friends  who  tried  to  follow  us  were  summarily 
pulled  back  by  the  guard  stationed  at  the  gate.  The  company 
inside  was  quite  select,  the  majority  being  attendants  and  se- 
dan-bearers of  their  masters,  who  constituted  the  minority. 
The  latter  were  easily  recognized  by  their  being  all  dressed  in 
white  cotton  tunics,  reaching  down  to  their  ankles,  and  having 
about  their  waists  a sash  of  white  cotton  cloth.  They  all  had 
on  black  satin  or  black  cotton  boots,  with  very  thick  white 
soles.  The  caps  were  all  plain  and  conical,  coming  to  a point 
a few  inches  above  the  crowns  of  their  heads,  and  without  the 
usual  button  of  rank  on  the  apex.  Their  number  was  in- 
creased by  new  arrivals  every  few  minutes,  until  the  viceroy 
himself,  in  a plain  black  cloth  sedan,  carried  by  eight  bearers, 
arrived,  when  all  who  were  to  take  a part  in  the  lamentations 
proceeded  to  their  appointed  positions. 

Two  coarse  unpainted  oblong  tables  had  been  arranged 
near  the  north  end  of  the  temple,  one  a little  longer  and  a little 
higher  than  the  other,  being  about  five  feet  long  and  four  or 
five  feet  high.  The  higher  was  placed  behind  the  other.  On 
its  centre  was  a large  censer,  containing  burning  cake-incense, 
the  fumes  of  which  were  not  altogether  pleasant.  On  the  east 
and  west  sides  of  the  censer  were  tall  vases,  containing  fresh 
white  flowers,  commonly  known  as  the  China-asters.  Near 
the  ends  of  this  table  were  two  candlesticks,  made  of  pewter, 
some  three  or  four  feet  high,  each  having  a large  yellow  can- 
dle in  it.  We  were  told  that  candles  were  kept  burning  night 
and  day  during  the  period  devoted  to  weeping  for  the  empe- 
ror. This  may  be  the  theory  and  the  intention  of  the  higher 
officials,  but  those  who  had  the  matter  under  their  charge,  we 
were  subsequently  informed,  extinguished  the  candles  as  soon 


PREPARATIONS  FOR  OFFICIAL  MOURNING.  373 


as  the  officials  departed,  and  charged  the  cost  of  candles  all 
the  time,  putting  the  money  saved  into  their  own  pockets.  In 
the  centre  of  the  front  and  smaller  table  was  another  censer, 
having  three  sticks  of  burning  incense  incased  in  yellow  paper, 
and  near  its  ends  were  two  large  yellow  candles  burning.  On 
the  south  or  front  side  of  each  of  these  tables  was  a plain 
coarse  screen  of  yellow*cotton  clotlx,  hanging  down  nearly  to 
the  ground. 

Some  ten  feet  behind  the  tables  was  a small  pavilion,  about 
two  feet  square  and  seven  or  eight  feet  high,  covered  princi- 
pally on  the  sides  and  along  its  posts  with  yellow  cloth. 
There  were  strips  of  cloth  having  two  or  three  other  colors, 
not  red,  mingled  with  the  yellow,  on  some  parts  of  the  pavil- 
ion, knotted  or  braided  together  in  a certain  manner.  The 
reason  why  yellow  cloth  was  used  in  various  places  on  this  oc- 
casion is  that  yellow  is  the  imperial  color,  and  refers  to  or  de- 
notes the  emperor. 

A platform  about  fifteen  feet  wride  and  sixty  or  eighty  feet 
long,  raised  about  one  foot  from  the  ground,  and  made  of  un- 
planed boards,  beginning  about  fifteen  feet  from  the  tables, 
and  on  a level  with  the  ground  on  which  they  stood,  stretched 
down  toward  the  south.  At  the  north  end  of  the  platform,  in 
front  of  the  tables,  were  a few  pieces  of  palm  matting.  The 
most  of  the  platform  was  carpeted  with  common  white  cotton 
cloth.  An  awning  of  the  same  material  was  arranged  over 
the  platform,  and  large  screens  of  it  were  placed  on  the  north, 
east,  and  west  sides  of  the  pavilion  and  tables. 

The  mandarins,  gentry,  etc.,  who  were  entitled  to  take  a 
part  in  the  farce  which  was  to  be  enacted,  advanced  slowly 
and  silently  to  the  positions  they  wrere  to  occupy  on  this  plat- 
form. The  particular  place  which  the  various  ranks  of  offi- 
cers, or  expectants  of  office,  were  to  occupy,  was  indicated  by 
insci’iptions  or  tablets  suspended  above  the  outer  edge  of  the 
platform.  The  military  mandarins  arranged  themselves  along 
the  west  side  of  the  platform,  and  the  civil  mandarins  along  its 
east  side.  The  highest  in  rank  were  on  its  north  end,  and  im- 
mediately in  front  of  the  tables. 

A professor  of  ceremony  took  his  position  facing  the  west 
and  near  the  north  end  of  the  platform.  When  every  thing 
was  ready,  he  called  out  in  a commanding  tone  of  voice,  xising 


374 


THE  STATE  RELIGION. 


the  mandarin  dialect  (all  the  rest  of  the  company  preserving  a 
most  profound  silence),  “ Take  your  places  in  proper  order” 
which  meant  simply  prepare  or  make  ready,  as  all  were  al- 
ready standing  where  they  should  stand,  with  their  faces  to- 
ward the  pavilion.  He  immediately  cried  out,  '•'■Kneel  down” 
when  one  hundred  individuals,  more  or  less,  being  the  highest 
in  rank  and  in  power  in  this  province,  all  simultaneously 
knelt  down.  He  then  ordered  them  to  “ knock  their  heads 
once ” on  the  ground,  which  they  proceeded  to  do  by  placing 
their  hands  on  the  ground  (as  boys  do  when  they  play  on  all 
fours,  in  imitation  of  a quadruped),  and  then  inclining  their 
heads  forward  and  downward  until  they  touched  the  platform. 
All  the  performers  then  raised  their  bodies  to  an  upright  posi- 
tion, still  remaining  on  their  knees.  The  professor  immediate- 
ly cried  out,  “ Knock  your  heads  the  second  time”  and  they  ac- 
cordingly bowed  their  heads  down  in  a similar  manner.  They 
then  assumed  again  an  upright  position,  when  they  were  com- 
manded by  the  professor  of  ceremony  to  “ knock  their  heads 
the  third  time”  which  command  they  submissively  obeyed. 
He  then  ordered  them  to  “rise  up”  on  their  feet ; and  when 
they  had  succeeded  in  attaining  to  a standing  position,  he  im- 
mediately ordered  them  to  “ kneel,”  “ knock  heads,”  etc.,  as 
has  just  been  described.  When  they  had  knocked  their  heads 
three  times  on  the  ground,  they.were  commanded  to  rise  to 
their  feet,  after  which  they  were  again  required  to  kneel  and 
perform  the  knocking  of  their  heads  for  another  three  times. 
But,  instead  of  ordering  them  to  staud  up  at  the  end  of  the 
third  time  of  knocking  their  heads  on  the  ground  as  before, 
the  professor,  while  they  were  still  on  their  hands  and  knees, 
commanded  them  to  “ begin  their  lamentations  ” and  they  all 
began  to  moan  and  weep  in  a whimpering,  subdued  tone  of 
voice.  This  was  kept  up  for  a minute  or  so,  when  they  were 
ordered  to  “ stop  their  crying ,”  “ rise  up”  and  “ disperse  from 
their  places”  which  they  all  seemed  to  be  quite  willing  to  do. 
Thus  ended  the  ceremony  of  “ three  bowings  and  nine  knock- 
ings .”  The  assembly  immediately  broke  up. 

What  has  been  said  of  the  official  mourning  performed  by 
mandarins  and  expectants  of  office  will  illustrate  by  example 
what  is  meant  by  the  State  Religion. 

How  deeply  and  strangely  are  many  of  the  established  cus- 


THE  SINFUL  NATURE  OF  THESE  OFFICIAL  ACTS.  375 

toms  of  this  people  opposed  to  the  spirit  of  the  Gospel — to  the 
commands  of  the  Bible.  The  prostration  before  the  living  em- 
peror, or  his  tablet,  or  a yellow  screen,  so  common  on  the  part 
of  Chinese  officers,  has  been  admitted  by  high  mandarins  at 
Peking  to  be  of  the  same  kind  in  its  nature  as  the  prostration 
before  idols  and  images  on  the  part  of  the  common  people. 
What  else,  then,  can  be  the  kneelings,  and  the  bowing  down  of 
the  head,  which  is  performed  more  or  less  by  all  the  acting 
and  the  retired  mandarins  in  all  parts  of  the  empire  subject  to 
the  Tartar  power  at  Peking  on  occasions  of  national  mourn- 
ing— what  else  can  these  performances  be  but  of  a supersti- 
tious and  idolatrous,  and  therefore  sinful  nature  ? 


376 


COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 

Piimary  Schools  and  Government  Colleges:  Primary  Schools  numerous. — 
Manner  of  Conducting  them. — Three  Colleges  connected  with  the  Gov- 
ernment at  Fuhchau. — Two  under  the  Charge  of  the  Governor. — Studies 
pursued  in  them. — Tuition  and  Room-rent  free. — Two  hundred  and  forty 
Students  selected  for  each  Annually,  after  Examination  of  competitive 
Compositions. — One  hundred  and  eighty  receive  a Monthly  Stipend. — 
Manner  of  conducting  the  Examination  of  Compositions  in  the  Colleges. — 
One  College  under  the  Charge  of  the  Prefect. — Manner  of  conducting  its 
Literary  Exercises. — Students  in  the  first  two  Colleges  may  belong  to  any 
Part  of  the  Province. — Students  in  the  other  must  live  in  the  Prefecture. 
— Examination  of  Undergraduates  before  the  District  Magistrate  and  the 
Prefect : Four  Classes  may  not  compete  at  the  Examinations. — Students 
in  Mourning  for  a Parent  may  not  compete. — Notification  given  by  the 
Literary  Chancellor  of  the  time  of  his  Examinations. — Manner  of  enter- 
ing Names  of  Students  as  Competitors. — Manner  of  Competition. — The 
Numbers  of  the  Candidates  placarded  in  Public. — Examination  of  Under- 
graduates before  the  Literary  Chancellor  for  the  First  Degree,  and  of  Grad- 
uates of  the  First  Degree  before  him  preparatory  to  Competition  for  the  Sec- 
ond Degree : Privileged  Classes.  — Manner  of  Competition. — Rewriting 
from  Memory  the  Sacred  Edict. — Best  Competitors,  to  a certain  Number, 
become  Bachelors  of  Arts. — They  come  under  the  Jurisdiction  of  their 
Literary  Chiefs. — Bachelorship  may  be  bought. — Privileges  of  a class  of 
Scholars  next  best  to  the  Graduates. — Graduates  expected  to  make  Pres- 
ents to  their  Securities. — Extra  Examination  every  twelve  Years. — Chiefs 
of  Graduates  receive  their  Appointment  from  Peking. — Method  of  con- 
ducting Examinations  of  Graduates  preparatory  to  Competition  for  Sec- 
ond Degree. — Supplementary  Examinations. — Salutes  and  Music  in  Hon- 
or of  the  three  Companies  which  come  out  of  the  Examinations  first. 

Primary  Schools  and  Government  Colleges. 

There  are  numerous  primary  schools  in  China,  supported 
by  the  people  of  a neighborhood  who  choose  to  send  their 
children.  There  are  no  school-houses,  schools  being  commonly 
held  in  a spare  hall  or  room  belonging  to  a private  family,  or 
in  a part  of  the  village  temple.  There  is  no  village  tax  nor 
any  aid  from  government  received  for  the  support  of  schools. 
Each  parent  must  pay  the  teacher  for  the  instruction  of  his 


CONCERNING  PRIMARY  SCHOOLS. 


377 


children.  Besides  these,  there 
are  private  or  family  schools,  the 
pupils  being  few  and  select,  be- 
longing to  rich  families.  In  this 
city  there  are  no  free-schools, 
where  the  pupils  can  attend 
without  expense  for  tuition.  In 
former  years  there  were  some 
such  schools,  sustained  princi- 
pally at  the  charge  of  a very 
wealthy  bank.  But  this  bank 
failed  six  or  eight  years  ago,  at 
the  time  of  a general  panic 
among  banks,  and  its  suspension 
of  business  was  the  signal  for 
the  suspension  of  the  various 
charitable  works  which  it  sup- 
ported. 

Girls  are  seldom  sent  to  school 
or  taught  to  read  at  home.  Ed- 
ucation is  not  regarded  as  fitting 
them  to  fill  in  a better  manner  the  stations  they  are  expected 
to  occupy.  Pupils  do  not  study,  in  school,  books  on  mathemat- 
ics, geography,  and  the  natural  sciences,  but  the  writings  of 
Confucius  and  Mencius.  These  they  are  required  to  commit 


SCHOOL-BOY  WITH  FAN  AND  PARCEL  OF 
BOOKS. 


PUPIL  u BACKING  HIS  BOOK,”  i.  RECITING  HIS  LESSON. 


378 


COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 


to  memory,  and  recite  with  their  backs  toward  the  book. 
This  is  called  “ backing  the  book.”  They  are  not  taught  in 
classes,  but  each  studies  the  book  he  pleases,  taking  a longer 
or  shorter  lesson  according  to  his  ability.  They  all  study  out 
loud,  oftentimes  screaming  at  the  top  of  their  voices.  They 
first  learn  the  sounds  of  the  characters,  so  as  to  recite  them 
memoriter.  After  years  of  study  they  acquire  an  insight  into 
their  meaning  and  use.  They  commence  to  write  when  they 
begin  going  to  school,  tracing  the  characters  given  them  as 
patterns  on  paper  by  means  of  a hair  pencil  and  China  ink.  It 
requires  an  immense  amount  of  practice  to  write  the  language 
correctly  and  rapidly. 

There  are  three  collegiate  institutions  at  this  city  which  are 
connected  with  the  government.  The  studies  pursued  in  them 
are  the  same  in  kind  as  are  pursued  by  advanced  scholars  in 
village  or  family  schools,  viz.,  the  “ five  classics”  and  the  “ four 
books,”  being  a part  of  the  thirteen  works  which  collectively 
are  often  called  the  “ Chinese  classics.”  Compositions  in 
prose  and  verse  on  themes  selected  from  these  books  are  reg- 
ularly required.  These  books  are  the  main  subject  of  thought 
and  research — not  that  they  are  recited  there,  or  that  the 
teachers  require  certain  pavts  to  be  studied  in  their  presence. 
The  teachers  once  or  twice  per  mouth  expound  certain  parts, 
or  deliver  lectures  on  the  subjects  discussed,  or  the  sentiments 
advanced  in  these  books.  They  pay  no  attention  to  any  his- 
torical, mathematical,  or  philosoj)hioal  books  or  subjects. 
These  things  are  considered  as  not  worthy  of  research  at  the 
colleges.  If  a student  wishes  to  pursue  any  literary  studies 
different  from  the  classics,  he  must  do  it  at  his  leisure,  without 
expecting  to  receive  any  particular  aid  from  his  teachers. 
The  study  of  mathematics  and  philosophy,  or  the  sciences  gen- 
erally, is  regarded  as  of  exceedingly  small  importance  com- 
pared with  the  study  of  the  classics.  The  latter  are  of  use  in 
the  composition  of  essays  and  poems,  required  at  the  regular 
examination  as  trial  pieces  competitory  for  the  literary  de- 
grees, which  are  so  highly  prized  by  ambitious  men  in  China; 
but  attainments  in  the  natural  sciences  afford  no  special  aid  in 
writing  these  essays  and  poems,  or  of  advancing  one  to  a high- 
er rank  as  a literary  man  or  as  an  officer. 

The  design  of  establishing  the  colleges  was  to  encourage 


CONCERNING  THE  GOVERNMENT  COLLEGES.  379 

and  stimulate  the  students  to  write  essays  and  poems  of  a 
high  order.  They  have  not  failed  of  producing  the  effect  de- 
signed, judging  from  the  interest  manifested  by  graduates  of 
the  first  degree,  as  well  as  undergraduates,  to  become  connect- 
ed with  them.  The  small  monthly  stipend  given  to  a part  of 
the  successful  candidates  for  admission  doubtless  has  some  in- 
fluence in  leading  scholars  who  are  not  possessed  of  ample 
means  to  desire  to  enter  them.  But  probably  the  benefit  to 
be  derived  from  attendance  and  the  honor  ,pf  being  connected 
with  them  have,  in  the  case  of  the  majority  of  the  students,  a 
greater  influence  than  the  pecuniary  reward  in  causing  such  a 
general  interest  to  become  members  of  the  colleges. 

Two  of  the  colleges  are  under  the  supervision  of  the  provin- 
cial governor.  He  appoints  the  teachers.  The  salary  of  the 
teacher  of  one  is  eight  hundred  taels ; the  salary  of  the  teach- 
er of  the  other  six  hundred  taels  per  annum,  which  is  paid 
out  of  the  imperial  treasury.  The  customary  presents  made 
to  them  by  the  pupils  under  their  care  probably  amounts  to  at 
least  one  or  two  thousand  dollars  more  during  the  course  of 
the  year.  These  teachers  are  men  of  high  literary  ability  very 
frequently,  being  members  of  the  Imperial  or  Hanlin  college 
at  Peking.  The  high  provincial  officers  must  treat  them  with 
great  deference  when  they  meet.  The  teachers  expect  to  be 
regarded  as  guests  in  the  presence  of  the  high  mandarins — 
that  is,  the  seat  of  honor  is  accorded  to  them. 

Those  of  the  students  who  choose  are  permitted  to  live  in 
the  colleges,  but  few  do  live  there.  Each  college  has  a lai-ge 
number  of  rooms,  which  may  be  used  by  the  pupils  free  of 
rent.  The  janitor,  however,  expects  a present  from  resident 
students.  Those  who  reside  there  make  a more  valuable  pres- 
ent to  the  teacher  than  those  who  live  elsewhere.  Those  who 
pay  the  most  money  stand  the  chance  of  receiving  the  most 
attentions.  The  resident  students  are  also  expected  to  make 
presents  to  their  teacher  on  the  occurrence  of  his  birthday, 
and  that  of  his  wife,  and  of  his  parents,  if  living,  as  well  as  at 
the  time  of  the  national  festivals  in  the  fifth,  eighth,  and  elev- 
enth months,  and  at  new  years.  These  presents  consist  of 
curiosities,  articles  of  food,  or  money. 

At  the  appointed  day,  early  in  the  morning,  usually  some 
time  during  the  second  month,  the  provincial  governor,  with  a 


380 


COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 


proper  staff  of  assisting  officials,  meets  those  students,  whether 
graduates  or  undergraduates,  who  wish  to  compete  for  en- 
trance to  the  highest  college  at  the  provincial  examination 
hall.  He  gives  out  one  set  of  themes  for  the  undergraduates, 
and  another  set  of  themes  for  the  graduates  of  the  first  de- 
gree. The  compositions  are  finished  some  time  during  the 
same  day,  when  they  are  handed  over  to  the  governor  for  his 
inspection.  After  making  a selection  of  those  which  he  re- 
gards as  the  best,  he  passes  them  into  the  hands  of  the  teacher 
of  the  college  for  his  examination.  In  this  way,  two  hundred 
and  forty  students  are  selected  as  pupils  out  of  the  thousands 
who  present  themselves,  one  hundred  and  twenty  of  the  grad- 
uates, and  one  hundred  and  twenty  of  the  undergraduates. 
Unjust  and  unlawful  methods  are  often  resorted  to  by  some 
candidates  for  membership  of  the  colleges.  Some  students 
are  successful  by  bribing  the  high  officials,  and  others  by  their 
favor. 

On  the  following  day  the  scholars  of  the  first  degree,  and 
of  the  class  of  undergraduates  who  desire  to  compete  for  the 
privilege  of  entering  the  other  college  under  the  control  of  the 
governor,  meet  him  at  the  same  hall,  where  they  write  prose 
and  poetical  compositions  as  usual  on  themes  which  he  an- 
nounces. He  selects  two  hundred  and  forty  of  the  composi- 
tions which  he  regards  as  most  worthy,  one  hundred  and 
twenty  whose  writers  are  graduates,  and  one  hundred  and 
twenty  whose  writers  are  undergraduates. 

Sixty  of  the  accepted  graduates  for  each  of  these  colleges 
usually  receive  one  and  a half  taels  per  month  ; the  remaining  • 
sixty  receive  only  one  tael.  Of  the  one  hundred  and  twenty 
undergraduates,  only  one  half  receive  any  stipend  at  all,  which 
is  one  tael  per  month.  The  remaining  sixty  undergraduates 
are  kept  as  a kind  of  reserve  to  fill  up  any  deficiencies  which 
may  occur  during  the  year  in  the  number  of  those  who  receive 
a monthly  allowance.  The  reserve  of  sixty  are  allowed  all  the 
privileges  of  the  institution  equally  with  those  who  are  al- 
lowed a stipend.  The  rule  is,  that  should  any  student  Avho  re- 
ceives an  allowance  be  absent  from  three  successive  examina- 
tions, his  name  would  be  erased  from  the  list,  and  some  one  of 
the  sixty  undergraduates  be  put  in  its  place.  Usually,  how- 
ever, should  a student  be  prevented  from  attending  at  the  reg- 


MANNER  OF  CONDUCTING  THE  COLLEGES.  381 


ular  times,  he  employs  some  friend  to  appear  in  his  stead. 
The  monthly  stipends  paid  these  students  are  received  from 
the  treasurer  of  the  province.  There  are  three  days  during 
the  month  when  themes  are  given  out  and  compositions  pre- 
pared at  each  of  these  colleges — i.  e.,  the  sixth,  sixteenth,  and 
twenty-sixth  days.  The  teacher  usually  presides  at  two  of 
these  competitory  examinations.  The  students  who  reside  at 
the  colleges  are  entitled  to  have  their  compositions  criticised 
by  their  respective  teacher.  The  teachers  discourse  on  the 
classics  to  their  resident  pupils  twice  per  month. 

It  is  the  duty  of  the  viceroy,  the  governor,  the  treasurer, 
the  judge,  and  the  commissioners  of  the  salt  and  provision  de- 
partments, each  to  attend  in  turn  at  one  of  the  regular  month- 
ly examinations  of  each  of  the  colleges.  In  this  way,  accord- 
ing to  theory,  each  of  the  six  officials  attends  twice  during  the 
year.  It  is  the  privilege  and  the  duty  of  each  of  these  man- 
darins to  preside  when  he  is  present,  giving  out  the  themes 
and  first  looking  over  the  compositions,  after  which  he  passes 
them  into  the  hands  of  the  teacher  of  the  college  for  his  in- 
spection. It  is  customary  for  each  of  the  high  officials  to  make 
a small  present  of  money  to  every  one  of  the  ten  first  best 
competitors,  both  of  the  graduates  and  of  the  undergraduates 
who  are  present  at  the  session  over  which  he  presides. 

A list  of  the  comparative  merits  of  the  compositions  made 
by  the  students  is  in  due  time  posted  up  in  public.  It  has  be- 
come a custom  for  the  best  students,  both  graduates  and  un- 
dergraduates, to  send  in  their  cards  to  the  viceroy,  or  the  Tar- 
tar general,  or  the  treasurer,  etc.,  as  the  case  may  be,  a few 
days  after  he  has  presided  at  the  examination  in  the  college. 
This  is  understood  to  be  an  expression  of  their  thanks  to  him 
for  his  attention. 

The  literary  chancellor  is  expected  to  attend  and  preside 
once  per  annum  at  the  competitory  examinations  held  month- 
ly in  each  of  the  colleges.  He  gives  out  the  themes,  and  de- 
cides himself  in  regard  to  the  comparative  merit  of  the  com- 
positions, not  handing  them  over  to  the  teacher  as  if  for  his 
corroborative  opinion,  as  is  the  case  with  the  six  officials  men- 
tioned above.  Most  of  the  high  officials  who  play  the  manda- 
rin at  this  city  have  for  many  years  had  the  reputation  of  be- 
ing poor  scholars,  having  obtained  their  offices  by  purchase  or 


882 


COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 


by  bribery.  Such  great  men  must  often  make  ludicrous  blun- 
ders when  they  attempt  to  perpetrate  literary  feats  on  their 
own  responsibility.  Hence  the  manifest  propriety  of  the  cus- 
tom which  requires  them  to  associate  with  them,  as  it  were, 
the  accomplished  teacher  of  the  college  at  whose  competitive 
examinations  they  preside.  But  the  literary  chancellor,  being 
always  a man  selected  for  his  position  on  account  of  his  liter- 
ary attainments,  is  competent  to  decide  on  the  relative  merits 
of  the  compositions  which  are  made  at  the  session  over  which 
he  presides. 

There  is  another  collegiate  institution  in  this  city,  but  infe- 
rior in  rank  and  importance  to  the  two  which  have  been  men- 
tioned. The  chief  director  of  this  college  is  the  prefect.  His 
associates  are  the  marine  inspector  and  the  two  district  mag- 
istrates, whose  yamuns  are  located  in  the  city.  The  examina- 
tion of  the  students  who  wish  to  compete  for  its  privileges  is 
held  at  the  prefect’s  yamun.  He  gives  out  the  themes,  and 
selects  two  hundred  and  forty  men,  half  graduates  and  half 
undergraduates.  The  teacher’s  salary  is  only  about  three 
hundred  taels  per  annum.  He  provides  his  own  house,  and 
the  students  live  where  they  choose,  meeting  their  teacher  at 
the  college  at  the  regular  days  of  examination  or  lecture. 
They  are  expected  to  make  him  a present  of  more  or  less  val- 
ue, according  to  their  circumstances,  or  according  as  they  de- 
sire to  obtain  his  especial  aid  in  criticising  their  productions. 

The  directing  officials  are  expected  to  be  present  in  regular 
turn,  and  preside  once  a month  at  the  competitive  examina- 
tions held  at  the  college.  Should  one  fail  in  attending,  the 
teacher  presides  in  his  place.  The  teacher  conducts  the  other 
two  monthly  examinations.  The  expenses  of  this  institution, 
viz.,  the  salary  of  the  teacher  and  the  stipends  to  a part  of  the 
pupils,  are  provided  by  the  officials  who  are  at  its  head.  This 
accounts  for  the  fact  that  the  stipends  are  not  promptly  paid. 
The  sum  given  professedly  every  month  is  only  about  half  as 
great  as  the  sum  given  at  the  other  colleges. 

The  competitors  for  admittance  to  the  collegiate  institu- 
tions under  the  control  of  the  governor  need  not  necessarily 
be  residents  of  this  prefecture.  They  may  belong  to  any  part 
of  the  province.  Those  who  come  from  a distance  must  be 
supplied  with  the  necessary  credentials  of  their  literary  char- 


FOUR  CLASSES  EXCLUDED  FROM  THE  EXAMINATIONS.  383 


acter  from  their  literary  chiefs  or  their  principal  teachers,  or 
they  would  not  be  allowed  to  engage  in  the  preparatory  com- 
petitive examinations  before  the  governor  for  admittance  to 
the  college  which  they  desired  to  enter. 

Those  who  become  members  of  the  third  college  mentioned, 
that  of  which  the  prefect  is  chief,  may  belong  to  the  different 
districts  which  compose  the  prefecture.  The  establishment 
of  it  seems  to  have  been  designed  to  benefit  only  the  gradu- 
ates and  the  undergraduates  belonging  to  this  prefecture,  not 
those  who  belong  to  other  prefectures  in  the  province. 

Examination  of  Undergraduates  before  the  District  Magis- 
trate and  before  the  Prefect. 

To  give  an  intelligible  account  of  the  world-renowned  com- 
petitory  examinations  of  the  Chinese,  and  to  detail  some  of 
the  unlawful  expedients  which  are  often  resorted  to  by  candi- 
dates in  order  to  gain  a literary  degree,  will  require  several 
chapters.  It  will  be  shown  that,  where  they  are  impartially 
and  faithfully  conducted,  the  graduates  must  be  scholars  of 
more  than  ordinary  memory  and  ability,  and  that  as  they  real- 
ly are  often  conducted,  the  attainment  of  a degree  is  no  sure 
proof  of  the  possession  of  any  more  than  ordinary  capacity, 
and  not  necessarily  even  that. 

There  are  four  classes  who,  themselves  or  their  posterity  fc^- 
three  generations,  according  to  law  are  not  permitted  to  en- 
gage in  the  literary  examinations. 

1.  The  public  prostitutes. — Among  the  descendants  of  these 
creatures  there  are  sometimes  honorable  and  talented  individ- 
uals ; but,  on  account  of  the  sins  of  their  ancestors,  these  are 
excluded  from  the  greatest  privileges  of  citizenship,  that  of 
competition  for  literary  honor. 

2.  The  public  play-actors. — This  includes  those  who  have 
earned  a living  as  actors,  whether  chiefs  or  subordinates — 
those  who  have  made  play-acting  their  profession. 

3.  The  executioners , Victors,  and  the  menial  servants  connect- 
ed with  mandarinates. — These  include  those  who  precede  high 
mandarins  when  they  appear  in  jrablic,  and  who  are  supposed 
to  be  ready  to  do  any  bloody  or  cruel  act  if  commanded  by 
their  masters,  whether  according  to  law  or  opposed  to  it. 

4.  The  jailers  and  keepers  of  the  prisons  connected  with  ya- 


384 


COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 


muns. — The  first  two  classes  are  believed  to  be  entirely  desti- 
tute of  shame,  else  they  would  not  degrade  their  persons  for 
vicious  or  unworthy  purposes  for  the  sake  of  gain.  The  last 
two  classes  are  believed  to  have  very  hard  and  depraved  hearts, 
else  they  would  never  consent  to  engage  in  the  business  of 
their  respective  positions. 

The  descendants  of  these  classes,  if  more  virtuous,  respect- 
able, and  humane  than  their  ancestors,  and  if  they  are  really 
desirous  of  changing  their  professions,  and  retrieving  or  rath- 
er gaining  a good  character,  usually  remove  to  a distant  place, 
where  their  lineage  and  their  antecedents  are  unknown.  Their 
ancestry  is  a disgrace  to  them,  and  constitutes  an  obstacle  in 
the  way  of  their  rising  in  society. 

Some  three  years  since,  the  report  was  current  at  this  place 
that  an  actor  had  been  admitted  to  the  third  literary  degree 
at  Peking,  when  a censor  informed  the  emperor.  As  the  re- 
sult, he  and  about  thirty  high  officers  suffered  the  penalty  of 
death  for  being  privy  to  the  fact  that  he  had  been  an  actor, 
and  yet  allowing  him  to  compete  at  the  examinations,  where- 
as they  ought  to  have  prevented  him  from  doing  so.  Among 
these  officers  of  state  was  one  who  was  at  the  time,  or  who 
had  been  a chancellor,  and  the  adopted  father  of  the  graduate 
was  one  of  the  presiding  examiners  at  the  time  of  his  gradu- 
ation. The  report  may  not  have  been  entirely  true  in  all  of 
the  details  given. 

According  to  law,  any  literary  man,  without  regard  to  age 
or  condition,  excepting  the  four  classes  which  have  been  men- 
tioned, may  compete  in  the  examination  at  which  he  is  entitled 
by  his  attainments  to  compete,  provided  it  be  not  within  three 
years  after  the  death  of  either  parent.  Should  any  bachelor 
of  arts,  disregarding  the  law  forbidding  competition  for  a lit- 
erary degree  during  the  period  allotted  to  mourning  for  the 
death  of  father  o.r  mother,  be  allowed  to  present  himself  at  an 
examination  for  the  second  degree,  and  it  became  known  to 
the  examining  official,  he  would  be  degraded  from  his  rank, 
and  the  literary  chancellor  would  in  all  likelihood  be  degraded 
or  punished  heavily  by  fines,  unless  he  bribed  to  silence  those 
who  were  privy  to  it.  If  only  an  undergraduate,  his  principal 
security  would  be  degraded  or  disgraced.  Literary  competi- 
tion is  deemed  incompatible  with  sincere  mourning  for  a par- 


DUTIES  OF  THE  LITERARY  CHANCELLOR. 


385 


ent.  It  would  be  construed  into  a kind  of  filial  ingratitude,  or 
want  of  filial  love  and  respect,  punishable  by  process  of  law. 

A high  officer,  commonly  styled  the  Literary  Chancellor,  is 
the  presiding  mandarin  at  the  last  examination  which  decides 
who  are  the  fortunate  candidates  that  attain  the  lowest  liter- 
ary degree.  The  chancellor  is  usually  a member  of  the  Impe- 
rial Academy  at  Peking,  or  is  connected  with  one  of  the  six 
Boards.  He  is  often  spoken  of  as  Imperial  Commissioner. 
His  term  of  office  is  three  years.  Only  one  is  appointed  for 
each  province.  His  official  residence  is  at  the  capital  of  the 
province.  His  duties  call  him  to  travel  to  each  of  the  prefect- 
ural  cities  of  the  province  twice  during  his  term  of  office,  for 
the  purpose  of  examining  the  candidates  for  the  first  degree 
and  the  graduates  of  the  first  degree.  He  admits  to  the  first 
degree  those  of  the  candidates  he  judges  are  entitled  to  it  to 
the  extent  allowed  by  law,  and  he  exercises  the  graduates  on 
themes  preparatory  to  their  competition  for  the  second  degree 
at  the  provincial  city,  under  the  jurisdiction  of  two  examiners 
sent  from  Peking  for  the  purpose. 

The  literary  chancellor  sends 
notice  to  the  different  prefects  in 
his  province  of  the  time  when  he 
will  examine  the  literary  under- 
graduates of  the  prefecture.  Each 
prefect  sends  a messenger  to  each 
of  the  district  magistrates  of  his 
prefecture  communicating  the  no- 
tice from  the  literary  chancellor. 

Each  district  magistrate  issues  a 
proclamation  giving  the  undergrad- 
uates in  his  district  notice  of  the 
time  when  they  will  be  expected 
to  meet  him  for  examination  at  his 
yamun. 

In  accordance  with  this  notifica- 
tion from  the  district  magistrate, 
all  of  the  undergraduates  in  his  ju- 
risdiction who  wish  to  compete  be- 
fore him,  preparatory  to  competi- 
tion before  the  prefect,  make  arrangements  in  accordance  with 

Vol.  L— R 


386 


COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 


established  and  well-known  regulations.  At  least  three  days 
before  the  time  appointed,  each  candidate  must  present  him- 
self at  the  proper  office  belonging  to  his  yarnun,  and  receive 
from  the  clerk,  on  paying  eighty  or  a hundred  cash,  a blank 
schedule.  This  paper,  already  stamped  with  the  district  mag- 
istrate’s seal,  he  takes  away  and  fills  out  with  the  requisite 
particulars  respecting  himself,  as  the  name  of  his  grandfather, 
his  father,  his  principal  teacher,  and  his  neighbors  on  the  right 
and  left  hand.  He  states  also  his  own  name  and  age,  whether 
of  large  or  small  stature,  his  complexion,  and  whether  he  has 
mustaches  or  not,  and  the  place  of  his  residence.  It  states 
also  that  he  does  not  desire  to  go  into  the  examination  in 
behalf  of  another  man,  using  another’s  name ; that  he  does  not 
go  for  the  purpose  of  acting  as  teacher  or  aid  to  another ; 
and  that  he  does  not  go  into  an  examination  to  which  he  has 
no  right,  really  belonging  to  another  district,  etc.  The  candi- 
date must  take  the  paper  thus  filled  out  to  some  one  of  the 
graduates  of  the  first  degree  who  are  appointed  to  act  as  se- 
curities to  undergraduates.  Any  one  of  this  class,  without  re- 
gard to  order,  may,  if  he  is  satisfied  that  the  statements  of  the 
paper  are  correct,  become  his  “ principal  security ” by  signing 
the  document  and  stamping  it  with  his  seal.  Some  other  one 
of  the  same  class  of  men,  whose  turn  in  regular  order  it  is, 
must  act  as  “ secondary  security ” by  signing  and  stamping  it, 
for  which  he  receives  about  a hundred  cash.  This  paper  is 
now  carried  to  the  chief  of  the  graduates  for  the  district,  who 
stamps  it  with  his  red  stamp,  for  doing  which  he  also  receives 
a small  fee.  After  having  obtained  all  these  securities,  the  un- 
dergraduate returns  the  document  to  the  clerk  from  whom  he 
received  the  schedule.  He  carefully  keeps  it  for  reference 
should  occasion  require.  He  gives  in  exchange  for  it  another 
paper,  stating  the  name  of  the  candidate,  and  the  number  of 
his  application.  The  latter  keeps  this  for  use  on  the  morning 
of  the  commencement  of  the  examination,  presenting  the  clerk 
with  about  a hundred  cash.  The  clerk  now  prepares  a small 
roll  of  ruled  paper,  consisting  of  six  or  eight  sheets,  to  the  out- 
side of  which  is  attached  a slip  of  paper,  stamped  with  the 
seal  of  the  district  magistrate,  and  stating  the  name  of  the 
candidate  and  the  number  of  his  application,  corresponding  to 
the  minutes  which  the  candidate  took  away  with  him. 


EXAMINATION  BEFORE  THE  DISTKICT  MAGISTRATE.  387 

Very  early  in  the  morning,  usually  before  daylight  of  the 
appointed  day,  all  of  the  competitors  assemble  at  the  proper 
place,  where  some  one  reads  slowly,  and  in  a loud  voice,  their 
names  according  to  a list  prej>ared  by  the  clerk.  As  the  name 
and  the  number  of  each  are  pronounced,  he  must  respond,  ad- 
vance, and  deliver  up  the  last  paper  he  received  from  the  clerk. 
In  return  for  this  he  receives  the  roll  of  ruled  paper,  having 
the  slip  with  his  name  and  number  attached  to  it,  which  the 
clerk  has  prepared  for  him.  He  enters  the  place  provided  for 
Avriting  his  essays,  and  seats  himself  at  a table.  After  all  the 
candidates  have  entered  the  hall,  they  are  shut  in,  and  the 
doors  are  fastened  and  sealed,  allowing  no  ingress  or  egress 
until  the  compositions  are  finished,  or  until  a part  of  them  are 
finished,  and  the  writers  wish  to  return  to  their  homes.  The 
district  magistrate,  rvho,  with  enough  of  his  underlings  and 
literary  assistants  to  keep  order,  have  been  also  shut  in  with 
the  candidates,  now  gives  out  the  themes  for  two  prose  essays 
and  one  poem,  which  each  competitor  is  expected  to  prepare. 
These  themes  are  taken  from  the  four  classics.  The  candi- 
dates noAV  apply  themselves  to  their  tasks. 

Each  prose  essay  must  contain  some  six  or  seven  hundred 
characters,  and  the  poem  about  sixty  characters.  The  writers 
are  not  allowed  any  communication  with  outside  friends,  nor 
are  they  allorved  to  refer  to  any  books.  Each  one  is  expected 
to  rely  upon  himself  solely.  It  is  supposed  that  every  one  is 
familiar  with  the  theme,  inasmuch  as  it  is  contained  in  the 
Chinese  classics.  No  intercourse  with  each  other,  no  walking 
about  from  place  to  place,  and  no  questioning  about  the  sense 
is  permitted.  Each  one  of  the  company,  whether  consisting 
of  one  or  trvo  hundred  or  one  or  tAVO  thousand,  according  as 
the  district  has  many  or  feAV  scholars,  busies  himself  with  the 
mental  composition  of  his  poem  and  his  essays,  and  the  writing 
of  them  out  on  the  ruled  paper  provided.  The  food  of  Avhich 
each  partakes,  is  carried  in  at  the  time  of  his  entering  the  are- 
na. Toward  night,  the  essays  and  poems  of  some  of  the  can- 
didates are  completed,  and  delivered  to  the  proper  oificer  or 
clerk,  Avho  delivers  them  over  to  the  district  magistrate,  and 
their  writers  are  allowed  to  go  out  of  the  premises.  In  a 
short  time  another  company  have  completed  their  work,  and 
are  ready  to  depart.  The  candidates  must  all  complete  what 


388 


COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 


they  do  before  dark.  It  happens  at  every  examination  that 
more  or  less  are  unable  to  complete  their  tasks  in  time,  or 
make  some  blunder  in  copying  upon  the  ruled  paper,  or  some 
may  be  taken  sick. 

Before  delivering  his  roll  of  essays  and  poem  over  to  the 
clerk,  each  candidate  removes  the  slip  of  paper  containing  his 
name  and  number  from  the  roll.  He  also  writes  his  name  and 
number  on  the  corner  of  the  back  leaf  of  the  roll,  which  he 
then  turns  over  and  pastes  down  in  such  a manner  that  the 
name  and  number  can  not  be  seen  without  tearing  open  the 
part  sealed  up.  This  is  done  in  order  to  conceal  the  name  of 
the  writer  from  the  knowledge  of  the  examining  officer  until 
after  the  merits  of  the  essays  and  the  poetry  have  been  de- 
cided upon.  When  the  relative  merits  of  the  contents  of  each 
roll  have  been  fixed  by  the  district  magistrate,  the  seal  is 
broken,  and  the  name  and  number  of  the  writer  becomes 
known  for  the  first  time.  As  soon  as  possible,  the  numbers 
are  written  in  the  form  of  a large  circle  in  order  upon  sheets 
of  paper  pasted  together,  which  are  then  posted  up  for  the  in- 
spection of  the  public  on  the  wall  which  is  always  to  be  found 
directly  in  front  of  the  yamun.  The  candidates,  by  a compar- 
ison of  the  numbers  on  the  paper  they  removed  from  the  roll 
of  ruled  paper,  with  the  position  of  the  same  number  on  the 
placarded  list,  learn  their  relative  standing.  The  higher  each 
stands  on  the  list,  the  greater  the  probability  that  he  will  suc- 
ceed. It  is  an  object  of  ambition  to  stand  at  the  head  of  the 
list;  for  if  the  same  person  can  continue  to  stand  No.  1 at  the 
close  of  each  examination  held  by  the  district  magistrate,  he  is 
almost  sure  to  be  one  of  the  successful  candidates  when  he 
competes  before  the  literary  chancellor.  It  has  amounted  to 
almost  a fixed  rule,  that  the  one  who  heads  the  list  at  the  last 
examination  before  the  district  magistrate  will  be  successful 
before  the  literary  chancellor,  as  an  act  of  courtesy  to  the  wish- 
es of  the  former,  unless  he  should  happen  to  bepome  sick,  or 
make  some  unpardonable  blunder. 

The  district  magistrate  repeats  his  examination  from  two  to 
three  or  four  times.  The  candidates  need  not  procure  any 
security  for  the  second  or  following  examinations  before  this 
officer  for  the  current  year.  The  clerk  furnishes  him  a paper 
containing  his  number,  and  prepares  another  roll  of  ruled  pa- 


EXAMINATION  BEFOKE  THE  PREFECT. 


389 


per  as  before,  on  bis  paying  the  usual  sum  for  second  or  suc- 
ceeding examinations.  It  is  said  the  sum  demanded  by  the 
clerk  is  greater  the  nearer  one’s  number  comes  to  the  head  of 
the  list.  At  each  of  the  examinations  the  candidates  become 
less  and  less.  It  is  not  necessary,  unless  the  candidate  chooses 
to  do  so,  to  appear  at  any  but  the  first  examination  before  the 
district  magistrate.  He  may  pass  over  the  other  examinations, 
if  he  pleases,  until  the  first  one  before  the  prefect.  At  the 
close  of  the  last  examination,  a list  is  made  out  of  the  candi- 
dates, which  the  district  magistrate  recommends  for  farther 
examination  by  the  literary  chancellor. 

For  the  examination  before  the  prefect  at  the  prefectural 
city,  all  of  the  candidates  which  belong  to  the  several  districts 
which  make  up  and  constitute  the  prefecture  must  assemble 
at  the  appointed  time,  provided  wdth  the  document,  without 
which  they  will  not  be  permitted  to  enter  the  arena.  To  get 
this  document,  each  must  apply  at  the  proper  office  connected 
with  the  yamun  of  the  prefect  and  receive  a blank  schedule, 
which  he  must  fill  up  in  much  the  same  way  he  did  a similar 
schedule  for  the  use  of  the  clerk  of  the  district  magistrate’s 
yamun.  He  must  have  the  same  principal  security  as  before, 
but  it  may  be  a different  secondary  security.  On  returning 
the  schedule,  filled  out,  and  stamped,  and  secured  according 
to  custom,  to  the  clerk,  he  gets  the  necessary  document,  con- 
taining his  name  and  the  number  of  his  application.  The 
money  he  disburses  to  the  clerk  and  his  securities  is  about  the 
same  in  amount  as  he  disbursed  previously  on  the  occasion  of 
his  competing  before  the  district  magistrate.  In  like  mannei-, 
he  receives  the  roll  of  ruled  paper  on  which  he  is  to  write  his 
essays  and  poem  on  the  morning  of  the  examination  before 
the  prefect,  on  delivering  up  the  document  containing  his  name 
and  number. 

The  prefect  examines  the  candidates  by  their  districts,  hav- 
ing the  men  from  two  or  three  districts  come  in  at  the  same 
time.  When  the  numbers  of  the  candidates  are  paraded  in 
public,  in  the  form  of  a large  circle,  those  belonging  to  the 
same  district  are  placed  together,  the  best  scholar  according 
to  the  judgment  of  the  prefect  being  placed  first,  the  second 
best  in  the  second  place,  and  so  on.  The  general  rules  of  the 
examination,  and  the  giving  out  of  them,  are  the  same  as  the 


390 


COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 


rules  relating  to  the  examination  held  before  the  district  mag- 
istrate. It  is  the  custom  for  the  prefect  to  expect  that  the 
head  man  on  the  list  at  his  last  examination  of  the  undergrad- 
uates, for  each  of  the  districts,  will  be  adjudged  worthy  of  a 
degree  by  the  literary  chancellor.  If  there  are  ten  districts  in 
his  department,  there  are  ten  lists  made  out  by  the  prefect  for 
recommendation  to  the  literary  chancellor,  and  the  head  man 
on  each  of  these  lists  is  almost  sure  that  he  will  be  declared 
a successful  competitor. 

It  requires  a considerably  longer  time  for  the  prefect  to 
complete  the  examinations  under  his  care  than  for  the  district 
magistrate  to  complete  his  examinations.  He  generally  exam- 
ines them  all  two  or  three  times,  each  time  several  districts 
being  represented.  Usually  at  each  session  of  the  candidates 
from  the  same  districts  their  number  becomes  less  than  the 
former,  owing  to  want  of  ability  to  complete  their  essays  and 
poetry  in  time,  or  to  sickness.  Unless  one  wishes,  he  need  at- 
tend only  the  first  examination  before  the  prefect,  but  he  must 
attend  that,  or  he  will  not  be  allowed  to  compete  before  the 
literary  chancellor,  unless  he  be  a descendant  of  some  ancient 
worthy,  as  will  be  mentioned  hereafter. 

Here  let  it  be  observed,  once  for  all,  that  on  the  coming  out 
of  the  arena  of  the  first  company  of  competitors  before  any 
of  the  examining  officers  at  any  of  their  competitory  sessions, 
it  becomes  the  duty  of  the  chief  clerk  belonging  to  the  proper 
office  connected  with  the  examination  to  send,  on  a large  red 
sheet  of  paper,  the  themes  on  which  the  candidates  have  been 
exercised,  to  all  the  high  officers  resident  in  the  city  where  the 
examinations  have  been  held.  It  is  important  that  this  should 
be  done  as  soon  as  possible  after  the  doors  of  the  hall  are 
opened,  as  then,  according  to  theory,  the  themes  become  first 
known  to  outsiders.  It  is  believed  the  high  mandarins  will 
take  an  interest  in  knowing  the  themes  Avhich  have  been  dis- 
cussed in  the  competitory  arenas. 

Examination  of  Undergraduates  before  the  Literary  Chancel- 
lor for  the  first  Degree , and  also  of  Graduates  of  the  first 
Degree  before  him, preparatory  to  Competition  for  the,  sec- 
ond Degree. 

The  rule  is  that  competitors  of  all  classes  of  society  must 


EXAMINATION  BEFORE  THE  LITERARY  CHANCELLOR.  391 

attend  at  the  examinations  before  the  district  magistrate,  pre- 
fect, and  literary  chancellor  in  regular  order.  The  exception 
is  in  the  case  of  descendants  of  certain  ancient  worthies,  as 
Confucius  and  Mencius.  These  constitute  a privileged  class, 
and  are  not  obliged  to  appear  before  the  district  magistrate 
and  the  prefect.  They  may  commence  their  literary  compe- 
tition before  the  chancellor,  if  they  choose  to  do  so. 

The  preliminaries  to  enter  the  examination  before  the  liter- 
ary chancellor  are  essentially  the  same  as  those  before  the  dis- 
trict magistrate  and  the  prefect.  The  “ principal  security ” of 
each  candidate  must  be  present  on  the  morning  of  entering 
the  arena,  so  as  to  aver  in  public  that  he  secures  him  as  his 
name  is  called  out  by  the  clerk.  Unless  he  should  be  there 
and  announce  that  he  stands  his  security,  the  candidate  would 
not  be  allowed  to  enter  the  hall.  On  the  roll  of  ruled  paper 
is  a slip  of  paper  containing  his  name,  and  the  number  of  the 
range  in  which  the  seat  allotted  to  him  is  situated,  and  the 
number  of  the  seat  which  he  must  occupy.  This  he  removes 
and  preserves  for  reference.  He  writes  his  name  and  the  de- 
scription of  the  location  of  his  seat  on  the  last  leaf  of  his  ruled 
paper,  and  then  turns  it  down  and  pastes  it  in  a position  so 
that  the  items  can  not  be  read  without  tearing  it  open. 

The  candidate  proceeds  to  write  his  essays  and  poem  on 
themes  given  out  after  the  doors  have  been  shut  and  sealed  up 
for  the  day.  Its  comparative  merit  having  been  decided  by 
the  literary  chancellor,  the  name  and  the  seat  of  its  writer  are 
ascertained  by  tearing  open  the  portion  pasted  down.  As 
soon  as  practicable,  its  relative  value  is  indicated  by  its  posi- 
tion in  the  list  of  names  and  seats  of  candidates  belonging  to 
the  district  of  the  writer,  as  placarded  on  the  wall  in  front  of 
the  hall.  As  in  the  case  of  the  prefect,  the  literary  chancellor 
usually  examines  the  scholars  from  two  or  three  of  the  smaller 
districts  at  one  session. 

Generally  the  literary  chancellor  requires  the  candidates  to 
appear  before  him  to  prepare  compositions  in  prose  and  po- 
etry only  twice.  The  best  on  the  second  list  of  names  and 
seats  of  candidates  are  the  fortunate  ones  who  are  adjudged 
to  be  worthy  of  the  first  degree  in  the  scale  of  literary  rank, 
or  bachelors  of  arts.  The  number  of  candidates  who  can 
graduate  at  every  term  of  examination  held  by  the  literary 


392 


COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 


chancellor  is  not  the  same  for  every  district  in  the  prefecture, 
nor  does  it  have  any  proportion  to  the  number  of  candidates 
furnished  by  the  district,  nor  to  the  extent  of  its  territory. 
The  original  standard  was  one  graduate  for  a certain  amount 
of  taxes  paid  into  the  imperial  treasury.  The  number  who 
could  graduate  became  fixed  in  this  way  at  a certain  time, 
and  remained  the  same  from  year  to  year,  unless  an  extra 
number  should,  by  the  grace  of  the  emperor,  be  added  on  spe- 
cial occasions  of  state,  as  the  accession  of  a new  emperor  to  the 
throne,  the  birth  of  a first  male  child  to  the  emperor,  etc. 
Large  contributions  of  money  for  the  aid  of  the  government 
in  cases  of  special  need,  by  men  living  in  the  various  districts, 
are  also  rewarded  and  encouraged  by  the  addition  of  one  or 
more  to  the  number  which  is  usually  the  quota  of  graduates 
for  these  districts. 

The  number  allowed  by  law  to  attain  the  honors  of  a bach- 
elor of  arts,  belonging  to  each  of  the  districts  in  the  prefecture, 
having  been  selected,  there  remains  still  a number  of  candi- 
dates who  may  attain  the  degree  on  account  of  the  prefecture, 
and  are  ranked  as  belonging  to  the  prefecture  at  large.  The 
persons  who  shall  constitute  this  class  is  also  determined  by 
the  literary  chancellor.  One  or  more  from  the  various  dis- 
tricts are  selected  to  belong  to  the  class  of  the  prefectural 
graduates  in  the  established  manner*. 

The  literary  chancellor  requires  those  who  stand  very  high 
on  the  list  at  his  second  examination  to  appear  before  him  at 
a supplementary  examination,  not  on  themes  selected  from  the 
classics,  but  to  exercise  them  on  rewriting  from  memory  the 
whole  of  the  “ Sacred  Edict”  The  Sacred  Edict  is  the  name 
of  a treatise  which  was  prepared  by  the  Emperor  Kanglii,  of 
the  present  dynasty,  for  the  instruction  of  his  subjects  on  mat- 
ters relating  to  moral  and  relative  duties.  The  copying  of 
this  treatise  with  absolute  correctness  is  regarded  an  essential 
part  of  the  preparatory  examination  for  the  first  degree. 
Much  deception  is  practiced,  when  the  rules  are  not  strictly 
enforced,  by  the  candidates  taking*  into  the  arena  with  them 
manuscript  or  printed  copies  of  the  Sacred  Edict,  made  on 
very  thin  paper  and  in  very  small  characters — a course  which 
is  forbidden  by  law,  and  which  is  not  connived  at  by  the  high 
examining  officers.  Should  one  fail  at  this  exercise,  he  would 


BECOMING  A BACHELOR  OF  ARTS. 


393 


certainly  not  attain  the  degree  which  his  own  compositions 
might  entitle  him  to  receive.  But  as  this  is  a fixed  exercise, 
students  who  are  expecting  to  succeed  generally  make  them- 
selves very  familiar  with  the  authorized  text  of  the  Sacred 
Edict.  If  they  fail  here,  they  have  only  their  own  slothfulness 
. to  blame. 

The  successful  competitors  for  the  first  degree,  as  soon  as  it 
is  determined  who  they  are,  must  call  upon  the  master  of  the 
graduates  belonging  to  their  own  districts,  or  upon  the  mas- 
ter of  the  graduates  belonging  to  the  prefectural  class,  as  the 
case  may  be.  The  object  of  their  calling  is  to  hand  in  their 
names  to  be  entered  on  the  list  of  graduates  in  the  proper 
place.  It  is  the  custom  for  the  graduates  to  make  their  chief 
at  this  time  a present  of  money,  according  to  their  standing- 
in  society  and  their  pecuniary  ability.  The  chief  sometimes 
demands  a large  sum  of  money  before  he  will  enter  the  names 
of  the  new  graduate,  especially  if  he  is  very  wealthy,  and  if  he 
has  attained  to  the  rank  of  a graduate  by  the  use  of  unfair  and 
unlawful  means.  The  chief  is  usually  able  to  judge  pretty 
nearly  the  truth  if  he  has  employed  improper  means.  If  he 
does  not  accede  to  the  demands  of  the  chief,  or  if  the  parties 
do  not  compromise  the  matter,  the  chief  may  represent  the 
man  in  a very  unfavorable  light  to  the  literary  chancellor,  who 
may  cause  the  man  to  lose  his  place  as  a graduate,  to  which 
some  other  more  pliable  one  will  succeed.  The  names  of  sev- 
eral promising  competitors  are  kept  in  reserve  until  the  quota 
for  each  of  the  districts  and  for  the  prefecture  is  filled  up  def- 
initely. The  entering  of  one’s  name  at  the  office  of  the  chief 
of  the  district  graduates,  or  of  the  prefectural  graduates,  is 
called  '■'■entering  upon  learning ,”  or  to  '•'•become  a sewtsai ” 
or  a '■'•bachelor  of  arts,”  as  the  phrase  may  be  rendered. 

From  this  time  the  successful  scholar  comes  under  the  juris- 
diction of  his  literary  chief.  He  may  not  be  arrested  in  the 
summary  manner  as  undergraduates  and  the  common  peo- 
ple are  arrested  by  the  civil  magistrate  if  he  is  charged  with 
any  crime.  He  must  be  prosecuted  before  the  literary  chief 
of  the  graduates  of  his  district,  or  the  chief  of  the  prefectural 
class,  if  he  should  belong  to  the  latter.  He  is  allowed  to  wear 
a button  on  his  cap,  which  indicates  that  he  is  a graduate. 
He  becomes  at  once  a man  of  influence  and  of  honor  in  his 

B 2 


394 


COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 


own  neighborhood,  and  especially  among  his  relatives,  who 
are  usually  proud  of  numbering  as  one  of  their  own  kindred 
the  man  who  has  distinguished  himself  among  his  fellow-com- 
petitors by  carrying  off  the  prize.  He  has  ready  access  to 
the  presence  of  the  lower  class  of  magistrates.  His  literary 
rank  gives  him  a great  opportunity  to  play  the  villain  among 
the  common  people,  if  he  wishes  to  do  so ; and  if  such  be  his 
character,  he  is  always  on  good  terms  with  the  underlings  in 
the  mandarin’s  office  which  he  most  patronizes.  Such  gradu- 
ates are  not  few  in  this  part  of  China,  and  they  soon  become 
hated  and  feared  by  shop-keepers  and  the  common  people  gen- 
erally. Those  of  the  rank  of  kiijin,  or  master  of  arts,  the  sec- 
ond degree,  who  use  their  rank  and  power  to  oppress  the  peo- 
ple, are  fewer  in  number  perhaps,  but  more  hated  and  feared. 
Their  higher  literary  rank  gives  them  greater  opportunity  to 
browbeat  and  injure  without  redress  their  victims,  unless  they 
comply  with  the  demands  of  these  pests  to  society.  The  Chi- 
nese speak  of  this  class  of  graduates  of  the  second  degree  with 
abhonrence  and  anger.  When  their  chief  becomes  aware  of 
their  character  and  has  proof  of  their  misdemeanors,  he  usual- 
ly at  once  degrades  them  from  their  literary  rank,  but  woe 
betide  those  who  have  furnished  the  evidence  which  caused 
their  degradation,  if  their  names  become  known  to  those  who 
have  been  degraded. 

The  above  description  relates  to  the  established  manner  of 
competing  for  literary  rank  by  participating  in  the  regular  ex- 
amination before  literary  officers.  But  there  is  another  way 
of  attaining  the  same  rank,  much  shorter,  surer,  and  less  fa- 
tiguing, for  those  who  have  the  necessary  means,  and  are  wil- 
ling to  use  them  to  attain  the  coveted  rank.  Those  who  have 
more  money  than  brains , by  a kind  artifice  of  the  government, 
are  permitted  to  purchase  the  privilege  of  wearing  a button 
on  their  caps,  and  of  being  exempted  from  arrest  and  punish- 
ment by  the  civil  mandarins.  Until  a few  years  ago,  the  sum 
which  would,  if  paid  into  the  treasurer’s  office  with  that  de- 
sign, buy  of  the  emperor  the  rank  and  title  of  sewtsai , bache- 
lor, was  one  hundred  and  eighty-three  taels.  Nowadays,  in 
consequence  of  the  low  state  of  the  emperor’s  funds,  it  is  as- 
serted that  twenty-five  taels  will  suffice.  The  treasurer  re- 
ceives the  necessary  sum,  whatever  it  is,  and  reports  the  name 


PURCHASING  A BACHELORSHIP. 


395 


of  the  applicant  to  the  proper  tribunal  at  Peking,  from  which, 
in  due  time,  he  receives  the  certificate  which  guarantees  cer- 
tain privileges  to  the  individual,  who  has  money  to  spare,  but 
not  enough  literary  ability  to  enable  him  to  gain  the  bachelor- 
ship. The  possession  of  this  diploma  entitles  him  to  compete 
for  the  second  literary  degree  along  with  those  who  have  at- 
tained the  bachelorship  by  the  exercise  of  their  literary  quali- 
fications in  the  regular  and  honorable  manner.  Those  who 
buy  their  degrees  are  looked  down  upon  by  others.  Their 
number  is  becoming  year  by  year  more  numerous,  on  account 
of  the  great  cheapness  at  which  it  is  offered  to  aspiring  men, 
and  the  extreme  facility  which  attends  an  attempt  to  obtain 
it  by  those  who  have  the  money. 

Several  of  the  competitors  before  the  literary  chancellor, 
whose  essays  and  poems  would  have  entitled  them  to  gradua- 
tion, if  the  quota  of  graduates  allowed  for  their  districts  had 
been  larger,  form  a class  by  themselves.  These  are  a kind  of 
half  graduates.  They  are  not  obliged  to  enter  the  examina- 
tions before  the  district  magistrate  and  the  prefect  on  the  suc- 
ceeding year,  in  order  to  sustain  their  standing.  They  may 
wait  until  the  time  for  competing  before  the  literary  chancel- 
lor arrives,  enter  into  the  arena  under  his  jurisdiction,  and,  if 
their  essays  and  poems  are  not  of  a very  decidedly  inferior 
character,  they  are  almost  sure  of  becoming  bachelors  at  the 
next  examination  for  candidates  of  the  first  degree.  At  the 
regular  vernal  and  autumnal  sacrifices  to  Confucius  in  his  tem- 
ple, these  half  graduates  have  a certain  part  allotted  them  to 
perform.  Poor  candidates  are  not  desirous  of  sustaining  the 
character  before  the  public  of  undergraduates  of  this  class,  on 
account  of  the  largely-increased  expense  it  involves,  without 
any  corresponding  substantial  advantages.  The  rolls  of  ruled 
paper  which  they  must  procure  from  the  clerk  of  the  office  of 
the  literary  chancellor,  on  which  to  write  their  essays  and 
poems  on  the  occasion  of  the  next  competitive  examination, 
will  not  be  prepared  for  them  without  the  payment  of  a much 
larger  sum  of  money  than  is  demanded  of  the  other  candi- 
dates. The  privileges  which  scholars  of  this  class  have  are 
mainly  the  exemption  from  the  necessity  of  going  into  the 
regular  examinations  before  the  district  magistrate  and  the 
prefect.  But  these  examinations  are  rarely  dreaded  by  true 


396 


COMPETITIVE  LITEBARY*  EXAMINATIONS. 


scholars,  and  besides,  a strict  and  faithful  attendance  on  all 
the  examinations  in  course  is  a much  surer  method  of  succeed- 
ing than  the  neglect  of  them  and  reliance  upon  already  ac- 
quired rank  and  possessed  talent. 

The  class  of  graduates  of  the  first  degree,  to  whom  reference 
has  been  made  as  those  who  must  be  the  securities  of  under- 
graduates, consists  of  a certain  number  of  the  scholars  belong- 
ing to  their  districts.  Their  number  is  not  the  same  for  every 
district,  being  greater  or  smaller  according  to  circumstances. 
There  are  twenty  in  each  of  the  two  districts  of  which  this 
city  forms  a part.  The  same  men  continue  for  twelve  years 
in  the  office  or  station  of  acting  as  securities,  unless  they  die 
or  are  degraded,  or,  as  is  more  commonly  the  case,  unless  they 
become  graduates  of  the  second  rank,  masters  of  arts.  In 
such  a case,  the  deficiency  is  made  up  at  the  close  of  the  next 
following  examination  of  the  graduates  of  the  prefecture  by 
the  literary  chancellor.  Should  one  remain  in  this  class  at  the 
end  of  twelve  years  in  good  standing,  he,  without  any  exam- 
ination, passes  at  once  into  an  advanced  class  of  graduates. 
Those  undergraduates  who  are  successful,  and  become  bach- 
elors, are  required  by  custom  to  make  a handsome  present  in 
money  to  those  who  acted  as  their  principal  and  their  second- 
ary securities.  The  secondary  security  is  said  to  be  paid  the 
larger  sum. 

Every  twelve  years  the  literary  chancellor  holds  an  extra 
examination  at  the  prefectural  city  for  the  benefit  of  two  or 
three  classes  of  the  best  scholars  of  the  graduates  of  the  low- 
est rank.  At  this  examination,  one  from  each  of  the  districts, 
and  one  from  the  prefectural  class  of  graduates,  may  be  select- 
ed to  form  another  order  or  class,  the  members  of  which  are 
only  a little  below  the  graduates  of  the  second  degree,  and 
may  be  appointed  to  the  office  of  a district  magistrate  by  the 
emperor,  should  they  have  influence  enough  at  court  to  get  an 
appointment. 

The  masters  or  chiefs  of  the  graduates  of  the  first  rank,  to 
whom  several  allusions  have  been  made,  usually  receive  their 
appointment  from  Peking.  They  may  be  natives  of  the  prov- 
ince, but  not  of  the  prefecture,  where  they  are  appointed  to 
act.  In  case  of  a deficiency  under  certain  circumstances,  the 
governor  of  the  province  may  appoint  some  one  to  the  vacant 


HOW  LITERARY  BACHELORS  ARE  GOVERNED.  397 


office  out  of  the  number  of  best  scholars  of  the  rank  of  sewt- 
sai.  They  are  all  subject  to  the  literary  chancellor,  and  re- 
ceive a certain  stipend  from  the  imperial  coffers,  which,  how- 
ever, is  not  sufficient  for  their  maintenance.  They  look  to 
presents  and  bribes  from  the  scholars  under  their  jurisdiction 
for  the  balance  of  their  livelihood.  Each  district  has  one  such 
chief  to  superintend  the  affairs  of  its  graduates,  and  there  is 
also  one  in  each  prefecture  who  presides  over  tkose  graduates 
who  form  the  prefectural  class,  being  selected,  as  has  been  ex- 
plained, from  the  graduates  living  in  the  different  districts. 
The  chief  of  the  prefectural  class  resides  in  the  prefectural 
city,  and  has  the  care  of  the  large  Confucian  temple  always  to 
be  found  located  there.  The  chief  of  the  graduates  belonging 
to  the  various  districts  has,  by  virtue  of  his  office,  the  charge 
of  the  temple  to  Confucius  found  in  the  capital  of  his  district. 
These  chiefs  may  compete  for  the  second  or  third  degree  at 
the  regular  examinations,  according  to  their  attained  literary 
rank. 

The  graduates  of  the  first  degree  living  over  the  whole 
province  come,  in  the  manner  now  described,  under  the  juris- 
diction of  the  literary  chancellor,  through  the  chiefs  or  gov- 
ernors of  the  graduates  living  at  the  various  prefectural  and 
district  capitals.  Affairs  of  moment  relating  to  the  graduates 
in  the  various  districts  and  prefectures  which  make  up  the 
province  are  required  to  be  referred  by  the  chief  immediately 
concerned  to  the  decision  of  the  literary  chancellor.  But,  gen- 
erally speaking,  matters  of  no  special  importance  are  decided 
upon  by  the  chief  to  rvhose  supervision  they  belong — subject, 
of  course,  to  a revision  by  the  chancellor. 

It  is  the  duty  of  those  who  have  attained  to  a bachelorship 
to  attend  the  regular  examinations  held  by  the  literary  chan- 
cellor in  their  prefecture.  Should  any  absent  himself  from 
these  examinations  for  three  successive  years  without  being 
excused,  or  without  reporting  himself  to  his  literary  chief,  he 
would  become  liable  to  be  deprived  by  the  literary  chancellor 
of  his  rank  and  its  privileges.  Should  he  become  blind,  or  be 
enfeebled  by  old  age  or  by  disease  so  as  to  be  unable  to  en- 
dure the  fatigues  and  excitements  of  competing  at  the  regular 
periods  with  his  fellows,  he  may  petition  the  chancellor,  stat- 
ing his  case.  If  the  latter  has  no  reason  for  believing  the  ap- 


398 


COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 


plicant  to  be  trying  to  impose  upon  him,  he  may  grant  him  a 
document  allowing  him  to  retain  his  rank  and  privileges,  with- 
out being  obliged  to  present  himself  at  the  regular  examina- 
tions. Of  course,  if  he  remains  away  hereafter  he  forfeits  all 
prospects  of  obtaining  the  second  degree,  or  of  being  employ- 
ed as  an  officer  of  government,  unless  he  should  purchase  of- 
fice, which  is  seldom  done  by  those  who  voluntarily  retire  from 
the  literary  arena. 

On  the  other  hand,  should  an  undergraduate  be  able  to  at- 
tend the  examinations  regularly  till  he  becomes  eighty  years 
old  without  attaining  the  coveted  rank  of  bachelorship,  the 
emperor,  on  being  informed  of  the  honorable  fact  by  the  pro- 
vincial governor,  confers  upon  the  aged  competitor  the  title 
and  privileges  of  a graduate.  It  becomes  the  duty  of  the 
governor  to  report  such  cases,  and  to  ask  for  them  the  cus- 
tomary token  of  approval  on  the  part  of  the  emperor.  On  the 
receipt  of  the  title,  the  old  man  procures  the  golden  button, 
which  he  wears  as  a badge  of  imperial  respect.  The  bestowal 
of  the  title  on  the  octogenarian  is  designed  as  a testimony  of 
the  approbation  of  the  emperor,  who  would  encourage  the 
pursuit  of  letters  even  to  extreme  old  age. 

It  is  the  duty  of  the  literary  chancellor,  at  each  visit  during 
his  term  of  office,  after  examining  the  undergraduates  at  the 
capitals  of  the  different  prefectures  in  the  province,  to  proceed 
to  examine  the  old  bachelors  and  the  new  bachelors,  that  is, 
those  scholars  whom  he  has  just  adjudged  to  be  worthy  of  the 
first  degree.  He  usually  has  only  one  examination,  not  sever- 
al sessions,  at  each  visit.  The  object  of  this  examination  at 
the  time  of  his  first  visit  is  principally  to  exercise  them,  and 
to  prepare  them  for  the  next  competitive  examination  for  the 
second  degree  at  the  capital  of  the  province.  It  has  no  direct 
influence  upon  their  prospects  of  success  other  than  the  bene- 
fit which  practice  produces.  All  of  the  graduates  are  expect- 
ed to  enter  the  lists  and  compete.  The  roll  of  ruled  paper  on 
which  they  must  write  their  essays  and  poem  must  be  obtained 
of  the  clerk  of  the  proper  office  of  their  respective  literary 
chiefs.  The  fee  demanded  for  the  roll  of  paper  is  about  a 
thousand  cash. 

The  examination  of  the  graduates,  on  his  second  visit  to  the 
prefectural  cities,  is  an  important  one.  At  the  close  of  this 


WHO  MAY  COMPETE  FOR  MASTER  OF  ARTS.  399 


examination,  the  literary  chancellor  divides  the  competitors 
into  several  classes.  Those  who  belong  to  the  first  class  are 
arranged  in  order  of  their  excellence,  by  their  seats.  The 
number  of  their  seats  are  placarded  on  the  wall  in  front  of  the 
place  of  examination.  The  seats  of  those  who  constitute  the 
second  and  the  third  class  are  in  like  manner  made  known  to 
the  public.  All  those  who  are  in  the  first  and  second  classes, 
and  the  first  ten  of  the  third  class,  are  permitted,  without  any 
farther  examination,  to  compete  for  the  second  degree  at  the 
proper  time. 

But  all  those  below  the  tenth  name  of  the  third  class  of  the 
graduates  in  all  the  prefectures  of  the  province,  and  all  those 
who  have  bought  the  bachelorship,  unless  they  are  in  the  first 
class,  all  those  who  were  absent  from  the  prefectural  exam- 
inations on  account  of  sickness,  or  for  any  other  reason,  if 
they  wish  to  compete  for  the  second  degree , are  required  to 
assemble  at  the  capital  of  the  province  several  weeks  before 
the  set  time  for  the  beginning  of  examinations  for  the  second 
degree,  and  enter  a supplementary  examination  before  the  lit- 
erary chancellor.  There  are  usually  several  hundred  or  a thou- 
sand who  come  up  in  order  to  take  part  in  this  supplementary 
examination.  All  those  the  number  of  whose  seats  in  the  hall 
during  examination  is  paraded  on  the  public  wall  are  entitled 
to  enter  the  examination  for  the  second  degree.  There  are 
always  some  who  fail  of  the  coveted  privilege,  because  of  sud- 
den illness,  or  because  some  blunder  has  been  made  in  copy- 
ing, or  because  some  rule  has  been  violated.  The  names  or 
the  seats  of  these  unfortunate  scholars  do  not  appear  on  the 
placarded  list,  and  of  course  they  are  debarred  from  entering 
the  examination  for  the  degree  of  master  of  arts. 

The  names  of  all  those  graduates  of  the  first  degree  who  are 
entitled  to  enter  the  list  and  compete  for  the  second  degree 
are  recorded  in  a document,  those  belonging  to  the  same  pre- 
fecture being  placed  together.  This  document  is  transmitted 
by  the  literary  chancellor  to  the  governor  of  the  province, 
who  sends  it  down  to  the  provincial  judge,  who  hands  it  over 
to  the  proper  clerk  in  his  yamun,  who  prepares  the  requisite 
number  of  rolls  of  ruled  paper  for  use  at  the  approaching  ex- 
amination. The  candidates  must  settle  with  the  clerk  for  the 
rolls,  seldom  paying  less  than  one  dollar.  Three  sets  of  rolls 


400 


COMPETITIVE  LITERAKY  EXAMINATIONS. 


are  made  out  for  each  competitor,  as  there  are  three  separate 
sessions  when  essays  and  poems  are  required  to  he  written. 

It  sometimes  occurs  that  the  would-be  competitors  are  not 
able  to  be  present  at  the  supplementary  examination  above 
referred  to.  In  such  a case,  on  proper  representations  being 
made  to  the  literary  chancellor,  he  appoints  a second  supple- 
mentary examination  for  the  delinquents  or  absentees  at  the 
preceding  one.  In  like  manner,  the  names  of  those  the  num- 
ber of  whose  seats  appear  in  public  are  sent  to  the  clerk  who 
prepares  the  required  number  of  rolls  of  ruled  paper. 

The  first  three^companies  of  candidates  who  come  out  from 
the  hall  of  the  literary  chancellor,  where  they  have  been  engaged 
the  Avhole  day  in  writing  their  essays  and  poems,  are  specially 
honored  as  they  come  out.  The  large  middle  doors  are  opened 
by  the  breaking  of  the  paper  seals  and  by  removing  the  padlock, 
and  they  are  saluted  by  the  discharge  of  three  cannon,  and  by 
music.  The  cannon  and  the  music  are  designed  to  honor  them 
because  they  have  finished  their  essays  and  poems  so  early. 
After  each  of  the  first  three  companies  have  come  out,  the 
doors  are  shut,  sealed,  and  locked  up,  as  before  the  first  com- 
pany appeared.  On  the  appearance  of  another  company  one 
of  the  side  doors  is  opened — no  cannon  or  music  salutes 
them.  After  this  the  door  is  left  open,  and  each  candidate 
for  literary  fame  comes  out  singly.  About  the  time  when 
the  doors  are  expected  to  be  opened,  and  the  imprisoned 
scholars  to  appear,  the  public  arena  in  front  of  the  yamun  of 
the  literary  chancellor  is  crowded  by  the  friends  and  servants 
of  the  candidates.  The  friends  come  to  congratulate  the  can- 
didates, and  the  servants  to  take  the  wallet  or  bag  which  con- 
tained the  remnants  of  the  luncheon  they  took  in,  their  pipes, 
tobacco,  inkstand,  fan,  etc.  Advantage  is  often  taken  of  the 
crowd  of  strangers  from  distant  parts  of  the  province  or  of 
the  prefecture,  by  Chinese  who  have  books  or  tracts  for  distri- 
bution, to  scatter  them  among  the  candidates  as  they  come 
out,  or  their  friends,  who  meet  and  salute  them  with  their 
congratulations. 


DESCRIPTION  OF  PROVINCIAL  EXAMINATION  HALL 


.f 


01 


' CHAPTER  XYI. 

COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS — Continued. 

Examination  of  Graduates  of  the  first  Degree  before  the  Imperial  Commission- 
ers for  the  second  Degree : Description  of  the  Provincial  Examination  Hall. 
— The  Commissioners  “Wash  their  Hearts”  at  the  Temple  of  Perfect 
Justice. — Time  of  entering  the  Hall. — Its  Regulations. — Order  of  Proce- 
dure within. — Three  Sessions  of  two  Days  each. — Names  of  successful 
Competitors  placarded  on  the  Drum  Tower  in  the  City.  — Their  orig- 
inal Compositions,  after  “washing  and  repairing,”  are  sent  to  Peking. — 
If  a Student  dies  in  the  Hall,  the  Corpse  is  taken  out  over  the  Wall. — 
Graduate's  of  the  second  Degree  go  to  Peking  to  compete  for  the  third  De- 
gree.— Rejoicing , Festivities , and  Honors  in  View  of  successful  Competition: 
Lists  of  Graduates  hawked  about  for  Sale. — Messengers  “carry  the  In- 
formation” to  their  Families. — Graduation  celebrated  by  a Feast. — Wor- 
ship of  Heaven  and  Earth  and  ancestral  Tablets. — Graduates  of  the  first 
Degree  visit  the  literary  Chancellor  and  kneel  before  him. — They  Call  upon 
their  Relations  and  Friends. — Graduates  of  the  second  Degree  are  invited 
to  a Feast  at  the  Governor’s  Yamun. — After  bowing  before  him,  they  Call 
upon  their  Relations  and  Friends. — Description  of  the  Graduates’  Proces- 
sion in  making  Calls. — If  engaged  or  married,  they  are  invited  to  a Feast 
at  their  Father-in-law’s  House. — Description  of  the  honorary  Tablets 
erected  by  Graduates  of  the  second  Degree. — Graduates  of  the  third  De- 
gree erect  other  honorary  Tablets. — Special  Honors  conferred  by  the  Em- 
peror on  certain  Classes  of  aged  Graduates. 

Examination  of  Graduates  of  the  first  Degree  before  the  Im- 
perial Commissioners  for  the  second  Degree. 

The  provincial  examination  hall,  where  the  graduates  of 
the  first  degree  who  desire  to  compete  for  the  second  degree 
assemble  once  in  every  three  years,  is  located  in  the  northeast- 
ern quarter  of  the  city.  It  is  surrounded  by  a Avail,  having 
back  doors  or  gates,  and  two  very  large  and  high  doors  on  the 
south  side.  In  the  centre,  running  from  north  to  south,  is  a 
wide  paved  passage.  On  the  east  and  west  sides  of  this  pas- 
sage there  are,  in  the  aggregate,  nearly  ten  thousand  apart- 
ments, or  rather  cells,  for  the  accommodation  of  the  competi- 
tors. These  are  arranged  in  toavs  in  a straight  line,  beginning 
on  the  passage  and  extending  back  to  the  Avails  on  the  east 


COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 


4ot 

and  west.  Each  row  is  covered  with  a tiled  roof,  slanting  one 
way.  Each  cell  is  a little  higher  than  a man’s  head,  three 
feet  wide,  and  three  and  a half  feet  deep,  having  no  door  and 
no  window.  An  alley  about  three  or  four  feet  wide  extends 
along  in  front  of  the  row  of  apai’tmentg.  The  cells  on  the 
side  of  the  alley  are  open  from  top  to  bottom,  letting  in  all 
the  light  and  air  that  are  needed,  and  more  rain  and  wind  in 
wet  and  stormy  weather  than  are  required  by  the  occupant. 
The  two  sides  and  the  back  of  the  cells  are  made  of  brick, 
plastered  over  with  white  lime.  The  furniture  of  each  cell 
consists  simply  of  three  or  four  pieces  of  wide  boards,  which 
may  be  fitted  into  two  rows  of  creases  made  in  the  two  sides 
of  the  cell  at  the  pleasure  of  the  occupant,  making  a seat  and 
a table,  or  a platform  on  which  he  may  curl  up  and  sleep,  if  he 
pleases  to  do  so.  One  or  two  of  the  boards  slipped  into  the 
lower  creases,  and  pushed  to  the  back  side,  forms  the  seat. 
One  or  two  boards,  slipped  into  the  front  part  of  the  higher 
creases,  forms  the  table,  on  which  paper,  ink,  or  food  may  be 
arranged.  The  candidate  for  literary  honor  usually  sits  on 
the  lower  boards,  with  his  back  against  the  wall,  placing  his 
writing  materials  in  front  of  him  on  the  higher  and  outer  tier 
of  boards.  Each  row  of  these  apartments  is  numbered  by  one 
of  the  characters  of  which  the  Thousand  Character  Classic 
is  composed,  and  each  of  the  apartments  in  each  row  is  num- 
bered so  that  any  particular  one  can  be  readily  found. 

Such  is  a brief  description  of  the  miserable  quarters  where 
the  educated  talent  of  the  province  is  expected  to  congregate 
and  spend  several  days.  Small,  uncomfortable,  and  exposed 
to  the  weather,  they  seem  to  the  foreign  visitor  but  poorly 
qualified  to  be  the  residence  of  those  who  would  court  the 
Muses,  or  who  would  attempt  elegant  and  elaborated  prose 
compositions  on  a variety  of  impromptu  subjects.  They  sug- 
gest to  some  foreigners  the  idea  of  calf  stalls,  and  probably 
many  a Western  humane  farmer  would  think  his  cattle  but 
poorly  cared  for  if  they  had  not  better  protection  from  the 
weather  than  do  the  cells  or  apartments  above  described  af- 
ford thd  candidate  for  literary  rank.  The  most  wealthy  as 
well  as  the  poorest  sewtsaiin  the  province,  the  man  of  seventy 
and  the  stripling  of  twenty  years,  must  occupy  one  of  them 
while  competing  for  the  second  degree.  There  is  no  choice 


THE  IMPERIAL  EXAMINERS  “WASH  THEIR  HEARTS.”  403 

between  them ; all  are  made  in  the  same  way,  and  all  of  the 
same  size,  and  all  front  to  the  south.  The  precise  seat  of  each 
one  is  fixed  before  he  enters  the  arena ; so,  if  there  were  a 
choice,  there  would  be  no  way  to  make  the  choice  available. 

The  presiding  examiners  are  two  special  commissioner's  of 
high  rank  and  distinguished  literary  ability,  sent  down  from, 
Peking  for  the  purpose  of  presiding  at  the  examination  in  the 
provincial  city  for  the  second  degree.  They  are  called  “ mas- 
ter examiner”  and  “ assistant  examiner.”  It  is  supposed  that 
if  there  are  two  commissioners,  one  will  be  a watch  upon  the 
other,  and  that  there  will  be  much  less  bribery  and  injustice 
in  the  discharge  of  their  official  functions  than  though  there 
were  only  one.  Nearly  in  the  centre  of  the  premises  where 
the  cells  have  been  prepared  for  the  use  of  the  competitors 
there  is  a two-storied  building,  in  which  the  two  examiners, 
before  the  work  begins,  vow  most  solemnly,  and  call  upon 
Heaven  to  hear  their  vows,  that  they  will  deal  honestly  in  the 
discharge  of  their  official  acts  and  awards.  This  is  called  “ the 
temple  of perfect  justice''  Their  vowing  to  deal  justly  is  called, 
in  the  graphic  language  of  the  people,  “ washing  their  hearts.'’' 

On  the  north  side  of  these  premises  are  spacious  grounds 
devoted  to  the  accommodation  of  the  examiners,  and  the  va- 
rious assistant  officers  they  have,  together  with  tjjeir  retinue 
of  servants.  Here  are  large  and  comfortable  quarters  for  all 
these  parties. 

Around  the  premises  there  are  two  walls,  distant  from  each 
other  about  twenty  feet.  During  the  examination  of  candi- 
dates this  space  is  patroled  night  and  day  by  a large  number 
of  soldiers,  in  order  to  prevent  any  communication  between 
the  competitors  inside  and  their  friends  outside. 

Just  before  the  time  for  the  assembling  of  the  candidates 
and  their  examiners,  the  premises  where  the  former  are  to  be 
confined,  and  where  the  latter  are  to  live  while  they  discharge 
the  duties  of  their  mission,  are  swept,  and  cleared  of  the  filth 
and  the  rubbish  which  have  accumulated  since  their  last  occu- 
pation. Repairs,  if  any  are  needed,  are  made,  and  every  thing 
is  prepared  for  the  approaching  examination. 

As  the  time  approaches,  the  city  and  suburbs  present  an  un- 
usually animated  and  busy  appearance.  Probably  twenty  or 
thirty  thousand  strangers  from  all  parts  of  the  province  seek 


404 


COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 


for  temporary  quarters  either  at  the  homes  of  their  personal 
friends  and  acquaintances  or  at  the  houses  which  they  can 
rent.  There  are  generally  from  six  to  eight  thousand  gradu- 
ates who  assemble  at  the  hall ; most  of  them  are  from  abroad, 
who  come  with  their  sedans,  coolies,  and  servants,  and  some 
are  accompanied  by  friends,  who  embrace  the  occasion  to  visit 
the  provincial  city. 

The  imperial  commissioners  make  arrangements  to  arrive 
here  from  Peking  a few  days  previous  to  the  commencement 
of  the  examination.  They  go  to  some  palace  outside  of  the 
examination  hall,  provided  for  their  temporary  accommoda- 
tion. The  doors  are  shut  and  sealed,  so  as  to  prevent  their 
having  company.  It  is  intended  that  they  shall  be  watched 
and  guarded,  so  that  they  shall  not  have  any  opportunity  to 
be  bribed,  or  to  make  friends,  or  even  to  become  acquainted 
with  those  who  are  to  compete  at  the  examinations,  or  with 
their  representatives.  Every  thing  is  conducted  seemingly  on 
fair  and  just  principles,  though,  if  common  fame  speaks  the 
truth,  there  is  much  that  is  unfair  and  unjust  done  behind  the 
curtain,  or  secretly.  Any  thing  like  open  bribery  and  public 
corruption  would  not  be  tolerated  by  the  customs  of  the  coun- 
try, or  allowed  by  law,  in  regard  to  the  approaching  examina- 
tion. 

The  imperial  commissioners  generally  enter  into  their  ya- 
muns,  located  on  the  premises  adjoining  the  grounds  filled  up 
with  the  cells  for  the  competitors,  some  time  during  the  sev- 
enth day  of  the  eighth  month.  Each  goes  to  his  respective 
yamun,  and,  as  soon  as  they  have  entered,  the  large  double 
doors  are  closed  and  sealed,  to  remain  shut  for  several  days,  or 
until  the  termination  of  the  examination.  The  governor  of 
the  province  also  takes  possession  of  the  yamun  provided  for 
him  on  the  same  day.  The  general  supervision  of  the  affairs 
of  the  premises  belongs  to  him  during  the  time  allotted  for 
the  preparation  and  examination  of  the  essays  and  poems  re- 
quired from  the  competitors.  The  prefect  of  the  prefecture  in 
which  the  provincial  city  is  located  also  enters  and  takes  pos- 
session of  the  quarters  prepared  for  him.  It  is  his  business  to 
wait  upon  the  commissioners,  or  rather  to  carry  out  their 
wishes,  and  have  the  charge  of  the  red  gate  between  the  prem- 
ises occupied  by  the  candidates  and  the  premises  occupied  by 


REGULATIONS  OF  THE  EXAMINATION  HALL.  405 


the  examining  commissioners  and  assisting  bodies  of  officers. 
He  acts  the  part  of  a chief  servant  to  the  literary  examiners. 

The  competitors  are  required  to  go  into  the  hall  and  find 
their  ajjpointed  seats,  known  by  a slip  attached  to  their  roll  of 
ruled  paper,  usually  some  time  during  the  night  of  the  seventh, 
at  the  latest  about  the  third  watch  of  the  morning  of  the 
eighth.  Each  one  takes  in  with  him  the  rice  and  coal  to  cook 
it,  meats,  or  whatever  condiments  he  pleases,  cakes,  candles, 
bedding,  etc.,  whatever  he  desires,  if  according  to  law,  to  use 
for  two  or  three  days  during  the  first  session  of  the  examina- 
tion. According  to  law,  his  box  of  provisions  and  his  person 
are  searched,  in  order  to  discover  whether  he  is  trying  to 
smuggle  into  the  premises  any  thing  prohibited.  Not  a sin- 
gle line  of  printed  or  written  matter  is  he  allowed  to  carry  in, 
lest  it  should  be  used  as  a help  in  the  preparation  of  his  tasks. 
In  fact,  parts  of  the  classics  or  other  works,  written  in  very 
small  letters,  are  sometimes  taken  in  to  the  premises  unknown 
to  the  officials.  If  any  such  thing  is  found  upon  the  person  of 
a candidate  or  among  his  provisions,  he  would  sometimes  be 
allowed  to  remain  by  giving  it  up,  though  oftener  he  would  be 
expelled  from  the  hall,  and  punished  according  to  the  circum- 
stances of  the  case. 

According  to  law,  one  measure  of  rice  and  half  a pound  of 
meat  per  day  are  furnished  each  competitor  at  the  expense  of 
the  government ; but,  in  fact,  this  rice  is  often  of  such  a poor 
quality,  and  cooked  so  badly,  and  the  meat  furnished  is  so 
small  in  quantity,  that  the  candidates  generally  prefer  not  to 
depend  upon  the  food  provided  by  law,  but  to  carry  their  own 
provisions,  and  a portable  furnace  and  coal.  In  this  way  each 
can  have  his  hot  tea  and  his  meals  whenever  he  pleases.  Wa- 
ter is  brought  at  public  expense  to  the  outside  of  the  hall, 
where  it  is  turned  into  troughs,  which  convey  it  to  different 
parts  of  the  inside.  Six  or  eight  hundred  men  are  provided 
by  the  government  to  wait  upon  the  competitors,  bringing  wa- 
ter to  them  and  cooking  for  them.  No  one  is  allowed  to 
bring  his  own  servant  into  the  hall. 

It  is  the  custom  for  candidates  for  the  second  degree  to  re- 
ceive from  friends  and  relatives,  when  about  to  enter  the  hall, 
a present  of  something  to  eat,  or  to  use  inside,  the  first  time 
they  compete  for  the  second  degree  after  they  have  attained. 


405 


COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 


the  first.  If  given  the  first  time,  it  need  not  be  given  the  sec- 
ond year.  Sometimes  money  is  presented,  or  a goose  is  given, 
or  a duck,  or  a number  of  bunches  of  cooked  rice,  tied  up  in  a 
three-cornered  shape,  with  certain  leaves  about  each,  or  a pig’s 
foot  and  leg,  or  some  sandwiches,  together  with  pencils  and  ink 
of  the  finest  quality.  The  rice  balls,  and  goose  or  duck,  are 
used  as  omens  of  a particularly  flattering  import,  referring  to 
the  future  literary  successes  of  the  competitor.  These  are  un- 
derstood as  expressions  of  the  desires  of  their  givers  that  their 
friend  or  relation  may  attain  the  degree  for  which  he  proposes 
to  strive. 

It  is  estimated  by  Chinese  that  as  many  as  three  or  four 
thousand  men  are  required  to  assist  in  the  management  of  the 
affairs  of  the  examination,  besides  the  students  themselves. 
This  estimate  includes  the  servants  waiting  upon  the  candi- 
dates, watchmen  by  night  and  by  day,  the  menial  servants  and 
the  respectable  attendants  of  the  various  high  officers  engaged, 
and  the  several  classes  of  literary  men  and  writers  who  are 
employed  to  aid  in  various  ways.  The  number  of  candidates 
usually  is  from  six  to  eight  thousand,  who,  with  the  three  or 
four  thousand  other  men  necessarily  employed,  make  up  the 
aggregate  of  the  occupants  of  the  two  premises,  which  are 
separated  only  by  a wall,  to  some  ten  or  twelve  thousand  men, 
enough  to  constitute  a formidable  army  or  a respectable  city. 
Some  estimate  them  to  be  muc^  more  numerous. 

Besides  the  classes  which  have  been  mentioned,  there  are 
some  eight  other  classes  of  men,  ranging  from  twelve  up  to 
two  or  three  hundred  each,  who  go  into  the  premises,  and  es- 
tablish themselves  in  the  houses  or  sheds  provided  for  them, 
on  or  before  the  seventh  of  the  eighth  month.  A few  of  the 
classes  and  their  particular  duties  will  be  mentioned  hereaft- 
er. The  great  outside  doors,  of  the  premises  occupied  by  the 
officers,  as  well  as  the  doors  of  the  premises  occupied  by  the 
students,  are  shut,  locked,  and  sealed  up  in  a very  formal  man- 
ner as  soon  as  all  who  are  to  take  any  part  in  the  examination 
exercises  have  entered.  Both  egress  and  ingress  at  these 
doors  are  equally  forbidden. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  eighth,  usually  before  day- 
light, tlie  calling  of  the  roll  is  commenced,  or  the  reading  over 
of  the  names  of  all  the  candidates  who  are  entitled  to  be  pres- 


EXAMINING  COMPETITORS  FOR  THE  SECOND  DEGREE.  407 

ent  at  the  examination.  Each  one  present  is  required  to  take 
the  cell  which  is  appointed  for  him.  During  the  morning  a 
side  door  is  occasionally  opened  to  allow  the  bringing  in  of 
vegetables  and  the  entrance  of  men,  should  there  be  any  who 
have  been  detained  until  that  time.  JVo  one  is  allowed  to  go 
out. 

When  the  side  doors  have  been  shut  for  the  last  time,  and 
the  competitors  have  found  their  seats,  four  themes  for  the  es- 
says and  the  poem  are  given  out,  and  the  students  know  for 
the  first  time  what  are  the  subjects  on  which  they  are  to  try 
their  talent  at  composition.  These  are  selected  from  the  four 
volumes  of  the  Chinese  classic  called  the  '■'•Four  Books”  by 
the  joint  action  of  the  first  and  second  examiners,  three  being 
themes  for  a prose  composition  and  one  for  a poem.  The 
eager  competitors  at  once  begin  to  ponder  the  subjects  select- 
ed and  arrange  their  thoughts.  Each  alley  or  row  of  cells  is 
under-the  constant  watch  of  men  who  profess  to  be  anxious 
to  detect  any  violation  of  established  rules. 

1.  As  soon  as  any  of  the  essays  are  finished,  they  are  taken 
by  the  proper  officer  to  a body  of  talented  literary  men,  whose 
number  is  said  to  amount  to  several  tens,  and  whose  business 
is  to  examine  each  essay  or  poem  as  soon  as  offered,  to  see  if 
it  is  composed  and  written  out  in  accordance  with  the  well- 
understood  rules.  If  there  is  any  violation  of  these  rules,  it  is 
at  once  stuck  by  means  of  paste  upon  the  wall  in  a public  place. 
The  luckless  writer  may  not  enter  the  arena  and  compete  at 
either  of  the  succeeding  sessions  for  that  year. 

2.  The  essays  and  poem  which  are  correctly  done,  as  re- 
gards form  and  appearance,  are  then  delivered  over  into  the 
hands  of  a body  of  copyists,  numbering  perhaps  two  or  three 
hundred  men,  whose  duty  it  is  to  transcribe  them  with  neat- 
ness upon  other  paper,  using  red  ink.  The  original  manu- 
scripts are  kept  from  the  inspection  of  the  examining  commis- 
sioners, in  order  to  prevent,  or  avoid  as  much  as  possible,  all 
chance  of  their  knowing  to  whom  the  composition  belongs. 
The  writer  might  otherwise,  by  means  of  blots  or  marks,  or 
some  private  sign  made  on  the  paper,  intimate  to  the  commis- 
sioners who  was  its  owner,  provided  there  had  been  any  pre- 
vious understanding  to  that  effect  as  the  result  of  bribery. 
These  copyists  are  employed  by  government. 


408 


COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 


3.  These  essays  and  the  poem  having  been  transcribed,  both 
the  copy  and  the  original  manuscript  are  delivered  to  a class 
of  scholars,  'who  number  one  or  two  hundred  men,  and  whose 
duty  it  is  to  compare  copy  and  original  together,  to  see  that 
there  have  been  no  additions  or  omissions  of  characters,  and 
no  secret  marks  made  on  the  copy.  They  work  by  twos,  one 
looking  at  the  copy  while  the  other  reads  the  original,  com- 
paring them  character  by  character.  The  characters  of  the 
copy  must  be  the  same  as  in  the  original  manuscript,  and  must 
be  well  written. 

4.  These,  if  found  to  correspond  with  each  other,  are  deliv- 
ered to  a certain  officer,  who  is  aided  by  several  assistants. 
The  original,  written  in  black  ink,  is  delivered  over  to  the  gov- 
ernor to  be  kept,  not  for  his  inspection.  The  copy  on  paper 
written  with  red  ink  is  passed  along  to  a class  consisting  of 
twelve  men  of  acknowledged  literary  talent.  Each  man  reads 
his  share.  If  he  considers  it  well  done,  he  signifies  his  appro- 
bation by  putting  upon  the  top  or  front  part  of  the  roll  a 
small  red  circle.  If  he  considers  its  literary  ability  as  decid- 
edly inferior,  he  lays  the  roll  of  essays  and  poem  aside.  Those 
marked  with  a red  circle  are  put  into  the  possession  of  the 
prefect,  who  beats  a drum  suspended  at  his  office  on  the  prem- 
ises. This  drum  is  called  the  '•'■recommending  drum”  which 
indicates  that  an  essay  and  its  accompanying  poem  are  recom- 
mended to  the  examining  commissioners  for  their  inspection. 
They  divide  equally  between  themselves  the  essays  and  poems 
thus  recommended.  They  have  twelve  scholars  of  established 
literary  attainments  to  assist  them  in  their  respective  yamuns. 
Each  one  may  decide  in  regard  to  forty-three  or  forty-four 
candidates.  The  head  one  of  the  list  is  determined  by  the 
master  examiner.  Out  of  the  mass  of  recommended  essays 
and  poems  at  the  first  session,  each  examiner  selects  as  most 
worthy  quite  a number  more  than  the  quota  which  falls  to 
him  for  future  reference  and  comparison  ; for  the  successful 
competitors  must  write  compositions  which  receive  the  ap- 
proval of  the  commissioner  into  whose  hands  they  come  at 
each  of  the  three  sessions.  It  therefore  is  necessary  or  pru- 
dent to  lay  aside  as  the  best  quite  a number  more  than  would 
be  sufficient  to  fill  the  quota  allowed  by  law  if  only  one  ses- 
sion’s compositions  were  to  be  consulted  and  approved.  It 


COMPOSITIONS  PROFESSEDLY  JUDGED  BY  MERIT.  409 

often  happens  that  the  writer  who  does  well  at  the  first  ses- 
sion does  quite  poorly,  or  is  sick  or  absent  on  the  next  two 
sessions,  when  his  manuscripts,  however  well  written,  must  be 
disregarded  in  making  up  the  final  estimate  of  the  merits  of 
the  compositions  at  the  close  of  the  third  session.  The  com- 
positions are  supposed  to  be  examined,  weighed,  and  approved 
or  rejected  on  their  merits  alone.  When  their  respective  mer- 
its have  been  decided  upon,  the  original  paper  in  the  hands 
of  the  governor  is  torn  open,  and  the  name  of  the  writer  be- 
comes for  the  first  time  known  to  the  commissioners — at  least 
such  is  the  theory. 

Those  whose  essays  and  poem  are  finished  are  allowed  to 
come  out  in  companies,  commencing  about  the  third  watch  in 
the  morning  of  the  tenth  of  the  month,  having  spent  two  days 
in  the  examining  hall.  The  doors  are  unlocked  and  the  seals 
are  broken  under  a salute  of  three  cannons,  the  beating  of 
drums,  and  the  playing  of  instrumental  music,  all  designed  to 
honor  those  who  come  out.  The  doors  are  then  shut,  and 
locked,  and  sealed,  until  about  daylight,  when  another  company 
is  ready  to  come  out  of  the  arena,  and  similar  tokens  of  honor 
attend  their  exit.  About  ten  o’clock  A.M.  another  company 
come  forth,  saluted  in  like  manner.  After  this  time,  when 
any  one  is  ready,  he  comes  out. 

Of  all  the  officers  and  assistants  who  have  been  imprisoned 
inside,  only  the  governor  is  permitted  to  come  out  on  the 
morning  of  the  tenth,  after  the  students  have  left.  He  must 
return  in  the  afternoon  or  evening,  having  visited  his  yamun 
aud  attended  to  his  business.  All  the  rest  of  the  officers  and 
the  assistants  employed  inside  remain  busily  engaged  in  the 
discharge  of  their  duty. 

All  those  whose  essays  have  not  been  posted  up  in  public 
on  the  wall  during  the  first  session,  because  of  some  violation 
of  the  rules,  may  enter  the  premises  again  some  time  during 
the  night  of  the  tenth.  The  calling  of  the  roll  and  the  seat- 
ing of  the  competitors  commence  about  the  third  watch  of  the 
eleventh  of  the  eighth  month,  less  than  a whole  day  being  al- 
lowed for  the  recess.  Doors  are  sealed,  themes  are  given  out, 
and  every  thing  is  carried  forward  very  much  as  at  the  first 
session.  There  are  five  subjects  given  out  instead  of  four. 
The  five  are  taken  from  five  volumes  of  the  Chinese  classics, 

Vol.  I.— S 


410 


COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 


known  as  the  '•'■Five  Classics ,”  not  from  the  “Four  Books”  four 
being  themes  for  prose  compositions  and  one  for  a poem.  The 
competitors  come  out,  as  from  the  first  session,  in  companies, 
under  the  regular  salutes  of  guns,  drums,  and  music,  com- 
mencing before  daylight  on  the  morning  of  the  thirteenth,  and 
finishing  some  time  in  the  forenoon.  They  return  to  the  hall 
late  in  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  or  exceedingly  early  in 
the  morning  of  the  next. 

The  names  of  the  competitors,  who  are  much  less  numerous 
than  at  the  first  session,  are  called  over  on  the  morning  of  the 
fourteenth,  seats  taken,  the  doors  being  locked  and  sealed  up 
as  usual.  There  are  five  themes  on  miscellaneous  subjects, 
and  one  theme  for  poetry.  The  candidates  usually  are  all 
done  with  their  tasks  and  are  out  of  the  hall  some  time  during 
the  afternoon  of  the  sixteenth  of  the  eighth  month,  having 
commenced  to  make  their  last  exit  some  time  in  the  morning. 

As  has  been  intimated,  the  examining  commissioners  select 
three  rolls  of  essays  and  poems,  one  from  each  of  the  sessions, 
which  must  all  belong  to  the  same  scholar.  They  decide  upon 
the  literary  abilities  of  as  many  sets  of  three  rolls  as  the  law 
will  allow  them  to  decide  upon  as  worthy  of  procuring  their 
authors  the  coveted  rank  of  master  of  arts  cl  la  Chinois.  At 
the  proper  time  a list  of  the  successful  candidates  is  made  out, 
the  names  and  surnames  being  written  in  very  large  charac- 
ters. This  list  is  posted  upon  the  south  side  of  the  Brum 
Tower  in  the  city,  thirty  or  forty  feet  high  from  the  ground, 
where  it  is  left  for  a certain  time  for  the  inspection  of  the  pub- 
lic. It  is  regarded  as  a very  high  honor  to  head  this  list,  or  to 
be  one  of  the  three  highest  names.  The  posting  up  of  this 
list  is  usually  followed  by  considerable  excitement  all  over  the 
city  and  suburbs. 

The  original  compositions  of  the  successful  competitors  are 
collected  together,  and  prepared  for  transmission  to  Peking, 
professedly  for  the  personal  inspection  of  the  emperor.  A 
copy  would  not  be  sent,  as  the  manuscript  must  have  the 
seal  upon  it  which  was  there  when  the  unwritten  roll  was  re- 
ceived from  the  clerk  of  the  treasurer’s  office.  All  the  tolera- 
ble blunders,  blots,  etc.,  which  did  not  prevent  the  success  of 
the  manuscript  in  the  provincial  hall  of  examination,  would  be- 
come intolerable  when  transmitted  to  Peking  for  reference 


ORIGINAL  COMPOSITIONS  “WASHED  AND  REPAIRED.”  411 

and  preservation;  hence  they  must  be  all  erased  or  mended, 
so  that  the  document  will  present  a fair  and  neat  appearance. 
The  singular  nature  of  Chinese  writing-paper,  and  their  prac- 
tice of  writing  on  one  side  only,  make  this  “ washing  and  re- 
pairing” possible,  and  comparatively  an  easy  task,  which 
would  be  impracticable  if  the  essays  and  poems  were  written 
on  foreign  paper,  even  if  written  on  only  one  side  of  the  paper 
employed.  Sometimes,  even  on  Chinese  paper,  the  writing  is 
blotted  so  badly,  or  so  many  mistakes  are  perpetrated,  that  it 
requires  an  immense  amount  of  skill  and  patience  to  repair  the 
manuscript  and  make  it  look  neat.  Unless  this  repairing  and 
washing  is  done  properly,  the  imperial  commissioners  would 
be  liable  to  be  severely  reprimanded,  and  perhaps  punished  by 
being  degraded  from  their  rank.  It  will  not  answer  for  the 
essay  to  be  left  behind  at  the  provincial  city,  nor  will  it  do  to 
present  one  at  Peking  not  having  a neat  and  clean  appearance. 

It  often  occurs  that  during  the  three  sessions  some  persons 
are  taken  suddenly  ill,  and  die  before  the  doors  are  allowed  to 
be  opened.  In  such  a case  it  is  contrary  to  law  and  custom 
for  the  body  of  the  deceased  to  be  carried  out  of  the  arena 
through  the  large  front  gates.  It  must  be  taken  to  the  back 
side,  or  to  one  of  the  east  or  west  sides,  and  passed  over  the 
wall.  This  is  not  done  to  dishonor  the  memory  of  the  dead, 
but  to  prevent  the  front  gates  from  being  defiled  by  the  pas- 
sage of  the  corpse.  It  would  be  considered  a very  bad  omen 
for  a corpse  to  be  taken  out  through  the  front  gates.  Should 
any  of  the  mandarins  suddenly  become  ill  and  die  during  any 
of  the  sessions,  the  corpse  might  be  carried  out,  after  the  ses- 
sion is  ended,  through  a small  door  on  the  back  side  of  the 
premises.  The  presence  of  a corpse,  or  passage  of  it  through 
certain  places,  is  regarded  by  the  Chinese  as  defiling  and  omi- 
nous of  evil. 

Graduates  of  the  second  degree  are  obliged  to  go  to  Peking 
if  they  wish  to  compete  for  the  third  literary  degree  (doctor 
of  laws),  or  chin-tsz.  The  regular  examinations  of  masters  of 
arts  for  the  doctorship  is  held  once  every  three  years.  The 
competitors  who  wish  to  go  to  Peking  on  this  errand,  on  pre- 
senting themselves  for  the  first  trip  at  the  provincial  treasur- 
er’s yamun  with  the  proper  vouchers,  formerly  received  for- 
ty-eight taels  for  the  purpose  of  defraying  in  part  the  expenses 


412 


COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 


of  the  journey.  This  is  designed  to  encourage  the  poor  schol- 
ar who  has  not  funds  enough  of  his  own — a present  from  the 
emperor.  Of  late  years  only  half  of  the  sum  is  received  here 
before  starting ; the  balance  is  drawn  at  some  place  about  half 
way,  or  after  return  home,  having  attended  the  examination  at 
Peking. 

Rejoicings , Festivities , and  Honors  in  'View  of  successful 
Competition. 

The  deficiency  in  means  for  giving  the  news  by  daily  papers 
in  China  is  obviated,  in  part,  by  some  enterprising  individuals 
having  the  names  of  the  highest  of  the  list  of  candidates  be- 
fore the  district  magistrate  and  the  prefect  engraved  and  pub- 
lished on  slips  of  paper,  which  are  hawked  about  the  streets 
for  sale.  As  the  competitors  before  the  literary  chancellor 
are  at  first  known  only  by  their  seats,  the  would-be  news-vend- 
or comes  to  an  understanding  with  the  head  clerk  at  the  of- 
fice, who  furnishes  the  real  names  of  the  favored  ones  before 
they  are  generally  known  in  public.  By  having  these  en- 
graved and  struck  off,  the  news  is  made  known  a considerable 
time  before  it  would  transpire  in  the  usual  course  of  events — 
i.  e .,  by  report  from  one  to  another.  The  sale  of  the  list  of 
the  successful  competitors  at  the  examination  for  the  second 
degree,  obtained  by  bribery  of  the  clerk  of  the  treasurer’s  of- 
fice some  time  in  advance  of  the  placarding  in  public  of  the 
sheets  which  contain  them — unless  published  as  a speculation 
by  the  clerk  himself — oftentimes  is  very  great.  , When  first 
out,  it  frequently  brings  as  high  as  twenty  or  thirty  cash ; but 
after  the  list  has  been  exposed  on  the  Drum  Tower , the  price 
falls  to  one  or  two  cash. 

The  clerks  and  underlings  at  the  various  offices  connected 
with  the  district  magistrate,  the  prefect,  the  literary  chancel- 
lor, and  the  treasurer,  make  haste  to  write  out  the  names  and 
the  seats,  or  the  numbers  of  those  who  stand  toward  the  high- 
est on  the  lists  of  the  respective  examinations,  each  on  a large 
sheet  of  red  paper.  This  they  carry  or  send,  at  as  early  a pe- 
riod as  possible,  if  not  too  distant,  to  the  family  to  which  each 
belongs,  with  their  congratulations.  This  is  styled  '•'■carrying 
the  information .”  It  is  done  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  a 
present  from  the  family.  The  first  one  who  reaches  the  fam- 


FESTIVITIES  IN  VIEW  OF  GRADUATING  A.  B.  413 


ily  with  the  news  receives,  according  to  established  custom, 
comparatively  a large  sum ; the  next  bringer  of  the  news  a 
smaller  sum,  and  the  third  comer  with  the  red  paper  a still 
smaller  sum.  The  reward  is  usually  given  with  pleasure  and 
with  satisfaction,  as  it  is  considered  a mark  of  honor  and  quite 
reputable  to  have  such  messengers  arrive  with  the  good  tid- 
ings. 

In  the  course  of  a few  days  after  the  names  of  the  success- 
ful competitors  have  become  known,  the  family  to  which  each 
belongs  gives  a feast  to  celebrate  the  event.  Two  or  three 
days  before  the  feast,  a large  card  of  light  red  paper,  inclosed 
in  a deep  red  envelope,  is  sent  around  to  each  one  of  the  fam- 
ily relatives,  or  intimate  friends  or  respected  neighbors,  whom 
his  family  have  decided  to  invite  to  the  festive  occasion,  re- 
questing them  to  “ shed  their  light ” on  the  entertainment.  In 
due  time  the  invited  guests  make  their  appearance  with  their 
present  of  money  called  “ congratulating  politeness.” 

At  the  appropriate  time  during  the  festivities,  the  successful 
competitor  must  worship  '■'■Heaven  and  Earth”  as  an  indica- 
tion of  his  thanks  for  the  honor  put  upon  his  family.  After- 
ward he  must,  for  a similar  reason,  worship  the  ancestral  tab- 
lets of  his  family,  and  then  he  must  kneel  down  before  his 
parents,  if  both  are  living,  and  bow  his  head  down  toward  the 
ground  three  times.  Should  one  be  deceased,  his  or  her  tab- 
let occupies  the  chair  which  he  or  she  would  have  taken  if 
alive.  In  case  he  has  no  mother-in-law  living,  and  if  he  is  not 
engaged  to  be  married,  his  own  mother,  if  living,  proceeds  to 
invest  him  with  the  red  silk  scarf,  in  the  established  manner 
for  graduates  of  the  first  or  second  degree.  This  is  a long 
strip  of  red  silk,  which  is  placed  over  one  shoulder  and  under 
the  other,  crossing  twice  on  his  breast  and  on  his  back,  in  the 
form  of  the  letter  X,  if  he  is  a graduate  of  the  second  degree, 
and  finally  tied  around  his  waist  as  a belt.  If  a graduate  of 
the  first  degree,  the  strip  does  not  cross  twice  on  his  breast, 
but  is  simply  put  over  one  shoulder  and  under  the  opposite 
arm,  and  is  then  tied  around  his  waist,  having  gone  only  once 
over  his  breast.  In  case  he  is  engaged  to  be  married,  it  falls 
to  the  privilege  of  the  mother  of  his  affianced  bride  to  put 
upon  him  this  badge  of  joy  for  the  first  time  in  the  established 
fashion,  which  is  done  at  her  own  house  before  a long  inter- 


414 


COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 


val  has  elapsed.  If  he  has  a mother-in-law,  it  becomes  her 
happy  lot  to  put  upon  him  the  scarf  of  joy  aud  of  honor. 

On  the  day  appointed  for  the  graduates  of  the  first  degree 
to  appear  before  the  literary  chancellor  to  pay  him  their  re- 
spects, they  all  rise  very  early  in  the  morning,  in  order  to  make 
the  customary  sacrifice  to  heaven  and  earth.  When  this  has 
been  properly  done,  each  must  go  and  call  upon  his  mother-in- 
law,  or  the  mother  of  his  affianced  bride,  for  the  purpose  of 
having  her  own  hands  place  around  his  shoulders  the  red 
scarf,  unless,  in  view  of  distance  or  some  other  circumstance, 
she  has  been  called  upon  to  perform  the  act  one  or  two  days 
previous.  He  now  sets  off  in  his  sedan  for  the  yamun  of  the 
literary  chancellor,  so  as  to  be  ready  to  go  in  with  his  fellow- 
graduates  at  the  hour  appointed. 

Each  of  the  graduates  on  this  imposing  occasion  is  dressed 
in  an  outer  long  dress  of  light  blue  silk.  His  boots  are  square- 
toed,  and  usually  made  of  satin.  His  cap  is  not  the  little 
skull-cap  usually  worn,  but  the  larger  cap  of  ceremony,  on  two 
sides  of  which  (those  which  come  by  his  ears)  has  been  fast- 
ened a kind  of  artificial  flower,  professedly  made  of  gold  leaf, 
but  really  of  brass  foil,  fastened  to  a wire.  These  project  up 
several  inches  above  the  cap  perpendicularly. 

When  the  time  has  arrived,  all  the  graduates  of  the  first  de- 
gree enter  the  presence  of  the  literary  chancellor,  and  arrange 
themselves  in  order  before  him.  As  soon  as  the  master  of 
ceremonies  gives  the  word  of  command,  they  kneel  simultane- 
ously before  him,  and  proceed  to  bow  their  heads  down  to  the 
ground  three  times  in  unison.  After  this  important  ceremony, 
which  is  intended  to  express  their  profound  obligations  to 
their  “ venerable  teacher,”  they  rise  to  their  feet  and  disperse. 
Sometimes  the  officer  before  whom  this  ceremony  is  performed 
rises  to  his  feet,  and,  grasping  his  own  hands,  inclines  his  body 
forward  slightly,  moves  his  hands  gently  up  and  down,  and,  as 
it  were,  toward  the  body  of  graduates  before  him,  repeatedly 
utters  his  “thanks”  in  a low  tone  of  voice  while  they  are  on 
their  knees  and  making  their  bows  before  him.  Such  an  act 
on  the  part  of  the  literary  chancellor  is  believed  to  be  a mark 
of  his  humility,  and  to  indicate  his  unworthiness  to  receive 
such  honor. 

After  they  have  left  the  yamun  of  the  literary  chancellor, 


THE  GOVERNOR  FEASTS  THE  NEW  MASTER  OF  ARTS.  415 


they  proceed  singly  or  in  small  companies,  as  they  please,  to 
call  upon  the  prefect,  and  jjay  him  their  respects  in  a similar 
manner,  upon  their  knees.  They  then  make  similar  calls  upon 
their  respective  literary  officers,  which  are  subordinate  to  the 
literary  chancellor,  and  upon  the  district  magistrates  of  their 
respective  districts.  In  case  of  those  graduates  who  live  out 
of  the  district  in  which  the  prefeetural  city  is  located  where 
they  have  obtained  their  degree,  they  must,  of  course,  return  to 
their  own  district,  in  order  to  pay  their  respects  to  their  re- 
spective district  magistrates.  They  must  in  like  manner  pay 
a visit  to  their  principal  teachers — that  is,  those  who  have  in 
former  years  taught  them  the  classics,  and  how  to  write  prose 
compositions  and  poems.  After  this,  they  call  upon  their  par- 
ents-in-law, their  relatives  on  their  father  and  their  mother’s 
side,  upon  their  personal  and  intimate  friends,  and  their  re- 
spectable neighbors  and  acquaintances  whom  they  wish  to 
honor. 

The  graduates  of  the 
second  literary  degree, 
instead  of  first  calling 
upon  the  literary  chan- 
cellor, as  do  the  gradu- 
ates of  the  first  degree, 
are  invited  to  a feast  at 
the  yamun  of  the  gov- 
ernor of  the  province. 

They  have  on  their 
shoulders  a thick  cape. 

They  have.the  red  scarf, 
the  square-toed  boots, 
and  the  golden  flowers, 
like  those  of  the  first 
degree.  After  worship- 
ing heaven  and  earth 

On  the  morning  of  the  a kotin,  ok  literary  graduate  op  the  second  de- 

feast,  they  proceed  to  GKEE- 

the  yamun,  and  at  the  proper  moment  present  themselves  be- 
fore the  tables  professedly  laden  with  rich  provisions,  of  which 
they  may  partake,  but  which  are  principally  quite  unfit  to  eat. 
According  to  the  popular  representation  of  this  feast,  it  is  a 


416 


COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 


ridiculous  farce.  The  treasurer  should  furnish  money  to  set 
the  tables  with  a variety  of  palatable  viands,  one  table  for 
each  graduate.  In  fact,  the  food  provided  is  miserable  in 
quality  and  of  few  kinds,  and  small  in  quantity.  A table  is 
professedly  spread  for  each,  some  of  the  dishes  on  it  being 
partly  filled  with  food.  The  rest  are  filled  with  sawdust  or 
something  which  will  fill  up,  the  top  being  covered  with  pa- 
per. Every  table  is  provided  with  a small  plate,  wine-cup, 
and  tea-cup,  made  out  of  real  silver.  Each  graduate  takes  his 
position  before  a table.  At  the  proper  moment,  during  the 
time  allotted  for  the  feast,  the  graduates  arrange  themselves 
in  order  before  the  provincial  governor,  who  may  sit  or  stand 
as  he  pleases.  At  the  command  of  the  master  of  ceremonies, 
they  must  all  kneel  down  and  bow  their  heads  three  times. 
After  this  they  disperse,  to  call  upon  the  literary  chancellor 
and  the  other  officers,  their  teachers,  etc.,  in  regard  to  whom 
law  or  custom  makes  it  their  duty  to  call  upon  for  the  purpose 
of  presenting  their  respects.  After  a little  time  has  elapsed, 
the  master  of  ceremonies  calls  upon  servants  to  clear  the  ta- 
bles, and,  accordingly,  men  appear  and  carry  the  contents  to 
the  homes  of  the  graduates,  or  to  the  place  where  they  arc 
temporarily  living,  if  not  resident  at  the  capital  of  the  prov- 
ince, for  which  a present  of  several  hundred  cash  is  expected 
on  delivery.  If  these  articles  reach  their  homes,  they  are 
taken  and  placed  before  the  ancestral  tablets  of  their  family, 
to  show  the  departed  how  their  descendants  have  been  hon- 
ored. In  the  case  of  those  who  live  at  a great  distance,  doubt- 
less the  provisions  furnished  by  the  bounty  of  the  emperor  are 
not  taken  home.  The  difference  between  the  real  cost  of  the 
feast,  and  the  sum  charged  or  allotted  according  to  law,  of 
course  is  pocketed  by  the  high  officers  and  their  subordinates, 
who  have  the  handling  of  the  money  and  the  getting  up  of  the 
feast.  It  is  affirmed  by  literary  men  that  every  graduate  of 
the  second  degree  costs  the  emperor  about  one  thousand  taels, 
but  that  of  this  sum  the  high  mandarins  and  subordinate  offi- 
cials manage  to  pocket  all  but  the  few  taels  which  are  really 
spent  at  various  times  on  his  behalf. 

A few  days  before  the  newly-made  masters  of  arts  go  to 
the  feast  at  the  governor’s  yamun,  they  are  honored  by  the  re- 
ception of  a black  silk  outer  dress  or  coat,  a cape,  a court  cap, 


THE  GEADUATES  MAKE  YAEIOUS  FOEMAL  CALLS.  417 


and  a pair  of  square-toed  boots,  sent  from  the  treasurer,  but  in 
the  name  of  the  emperor.  All  of  these  are  paid  for  by  the 
emperor,  and  designed  to  be  a token  of  his  regard  for  the  lit- 
erary abilities  of  the  graduates.  They,  therefore,  ought  to  be 
of  good  material  and  well  made,  but  the  fact  is  they  are  en- 
tirely worthless  and  useless.  The  treasurer  has  had  them 
made  up  of  the  very  poorest  kind  of  material,  and  in  the  cheap- 
est manner  possible,  so  that  they  are  not  fit  to  be  worn  on  any 
public  occasion.  They  are  received  with  thanks  only  for  the 
sake  of  form  and  name,  not  because  they  are  worth  any  thing. 
The  treasurer  and  his  underlings  have  the  reputation  of  pock- 
eting the  difference  between  the  cost  of  the  articles  as  actually 
provided,  and  what  articles  suitable  for  use  made  of  good  ma- 
terials and  in  a proper  style  would  have  cost ! The  emperor 
is  charged  full  price  for  the  trumpery  presented  in  his  name. 
The  graduates  or  their  relatives  are  obliged  to  be  at  the  ex- 
pense of  getting  good  articles  of  the  kinds  mentioned  for  them 
to  wear  at  the  feast  in  their  honor,  and  in  the  procession  in 
public  soon  to  take  place.  It  is  only  the  very  poorest  of  the 
poor  graduates  who  wear  the  articles  provided  at  government 
expense. 

Whatever  may  be  the  law,  or  the  ancient  custom,  or  the  true 
theory  in  regard  to  the  boots,  cap,  coat,  and  scarf  actually 
worn  by  the  guest  at  this  feast,  they  are  now  provided  usually 
by  the  family  of  his  father-in-law.  This  custom  is  known  as 
that  of  '■'•presenting  the  boots  and  caps.” 

In  calling  upon  their  personal  teachers,  relatives,  friends,  and 
neighbors,  the  graduate,  whether  of  the  first  or  the  second  lit- 
erary ranks,  goes  in  as  good  a sedan  as  his  circumstances  will 
allow,  dressed  in  his  suit  of  ceremony,  with  cap,  flowers,  and 
scarf.  Two  men  always  precede  his  sedan,  carrying  each  a 
bamboo  twelve  or  fifteen  feet  in  length,  having  toward  the 
smallest  end  several  yards  of  red  silk  entwined  in  the  green 
branches.  These  banners  have  been  presented  by  friends  or 
relations  as  an  expression  of  their  joy.  There  is  also  a band 
of  eight  musicians  who  precede  his  sedan.  Close  by  his  sedan 
follows  a servant  or  two,  who  are  provided  with  a large  num- 
ber of  cards.  In  many  of  these  joyous  processions  there  will 
be  seen  a red  screen,  some  five  or  six  feet  square,  borne  along 
by  two  men.  It  is  made  out  of  red  camlet  or  red  broadcloth, 

S 2 


418 


COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 


fastened  into  a wooden  frame.  On  the  two  sides  are  several 
lucky  characters,  made  of  gilt  paper  and  of  a very  large  size. 
This  screen  is  a token  that  the  graduate  has  a father-in-law  or 
mother-in-law  living.  It  is  always  furnished  by  the  family  to 
which  his  wife,  if  already  married,  or  his  affianced  wife,  if  only 
engaged,  belongs. 

The  main  streets  of  the  prefectural  city,  on  the  days  when 
graduates  pay  their  visits  of  ceremony,  present  an  animated 
appearance.  Generally  there  are  three  days  spent  at  the  pro- 
vincial city  in  making  these  formal  calls.  These  processions 
may  be  seen  going  back  and  forth  in  the  streets,  accompanied 
with  music  and  waving  of  banners.  The  graduates  seldom  sit 
down  at  these  calls,  but  pay  their  respects,  and  then  depart  to 
find  other  relatives  or  friends.  Sometimes  they  do  not  kneel 
down,  but  only  make  the  customary  salutation  of  raising  and 
lowering  their  clasped  hands,  while  they  bend  their  bodies  very 
low,  as  if  bowing  toward  their  friends.  On  arrival  at  the  house 
occupied  by  his  parents-in-law,  he  is  expected  to  kneel  down 
and  bow  three  times  before  the  ancestral  tablets  of  the  family, 
as  well  as  perform  the  same  marks  of  respect  before  the  par- 
ents of  his  wife,  or  the  parents  of  his  affianced  bride,  if  not  al- 
ready married. 

At  some  convenient  time,  the  graduate,  whether  of  the  first 
or  the  second  degree,  is  invited  to  a feast  given  in  his  honor 
at  the  house  of  his  parents-in-law  and  at  their  expense,  pro- 
vided he  is  married  or  engaged.  They  invite  such  relatives 
and  friends  as  they  please.  The  honored  one,  immediately 
after  his  arrival,  is  led  to  the  place  where  the  ancestral  tablets 
of  their  family  are  to  be  found,  before  which  he  kneels  and 
bows  three  times.  He  then  performs  the  same  act  of  homage 
or  respect  before  the  persons  of  his  father-in-law  and  mother- 
in-law,  who  sit  side  by  side.  After  this  he  sits  down  to  the 
feast  and  drinks  three  cups  of  wine,  and  pretends  to  eat  a lit- 
tle from  dishes  containing  three  kinds  of  vegetables  or  three 
kinds  of  meats.  He  then  refuses  or  declines  to  eat  any  more, 
soon  rises  up,  and  takes  his  departure,  as  though  he  were  in 
great  haste  and  had  no  time  to  spare.  All  these  things  are 
done  in  accordance  with  established  usage  on  such  occasions. 
Drinking  three  cups  of  wine  and  partaking  of  three  kinds  of 
food  are  good  omens,  and  refer  to  the  three  grades  of  literary 


HOJSTOEAEY  TABLETS  EEECTED  BY  GEADUATES.  419 


rank — A.B.,  A.M. , and  LL.D.,  or  Sewtscd , Kujin,  and  Chin- 
tsz , to  all  of  which  the  happy  and  ambitious  son-in-law  would 
have  his  admiring  and  loving  parents-in-law  understand  he  is 
making  haste  to  attain  in  regular  order  and  without  interrup- 
tion, as  men  count  one,  two,  three — one,  two,  three. 

Graduates  of  the  second  and  the  higher  literary  degrees  are 
entitled  to  erect  an  honorary  tablet,  which  is  usually  suspend- 
ed over  the  principal  outer  door  of  their  residence ; another  is 
put  in  the  ancestral  hall.  The  one  who  heads  the  list  of  suc- 
cessful competitors  for  the  second  degree  has  a tablet  which 
contains  two  characters,  which  to  the  initiated  intimate  that 
honorable  fact.  These  characters  are  often  gilded,  and  are  of 
a large  form,  between  one  and  two  feet  square,  occupying  the 
centre  of  the  tablet.  The  whole  tablet  is  six  or  eight  feet  in 
length  and  of  a proportionate  width.  The  graduates  from  the 
second  to  the  fifth  name  inclusive  on  the  list  have  certain  char- 
acters which  indicate  the  fact  to  those  who  understand  their 
application  and  meaning.  Those  from  the  sixth  to  the  twelfth 
inclusive  have  other  characters  to  denote  their  relative  stand- 
ing in  the  class.  All  who  come  below  the  twelfth  are  included 
under  certain  two  chai'acters,  which  are  usually  black  and  high- 
ly varnished.  Besides  these  letters,  which  occupy  the  central 
portion  of  the  tablet,  there  is  an  inscription  in  much  smaller 
characters  stating  the  name  or  title  of  the  emperor,  the  year 
of  his  reign,  the  surname  and  title  of  the  literary  chancellor, 
and  the  number  and  the  name  of  the  scholar  on  the  list  of  grad- 
uates. The  near  family  relatives  having  the  same  surname, 
as  paternal  uncles,  own  brothers,  etc.,  are  permitted  to  erect 
a duplicate  of  this  honorary  tablet  over  their  doors.  Some 
houses  have  several  of  these  tablets,  erected  in  honor  of  differ- 
ent members  of  their  family  relatives,  over  their  front  doors. 

Those  who,  at  the  literary  examinations  of  Peking,  are  grad- 
uated of  the  third  rank  of  scholarship,  have  terms  applied  to 
them  when  speaking  of  them,  and  put  on  their  honorary  tab- 
lets, which  indicate  their  relative  position  on  the  list  of  the 
successful  competitors.  Besides,  there  is  an  inscription  which 
denotes  the  title  of  the  emperor,  date  of  year,  title  of  viceroy, 
etc.  Family  relatives  on  the  father’s  side  are  also  permitted 
to  make  duplicates  of  the  tablets,  and  suspend  them  as  badges 
of  honor  or  as  ornaments  to  their  home. 


420 


COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 


When  a graduate  of  the  first  degree  has  kept  up  his  regular 
attendance  at  the  examination  for  the  second  until  he  has  ar- 
rived at  about  the  age  of  eighty  years  without  being  able  to 
attain  the  much-coveted  literary  rank,  it  becomes  the  duty  of 
the  governor  to  report  his  case  to  the  emperor.  His  majesty 
presents  the  aged  scholar  with  the  title  of  Kujin,  in  honor  of 
his  long  literary  struggles.  On  the  tablet  which  the  old  gen- 
tleman is  authorized  to  place  over  the  door  to  his  residence  he 
must  put  two  words,  which  indicate  that  the  honor  was  con- 
ferred by  especial  favor  of  the  emperor  himself.  After  the  re- 
ception of  this  title,  he  may,  if  he  pleases,  and  has  the  strength 
to  endure  the  fatigues  of  the  trip  and  the  money  to  pay  its  ex- 
penses, go  up  to  the  capital  and  compete  for  the  third  degree, 
which,  however,  is  very  seldom  done. 

There  is  a still  higher  literary  degree,  obtained  after  an  ex- 
amination before  the  emperor  of  the  best  scholars  of  the  doc- 
tors of  laws.  But  it  is  not  worth  while  to  speak  at  length  of 
this  and  other  literary  examinations  of  students  at  the  capital. 
It  is  enough  for  our  purpose  to  see  them  begin  to  climb  the 
ladder  of  honor,  wealth,  and  fame.  The  successful  competi- 
tors on  these  occasions  are  sure  of  immediate,  honorable,  and 
lucrative  positions  as  mandarins  in  the  provinces,  as  members 
of  the  Hanlin  college,  or  as  members  of  some  of  the  Six 
Boards. 

A feast  at  the  expense  of  the  emperor  is  given  at  Peking  in 
honor  of  the  graduate  of  the  third  degree  who  has  lived  to  the 
sixtieth  year  after  he  became  Chin-tsz , or  LL.D.  Such  a man 
has  lived  through  one  complete  cycle  since  his  graduation. 
He  may  erect  an  honorary  tablet  over  his  door  which  shall 
contain  the  four  Chinese  letters  which  denote  the  feast  in  his 
honor  to  which  he  has  been  invited  by  the  emperor.  Such  a 
tablet  is  but  rarely  found,  and  is  a token  of  great  longevity. 

In  the  same  manner,  a feast  is  given  to  the  graduates  of  the 
second  degree  who  have  lived  sixty  years  after  their  gradua- 
tion, if  they  have  not  attained  to  the  third  degree.  The  liter- 
ary graduate  has  four  characters  indicating  the  fact  put  upon 
his  tablet,  and  the  military  graduate  has  four  other  words  in- 
dicating the  same  honorable  fact.  In  these  various  ways  does 
the  emperor  honor  those  who  devote  themselves  to  a literary 
life. 


MEASURES  ADOPTED  TO  PREVENT  DECEPTION.  421 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

competitive  literary  examinations — Continued. 

Just  and  legal  Measures  used  to  prevent  Deception : Some  of  the  Rules  to  be 
observed. — Use  of  a Stamp  an  Hour  or  two  after  Themes  are  given  out. 
— An  Examination  of  the  Number  of  the  Seat  occupied  by  each  is  made. 
— Some  Competitors  invited  to  sit  near  the  Literary  Chancellor.—  Unjust 
and  unlawful  Expedients  used  by  Examiners : Graduation  occasionally  is  a 
matter  of  Favor. — Private  Marks  or  Characters  sometimes  given  certain 
Competitors  by  which  their  Compositions  can  be  recognized. — Examiners 
often  bribed. — Graduation  of  certain  Persons  frequently  urged  for  Friend- 
ship’s Sake. — Assistants  of  the  Examiners  sometimes  strongly  recommend 
the  Essays  of  certain  Candidates. — Unjust  and  unlawful  Expedients  to  suc- 
ceed used  by  Competitors : An  able  Writer  is  hired  to  go  into  the  Arena  un- 
der the  Name  of  his  Employer. — Clerks  are  bribed  to  aid  in  various  Ways. 
— “Exchanging  Rolls.” — Two  Friends  try  to  sit  near  each  other  by  ex- 
changing Seats  with  others.  — Many  Competitors  enroll  their  Names  in 
two  or  more  Districts.  — Some  “ride  Horses.”  — Essays  sometimes  are 
Written  outside,  and  smuggled  into  the  Hall  in  small  Wax  Balls  or  by 
underground  Tunnels. — Sometimes  Written  outside,  and  afterward  by  a 
bribed  Clerk  mingled  among  those  Written  inside. — Sum  to  be  paid  for 
literary  Help  definitely  agreed  upon. — Military  competitive  Examinations : 
Skill  in  Archery  and  great  physical  Strength  of  paramount  Importance. 
— Examination  of  military  Undergraduates  before  the  District  Magistrate, 
Prefect,  and  Literary  Chancellor  described.  — Examination  of  Graduates 
of  the  first  military  Degree  before  the  Governor  for  the  second  Degree. — 
Successful  Competitors  call  upon  Friends  and  Relatives  with  a Band  of 
Music  and  great  Pomp. — Bribery  less  frequent  than  in  literary  Competi- 
tions.— Graduates  of  the  second  Degree  go  to  Peking  to  compete  for  the 
third. 

Just  and  legal  Measures  used  to  prevent  Deception. 

Tiie  following  are  some  of  the  just  and  legal  measures  which 
are  sometimes  resorted  to  by  the  presiding  officers  at  the  dif- 
ferent literary  examinations  previous  to  examination  of  com- 
petitors for  the  second  degree,  to  prevent  or  expose  attempts 
to  deceive  on  the  part  of  the  competitors. 

Enough  assistants  and  servants  are  employed  in  connection 
with  these  examinations  to  prevent  fraud,  provided  the prin- 


422 


COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 


cipals  and  the  subordinates  were  to  be  trusted , and  were  sin- 
cerely desirous  of  carrying  out  the  laws  and  regulations.  But 
the  fact  seems  to  be  that  the  district  magistrate,  and  the  pre- 
fect, and  the  literary  chancellor,  or  the  imperial  commissioners 
appointed  to  preside  over  examinations  of  candidates  for  the 
second  degree,  are  oftentimes  anxious  to  bestow  favors  con- 
trary to  law  and  justice,  as  well  as  their  subordinates  to  re- 
ceive bribes  for  violations  of  the  rules  on  the  part  of  compet- 
ing candidates.  The  officers  feel  they  can  not  trust  their  as- 
sistants, and  the  assistants  are  on  the  alert  for  ways  and  means 
to  deceive  the  officers,  or  to  wink  at  the  violation  of  rules  in 
order  to  benefit  certain  scholars,  whose  personal  friends  they 
are,  or  who  have  bought  their  aid  or  silence. 

Allusions  have  been  made  to  certain  well-understood  regu- 
lations, which  it  is  the  duty  of  the  door-keepers,  servants,  and 
assistants  of  the  officers  to  see  carried  out  faithfully.  If  one 
of  the  competitors  is  found  whispering  with  another,  if  he  is 
detected  in  copying  from  or  consulting  any  printed  or  manu- 
script volume  or  sheet  which  he  has  taken  into  the  arena  with 
him,  or  if  any  such  helps  are  found  on  his  person  or  in  his  pos- 
session, or  if  he  is  seen  passing  along  to  another  person  any 
written  scroll,  or  if  he  is  seen  to  use  paper  different  from  that 
provided  by  the  clerk,  or  if  it  becomes  manifest  that  he  is 
writing  for  another  to  copy,  that  he  is  acting  an  assumed  part, 
etc.,  it  is  the  duty  of  some  one  of  the  assistants  of  the  presid- 
ing officer  to  seize  a certain  stamp  and  proceed  to  impress  it 
upon  the  roll  of  ruled  paper  wfith  which  the  student  competi- 
tor was  provided  on  entering  the  arena.  This  stamping  means 
that  the  individual  in  question  has  “ violated  the  rules,”  and 
after  his  roll  has  been  stamped  it  will  not  be  read  and  exam- 
ined, no  matter  how  good  it  may  be.  Nor  will  the  violator 
of  the  regulations  be  allowed  to  enter  any  subsequent  exam- 
ination for  that  year.  Doubtless  many  violations  of  the  regu- 
lations are  connived  at  by  the  clerks  and  assistants  if  done  by 
a personal  friend,  or  by  one  whom  it  will  be  profitable  to  allow 
to  cheat,  especially  if  a bonus  should  have  been  previously 
slipped  into  the  hands  of  any  principal  clerk  as  a 2^'oviso  lest 
something  should  unfortunately  occur.  In  such  cases  the  cul- 
prit is  screened,  if  possible.  Of  course,  if  the  violation  is  no- 
ticed by  the  presiding  officer,  the  roll  of  the  violator  of  the 


EXPEDIENT  OF  STAMPING  THE  KOLLS  OF  PAPER.  423 

rules  must  be  promptly  stamped,  to  save  the  honor  and  the 
reputation  of  the  examiner. 

Some  time  after  the  doors  have  been  sealed  and  locked  up 
for  the  day  and  the  students  have  taken  their  seats,  the  follow- 
ing device  is  resorted  to  in  order  to  prevent  a certain  kind  of 
deception  on  the  part  of  competitors.  About  an  hour  or  two 
after  themes  have  been  made  known,  and  the  students  have 
had  time  to  arrange  their  thoughts  and  have  commenced  the 
copying  off  of  their  essays  or  poem,  a man  goes  round  to  each 
competitor’s  seat  with  a stamp,  and  stamps  the  paper  at  the 
precise  place  where  the  last  character  has  been  written,  as  at 
the  middle  of  the  eighth  line,  or  the  end  of  the  fifth,  as  the 
case  may  be.  If  no  beginning  has  been  made  on  the  roll  of 
ruled  paper,  the  scroll  is  simply  stamped  on  the  outside.  Aft- 
er this  stamp  has  been  impressed  upon  his  scroll  at  the  place 
where  he  had  arrived  in  writing  off  his  prose  composition  or 
his  poem,  the  presiding  examiner  is  pretty  sure  that  no  decep- 
tion will  be  practiced  upon  him,  unless  aid  be  received  from 
some  sheet  or  book  which  has  been  smuggled  in  and  consult- 
ed; for  at  that  stage  of  the  proceedings  it  is  usually  too 
early  to  receive  essays  or  poems  written  by  confederates  with- 
in the  arena  or  without  it.  And  unless  a beginning  has  been 
already  made,  and  should  the  roll  be  stamped  on  the  outside, 
any  essay  or  poem  thereafter  written  out  in  it  will  not  receive 
any  attention  from  the  examiner  and  judge.  Suppose  that  a 
beginning  has  been  already  made  on  the  first  theme  in  antici- 
pation of  this  stamping  of  the  roll,  and  an  essay  which  had 
been  composed  by  an  accomplice,  who  could  not  know,  of 
course,  how  the  commenced  essay  began,  should  afterward  be 
received  in  time  to  be  copied  off  on  the  ruled  paper,  the  two 
parts  would  be  very  unlikely  to  match  each  other.  The  style 
of  the  part  which  was  furnished  by  a confederate  would  be 
apt  to  differ  very  much  from  the  style  of  the  part  at  the  be- 
ginning, written  by  the  competitor  at  his  seat  in  the  hall. 
Unless  the  parts  should  be  so  composed  as  to  match  each  oth- 
er very  well,  the  examining  officer  can  readily  detect  any  at- 
tempt at  deception,  so  far  as  regards  the  splicing  on  to  the 
part  above  the  stamp  enough  to  complete  the  essay  from  a 
composition  made  outside  of  the  premises  or  by  an  accomplice 
within".  It  is  barely  possible  that  the  competitor  may  have 


424 


COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 


genius  enough  so  to  alter  and  modify  the  beginning  of  an  es- 
say prepared  by  a confederate  as  to  have  it  properly  match,  or 
splice  on  the  few  lines  he  may  have  been  able  to  compose  be- 
fore the  paper  was  stamped.  But  it  is  not  often  that  one  who 
is  not  able  to  prepare  his  own  essay  so  as  to  have  it  accepted, 
has  genius  enough  to  modify  and  change  that  of  another  man 
so  as  to  join  it  on  to  a fragment  of  his  own  composition,  in 
such  a manner  that  both  parts  shall  seem  to  the  practiced  eye 
and  judgment  of  those  who  are  on  the  look-out  for  discrepan- 
cies to  have  been  composed  by  one  person. 

It  has  been  already  explained  that  the  candidates  before  the 
literary  chancellor  have  their  seats  fixed  upon  before  they  en- 
ter his  yamun  to  compete  for  the  first  degree.  The  seats  are 
arranged  in  rows,  the  rows  being  numbered  with  some  charac- 
ter in  the  Millenary  Character  Classic  in  regular  order.  The 
seats  in  each  row  are  numbered  regularly  one,  two,  three,  etc. 
A slip  of  paper  attached  to  his  roll  of  ruled  paper  has  the 
character  indicating  the  row  of  seats  and  the  number  of  his 
alloted  seat  in  that  row  written  or  stamped  upon  it.  He  must, 
according  to  the  regulations,  occupy  this  particular  seat  during 
all  the  time  that  he  is  in  the  hall  writing  his  essays  and  poem. 
During  the  session  at  any  time,  the  examining  ofticer  may 
send  around  one  or  more  clerks  or  assistants  to  examine  the 
slip  on  the  roll  and  the  seat  occupied  by  the  competitor  to 
whom  the  roll  belongs,  or  is  supposed  to  belong  from  the  fact 
of  its  being  in  his  possession,  and  from  the  circumstance  of  his 
being  engaged  in  writing  upon  its  pages.  If  the  memoranda 
on  the  slip  correspond  with  the  row  and  the  seat  occupied  by 
the  candidate,  it  is  taken  for  granted  that  every  thing  is  right. 
Should,  however,  there  be  any  discrepancy  in  regard  to  either 
row  or  number  compared  with  the  items  of  the  slip  at  any 
time  during  the  period  allotted  to  the  composition  of  the  es- 
says and  the  poem,  it  is  taken  for  proof  that  there  is  an  at- 
tempt at  deception  being  practiced,  and  the  paper  of  the  stu- 
dent is  summarily  stamped  with  the  stamp  indicating  that  the 
rules  have  been  violated.  Any  excuse  or  explanation  which 
may  be  attempted  is  regarded  only  as  corroborativo  evidence 
that  the  person  faulted  is  not  honest.  Should  ho  say  “I  mis- 
took the  range  of  seat,”  laying  the  blame  upon  poor  eyesight, 
or  haste,  or  want  of  attention,  he  would  be  answered,  “ Are 


425 


“EXAMINATION  of  the  marks.” 

you  not  a scholai-,  and  are  you  really  as  stupid  you  pre- 
tend  ? If  so,  there  would  be  no  use  in  trying  to  compete.” 
This  comparing  the  slips  and  seats  to  see  if  they  correspond 
is  called  “ examination  of  the  marks.”  Of  course,  it  is  dread- 
ed only  by  the  competitors  who  are  conscious  of  endeavoring 
to  succeed  by  unjust  and  deceptive  measures;  an  honest  stu- 
dent has  no  reason  to  fear  the  result  of  this  examination.  Not- 
withstanding all  the  vigilance  of  the  examiner  and  his  assist- 
ants, even  if  these  officials  are  desirous  of  doing  honestly 
their  duties,  students  sometimes  devise  means  to  accomplish 
their  ends  by  changing  their  seats  without  detection,  and,  of 
course,  without  exposure  and  dishonor,  as  will  be  explained 
below. 

It  sometimes  occurs  that  the  literary  chancellor  orders  the 
clerk  at  the  proper  office  connected  with  his  yainun  to  have 
fifty  or  sixty  of  the  best  scholars,  according  to  the  lists  recom- 
mended by  the  district  magistrate  and  the  prefect,  to  sit  in  a 
certain  part  of  the  hall  during  the  sessions  of  his  examinations, 
near  which  he  himself  is  to  be  engaged.  The  others  are  dis- 
tributed over  the  east  and  west  sides  of  the  hall,  some  of  them 
at  a considerable  distance  from  his  tribunal.  The  principal 
object  of  this  arrangement,  while  it  is  professedly  intended  to 
honor  these  men  by  having  them  occupy  seats  near  the  person 
of  the  literary  chancellor,  is  to  have  them  under  his  personal 
supervision.  In  this  way  he  can  the  more  readily  detect  any 
attempt  at  deception  on  their  part,  either  by  consulting  sheets 
of  printed  or  manuscript  papers,  or  by  receiving  aid  in  any 
form  from  people  connected  with  the  yamun  directly  or  indi- 
rectly. "When  these  competitors  are  thus  seated  under  the 
immediate  and  watchful  eye  of  the  chief,  his  servants  or  his 
literary  assistants  find  it  usually  extremely  difficult  to  pass  to 
any  of  their  number  a scroll  received  from  persons  outside  of 
the  arena  or  composed  within  the  premises.  Notwithstanding 
the  honor  of  being  thus  seated,  even  honest  students  generally 
prefer  to  be  seated  in  some  other  part  of  the  arena,  as  it  af- 
fords no  advantages,  and  they  feel  they  are  under  the  constant 
personal  espionage  of  their  literary  judge.  Of  course,  students 
who  desire  to  make  use  of  unfair  and  unlawful  means  to  attain 
success  dislike  extremely  to  be  obliged  to  take  their  seats  at 
the  upper  end  of  the  arena,  and  within  speaking  distance  of 


426  COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 

the  literary  chancellor.  But  what  he  wishes  must  be  done 
with  apparent  pleasure.  A sullen  and  dissatisfied  appearance 
would  militate  against  them.  As  these  honored  competitors 
are  few  in  number,  and  as  they  may  not  at  pleasure  vacate 
their  seats  and  ramble  over  the  premises,  but  must  remain  at 
their  posts,  it  is  competent  for  the  literary  chancellor  to  pre- 
vent their  communicating  with  any  of  the  servants  or  the  as- 
sistants more  than  he  is  pleased  to  permit,  and  he  may  person- 
ally inspect  all  that  is  done  to  them  or  for  them,  and  prevent, 
if  he  is  sincerely  desirous  of  preventing,  the  use  of  unlawful 
means. 

The  preceding  account  or  description  of  the  lawful  expedi- 
ents employed  to  prevent  the  use  of  any  unfair  and  unlawful 
methods  to  insure  success  on  the  part  of  the  competitors  re- 
lates to  those  examinations  which  result  in  the  graduation  of 
bachelors,  not  masters  of  arts.  In  regard  to  the  measures  re- 
sorted to  in  examinations  before  the  imperial  commissioners 
for  the  second  degree  something  has  already  been  said.  It  is 
difficult  to  attain  to  very  clear  views  in  detail  concerning  the 
methods  employed  to  prevent  fraud  and  deception  at  the  ex- 
aminations before  these  commissioners.  Enough  was  said  to 
show  that  abundant  measures  are  employed  to  prevent  the 
use  of  unfair  means,  provided  the  servants  and  literary  assist- 
ants connected  with  the  premises  are  faithful  and  strict  in  the 
discharge  of  the  duties  of  their  stations. 

It  must  be  sufficiently  evident,  from  what  has  been  explained 
and  suggested,  that  when  the  presiding  examiners,  and  their 
assistants  and  underlings  in  the  examination  of  undergradu- 
ates or  graduates,  are  truly  anxious  to  detect  imposition,  and 
prevent  the  employment  of  unjust  and  unlawful  helps  in  the 
composition  of  the  essays  and  poertis,  it  is  impossible  for  the 
competitors  to  succeed  in  duping  them. 

It  is  affirmed  that  very  often  the  literary  chancellor  and  the 
imperial  commissioners  are  bribed  to  confer  degrees  upon  cer- 
tain competitors.  Sometimes  large  sums  are  given  in  order 
to  corrupt  these  officials.  It  is  an  easy  task  to  arrange  such 
matters  with  the  literary  chancellor,  if  he  is  willing  to  be  per- 
suaded, for  he  dwells  at  the  provincial  capital  for  three  years, 
and  respectable  men  may  readily  gain  access  to  his  person. 
In  regard  to  the  imperial  commissioners,  it  is  more  difficult  to 


EXAMINEES  OFTEN  INFLUENCED  BY  BEIBES.  427 


gain  access  to  them  after  their  arrival  at  the  capital  of  the 
province,  for,  as  has  been  remarked,  they  are  shut  up  inside  of 
sealed  doors  in  their  temporary  residences  before  they  enter 
upon  the  discharge  of  their  official  duties  in  the  premises  allot- 
ted for  their  use  during  the  preparation  and  examination  of 
essays  at  the  hall.  It  is  the  design  of  the  emperor  that  they 
shall  have  no  intercourse  with  the  people  of  the  province,  lest 
they  should  be  tempted  to  do  unlawful  things.  This  practical 
difficulty  is  often  remedied  by  those  who  wish  to  bribe  them, 
as  well  as  by  those  who  wish  to  prefer  some  claim  for  their  fa- 
vor, by  sending  on  messengers  with  letters  and  proposals  to 
meet  them  while  several  days’  journey  distant  from  the  pro- 
vincial city.  In  this  way  every  thing  may  be  arranged  to  the 
satisfaction  of  the  competitors  before  the  commissioner’s  reach 
the  city  where  they  expect  to  exercise  their  official  functions. 
The  stanza  or  clause  of  the  poem,  or  the  characters  which  are 
to  be  inserted  at  specified  places  in  the  compositions  to  be 
made,  are  fixed  upon,  and  it  only  remains  to  be  seen  whether 
the  commissioner  interested  in  the  individual  will  succeed  in 
getting  possession  of  these  compositions,  which  can  not  always 
be  affirmed  with  certainty. 

Sometimes  the  district  magistrate  or  the  prefect,  as  a mat- 
ter of  favor  to  a relative  or  for  friendship’s  sake,  will  consent 
to  place  at  the  head  of  the  lists  of  the  candidates  they  recom- 
mend to  the  literary  chancellor  names  of  certain  candidates, 
and  frequently  they  are  induced  to  make  certain  individuals 
head  their  lists,  in  view  of  the  sum  of  money  which  is  secured 
to  them  in  case  these  individuals  actually  come  out  of  the  are- 
na before  the  literary  chancellor  accepted  “ bachelors.”  Some- 
times, it  is  affirmed,  they  dare  even  to  intimate  to  the  literary 
chancellor  the  pleasure  it  would  give  them,  and  the  obliga- 
tions under  which  they  would  be  laid,  if  certain  persons  on 
their  list  could  be  deemed  worthy  of  a degree.  In  such  cases, 
their  intimations  are  understood  by  the  chancellor,  and  if  he  is 
friendly  with  them,  and  can  not  advance  his  own  interests  in 
a better  way,  these  persons  are  almost  sure  to  become  success- 
ful competitors.  In  like  manner,  occasionally  the  high  officers 
found  at  the  provincial  city  use  their  influence  with  the  liter- 
ary chancellor  privately,  but  in  such  a manner  that  he  can  not 
misunderstand  their  meaning.  He  is  generally  believed  to 


428 


COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 


have  no  personal  objection  to  making  friends  among  high  man- 
darins by  doing  little  favors  for  them  which  come  in  his  line 
of  business,  or  to  replenishing  his  purse  with  the  voluntary 
presents  of  his  affectionate  and  obliged  pupils. 

Stories  are  current  relating  to  literary  chancellors  who  were 
very  strict,  and  to  others  who  were  very  remiss.  Of  a certain 
literary  chancellor  it  is  related  that  he  was  so  strict  that  he 
would  allow  no  one  but  himself  in  the  hall  after  the  themes 
had  been  given  out.  He  actually  turned  all  his  assistants  and 
servants  out  of  the  premises,  shutting  and  fastening  the  inner 
doors  with  his  own  hands  ; but  one  of  his  chief  clerks  man- 
aged to  speak  with  him  during  the  session,  and  to  fasten  upon 
his  garments  a paper  which  had  been  prepared  on  the  themes 
given  out  by  an  accomplice,  in  accordance  with  a previous  un- 
derstanding. This  paper  the  literary  chancellor  unwittingly 
took  back  into  the  arena,  where  it  was  dexterously  removed 
from  his  clothing  by  one  of  the  competitors. 

Unjust  and  unlawful  Expedients  used  by  Examiners. 

Generally  speaking,  the  examining  officers  are  not  averse  to 
receiving  bribes  to  give  the  preference  to  certain  individuals, 
and  sometimes  they  are  themselves  desirous  to  confer  favors 
upon  certain  candidates  to  requite  an  act  of  kindness  received 
on  a former  occasion,  or  to  oblige  a friend  or  relative.  For 
instance,  the  literary  chancellor  or  the  imperial  commissioners 
sent  to  preside  at  the  examinations  may  have  relatives  or 
friends  living  in  the  province,  who  have  sons  who  would  like 
to  become  “bachelors”  or  “masters;”  or  they  may  have 
friends  in  other  provinces  to  whom  they  feel  under  obligations, 
who  have  friends  or  relatives  living  in  tins,  who  would  not 
object  to  having  some  of  their  children,  or  brothers,  or  uncles 
graduate.  As  soon  as  the  name  of  a new  literary  chancellor 
or  the  names  of  new  imperial  examining  commissioners  trans- 
pire, plans  are  often  laid  in  this  and  other  provinces  which  it 
is  designed  shall  lead  to  the  graduation  of  various  competitors, 
as  a matter  of  favor  to  some  personal  friend  or  family  rela- 
tive. If  the  literary  chancellor  wishes  to  bestow  a bachelor- 
ship upon  any  one,  it  is  the  simplest  and  easiest  thing  imagin- 
able. He  may  become  personally  acquainted  with  the  indi- 
vidual, and  give  him  a private  signal  or  mark  to  be  made  upon 


UNLAWFUL  EXPEDIENTS  USED  BY  EXAMINERS.  429 

a particular  part  of  his  essay ; or  the  whole  matter  may  be  ar- 
ranged by  a confidential  friend  of  the  aspiring  scholar ; or  he 
may  have  him  seated  near  him  in  the  last  examination  preced- 
ing the  making  out  of  the  list  of  successful  candidates,  and  so 
make  sure  of  obtaining  his  manuscript.  He  need  only  mark 
it  as  accepted,  and  the  thing  is  accomplished. 

Should  either  of  the  commissioners  presiding  over  the  ex- 
amination of  candidates  for  the  second  degree  wish  to  confer 
a degree  upon  a certain  individual,  he  has  only  to  give  him 
two  or  three  characters  to  insert  in  a specified  part  of  the  es- 
say, and  the  essay  will  then  be  easily  recognized.  Should  the 
composition  be  posted  upon  the  wall  for  violation  of  the  rules, 
the  individual  would  be  rejected,  and  there  would  be  no  re- 
source ; or  should  it  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  other  commis- 
sioner, the  individual  might  not  be  successful.  It  would  de- 
pend more  on  its  merits.  Should  the  composition  not  be  u rec- 
ommended?' by  the  subordinate  literary  assistants  who  exam- 
ine the  essays  and  poems  before  they  go  before  the  commis- 
sioners themselves,  but  rejected  because  of  decidedly  inferior 
worth,  in  case  the  commissioner  should  be  determined  to  try 
and  find  them,  he  would  only  have  to  report  to  the  subordinate 
assistants  that  there  were  not  enough  good  ones  recommend- 
ed and  sent  up  to  him,  when  they  would  be  obliged  to  recom- 
mend some  more  which  they  deemed  the  next  best.  In  such 
cases,  these  assistants  usually  suspect  that  there  is  favoritism 
or  bribery  at  the  bottom  of  the  desire  for  more  essays  and 
poems.  The  commissioner  may  or  may  not  find  the  particular 
essays  and  poem.  Should  he  find  one  set  at  any  of  the  exam- 
inations, as  first,  second,  or  third,  there  are  means  by  which  he 
can  obtain  the  other  two  to  make  up  the  three  sets.  What  is 
meant  by  saying  he  may  give  the  candidate  certain  characters 
to  insert  at  certain  places  in  his  essay  may  be  illustrated  by 
the  following  supposition : he  instructs  him  to  use  the  word 
“ heaven ” on  the  second  page,  sixth  column,  and  fourteenth 
space,  and  the  word  “earths  on  the  fourth  page,  third  column, 
and  fourth  space,  or  near  the  beginning  of  the  line.  As  it 
would  be  a very  rare  chance  if  any  essay  should  have  these 
two  characters  so  placed  except  it  was  planned  for  a purpose, 
the  examining  commissioner,  as  soon  as  he  comes  across  these 
words,  understands  who  the  writer  is.  It  will  be  remembered 


430 


COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 


that  the  original  manuscripts  in  black  ink  are  not  seen  by  the 
commissioner,  but  a faithful  copy,  minus  marks  and  blots,  etc., 
written  out  in  red  ink. 

Nowadays  it  has  become  more  customary  for  the  commis- 
sioners to  give  the  favored  one  a line  or  two  of  poetry  to  use 
at  the  end,  or  the  beginning,  or  the  middle  of  his  poem,  than 
to  give  certain  characters  to  be  used  according  to  a private 
understanding.  A few  years  since,  a very  large  proportion  of 
the  graduates  of  the  first  degree  were  very  young , and  it  was 
said,  in  explanation,  that  the  literary  chancellor  who  presided 
at  the  examination  when  they  graduated  loved  to  graduate 
young  candidates.  Others,  it  is  said,  sometimes  carry  out  the 
contrary  caprice  of  graduating  old  men.  In  all  such  cases,  it 
is  not  probable  that  the  selection  of  the  fortunate  ones  was 
made  according  to  the  merit  of  their  compositions. 

It  occurs  not  unfrequently  that  the  chief  clerk,  in  connect  ion 
with  the  yamun  of  the  literary  chancellor,  or  some  of  the  high 
literary  assistants  who  are  employed  in  connection  with  the 
examination  of  candidates  for  the  second  degree,  become  in- 
terested in  the  success  of  certain  candidates  either  because  they 
are  relatives  or  personal  friends,  or  because  they  have  been 
bribed  to  forward  their  interests.  In  such  cases  they  take  oc- 
casion to  recommend  strongly  certain  manuscripts,  which  they 
are  able  to  distinguish  from  all  others  by  private  marks.  If 
the  examining  judge  should  seem  disposed  to  pass  them  by  as 
unworthy,  they  sometimes  presume  to  recommend  again  and 
again  with  great  persistence,  yet  with  the  exhibition  of  great 
humility  and  respect,  the  same  manuscripts  to  the  favorable 
judgment  of  their  respected  and  venerable  teacher.  At  such 
times  he  generally  at  once  suspects  that  there  is  some  private 
influence  being  brought  to  bear ; and,  jjrovided  the  manuscripts 
are  not  decidedly  inferior,  and  provided  the  reception  of  them 
into  the  number  of  approved  manuscripts  will  not  interfere 
with  his  own  private  plans  and  interests  in  regard  to  the  list 
of  successful  competitors,  he  often  consents  to  look  over  the 
roll  of  compositions  again,  and  concludes  to  agree  that  they  are 
worthy.  Sometimes  a repeated  recommendation  of  the  high 
merits  of  certain  manuscripts,  contrary  to  the  manifest  judg- 
ment of  the  chief  examiner,  on  the  part  of  his  subordinate, 
would  but  decide  their  fate  unfavorably,  as  he  might  be  indis- 


UNLAWFUL  EXPEDIENTS  USED  BY  COMPETITORS.  431 

posed  to  be  a party  to  the  success  of  any  secret  intrigue  in  re- 
gard to  the  probable  pecuniary  profits  of  which  he  was  not 
sure  of  being  a partaker.  He  might  also  feel  that,  for  the  sake 
of  his  reputation,  he  must  at  once  oppose  the  success  of  any 
competitor  who,  as  he  believed,  had  interested  one  or  more  of 
his  assistants  in  a conspiracy  in  his  favor.  He  must  show  him- 
self just  and  impartial  in  his  judgments. 

Unjust  and  unlawful  Expedients  to  succeed , used  by 
Competitors. 

It  is  a common  practice  for  a student  who  resides  in  a coun- 
try place,  and  who  has  money  to  spare  for  the  purpose,  to  hire 
a good  scholar  who  lives  in  the  city,  and  who  has  the  reputa- 
tion of  being  a quick  and  accurate  composer  of  literary  essays 
and  poems,  to  go  into  the  proper  examinations  in  his  name  and 
in  his  behalf.  Country  students  are  not  usually  as  talented 
and  as  skillful  in  literary  compositions  as  are  scholars  bred  in 
the  city.  By  hiring  a city  man,  if  of  good  natural  and  acquired 
parts,  the  countryman  is  supposed  to  stand  a better  chance  of 
success  than  though  he  trusted  to  his  own  abilities.  This 
course  is  manifestly  unfair  and  unjust  to  the  other  candidates 
of  his  district ; for  by  as  much  as  this  hiring  a stranger,  who 
is  a better  scholar  than  himself,  increases  his  prospects  of  suc- 
cess, by  so  much  does  it  diminish  the  chance  of  the  graduation 
of  some  one  of  the  rest.  They  generally  resist  any  such  at- 
tempts to  acquire  a bachelorship  by  personal  violence,  if  threats 
do  not  intimidate  the  hired  man,  or  by  revealing  his  true  char- 
acter after  assembling  in  the  examination  hall.  They  prefer, 
however,  to  prevent  his  actually  getting  into  the  arena  devoted 
to  the  composition  of  their  tasks,  if  possible. 

Those  candidates  for  the  first  degree  who  for  any  reason  are 
detained  from  meeting  with  the  rest  of  their  fellows,  and  com- 
peting before  the  district  magistrate  or  the  prefect,  and  yet  are 
in  season  for  competing  at  the  regular  examination  before  the 
literary  chancellor,  when  they  have  money  which  they  are  will- 
ing to  spend  in  this  way,  resort  sometimes  to  the  following  ex- 
pedient in  order  to  be  able  to  enter  that  examination.  They 
go  to  the  proper  clerks  connected  with  the  yamuns  of  the  dis- 
trict magistrate  and  the  prefect,  and  bribe  them  to  supply  them 
with  the  necessary  sets  of  rolls  of  ruled  paper,  on  which  they 


432 


COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 


proceed  to  write  essays  and  poems  on  the  themes  which  have 
already  been  discussed  at  the  examinations  which  he  missed. 
These  essays  and  poems  are  then  handed  to  the  clerks,  who  take 
them  and  mix  them  up  with  the  essays  and  poems  prepared  by 
the  other  competitors  in  the  usual  manner  and  at  the  proper 
time,  but  which  were  not  regarded  very  worthy.  The  clerks 
are  also  bribed  to  annex  the  names  of  those  absentees  on  the 
list  of  those  who  really  entered  the  examinations.  In  this  way 
these  real  delinquents  have  their  names  recorded  on  the  list  of 
candidates  recommended  to  the  literary  chancellor,  and  have 
also  rolls  of  essays  and  poems,  which  may  be  referred  to  by  the 
literary  chancellor,  should  they,  Avhile  competing  in  the  exam- 
ination presided  over  by  him,  write  essays  and  poems  which 
rank  high.  It  may  be  deemed  desirable  by  him  to  compare 
the  essays  which  they  wrote  at  the  other  examinations,  as  re- 
gards style  and  handwriting,  in  order  to  detect  attempts  at  de- 
ception. 

Sometimes,  in  case  an  undergraduate  knows  he  can  not  be 
present  for  some  reason  at  the  lower  examinations,  he  engages 
a personal  literary  friend  to  go  into  the  arena  and  compete  in 
his  name,  doing  as  well  as  he  can ; or  he  hires  some  scholar  to 
go  in  and  write  essays  in  his  behalf.  On  his  arrival,  his  friend 
or  the  hired  scholar  retires,  allowing  him  to  take  his  proper 
place,  under  his  own  name,  at  the  future  examinations.  lie 
need  not  pursue  the  course  described  in  the  preceding  para- 
graph, but  simply  “ exchange  rolls ” — that  is,  he  bribes  the 
clerk  or  clerks  to  furnish  him  the  number  of  rolls  of  ruled  pa- 
per required,  and  to  lend  the  rolls  which  contain  the  essays  and 
jjoems  composed  in  his  behalf  by  his  friend  or  the  hired  scholar. 
He  keeps  these  borrowed  rolls  of  manuscript  only  long  enough 
to  copy  off  the  compositions  made  by  his  proxy,  which  he  hands 
into  the  possession  of  the  clerk  or  clerks.  The  copies  are  mix- 
ed up  with  the  other  manuscripts,  and  the  original  rolls  are 
destroyed  or  put  out  of  the  way.  Should  he,  at  a future  ex- 
amination, write  approved  essays  and  poems,  and  should  the 
literary  chancellor  like  to  compare  those  made  at  the  lower 
and  previous  examinations,  the  copies,  which  of  course  are  in 
his  own  handwriting,  would  be  produced  for  comparison. 

Sometimes  two  students  wish  to  sit  very  near  each  other  at 
the  examinations,  not  for  the  purpose  of  mutually  aiding  each 


OTHER  UNLAWFUL  EXPEDIENTS  TO  SUCCEED.  433 

other,  but  that  one  of  them  may  be  of  service  to  the  other.  In 
such  cases,  one  is  hired  to  aid  the  other  because  of  his  ability 
to  compose  with  celerity  and  correctness.  It  is  his  object  to 
compose  the  essays  and  poem  for  his  employer  to  copy.  The 
nearer  they  can  sit  to  each  other,  the  less  probability  will  there 
be  of  being  detected  and  exposed  in  any  attempts  to  pass 
manuscripts  back  and  forth.  For  example,  A and  B wish  to 
sit  near  each  other,  but  they  find  that  their  scrolls  of  paper  in- 
dicate widely  distant  seats.  One  is  marked  for  the  eleventh 
seat  of  the  first  row  on  the  east  side  of  the  main  passage-way 
in  the  centre  of  the  hall,  and  the  other  is  marked  for  the  fourth 
seat  of  the  fifteenth  row  on  the  west  side  of  the  passage-way. 
A tries  to  make  an  arrangement  with  some  one  whose  seat  is 
near  the  appointed  seat  of  his  friend  B,  so  that  he  may  use 
that  seat  instead  of  his  own.  At  the  same  time,  B tries  to 
make  arrangements  to  sit  by  his  employer  or  friend  A.  If 
either  can  find  any  one  who  will  accommodate  him  for  friend- 
ship or  for  money,  he  exchanges  his  ticket  for  the  ticket  of  the 
other;  for,  as  it  has  been  observed  above,  should  an  “ examina- 
tion of  marks”  be  made,  the  scroll  must  be  found  at  the  place 
where  it  is  appointed  to  be,  or  it  is  summarily  stamped.  The 
men,  in  effect,  simply  change  seats,  the  one  using  the  scroll  pre- 
pared for  the  other.  It  is  said  that  sometimes  comparatively 
a large  sum  of  money  is  paid  for  the  privilege  of  occupying 
some  conveniently-located  seat.  The  arrangement  must  be  con- 
cluded, and  the  exchange  of  tickets  corresponding  to  the  rolls 
of  ruled  paper  must  be  made,  before  the  names  of  the  candi- 
dates are  called  over,  and  the  men  are  obliged  to  take  their 
places  on  the  morning  of  the  examination  day.  It  would  not  be 
possible  to  make  an  arrangement  subsequent  to  that  time,  as 
the  competitors  are  required  to  take  their  seats  as  soon  as  they 
receive  their  rolls  of  ruled  paper  in  exchange  for  their  tickets. 

According  to  law,  a man  ought  to  compete  only  in  the  dis- 
trict to  which  he  belongs  ; but  oftentimes,  in  the  case  of  two 
very  populous  districts  adjoining  each  other,  as  at  this  city, 
the  eastern  part  of  the  city  belonging  to  one  district  and  the 
western  part  belonging  to  another  district,  students  manage 
to  compete  in  two  districts,  all  in  order  to  increase  the  chance 
of  success.  If  the  examinations  fall  on  the  same  day  in  both 
districts,  a student  can  not,  of  course,  be  present  at  both.  The 

Vol.  I.— T 


434 


COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 


course  he  takes  is  to  have  his  patronymic,  or  family  name,  re- 
corded in  the  proper  offices  of  the  two  districts,  but  with  dif- 
ferent given  or  personal  names,  one  of  which  is  his  true,  and 
the  other  an  assumed  name.  In  case  the  examination  falls  on 
the  same  day  in  both  districts,  he  makes  use  of  only  one  of  his 
names,  of  course,  going  into  the  examination  which  he  thinks 
affords  the  surest  prospect  of  success,  hiring  some  one  to  go 
into  the  other  examination  for  him,  or  selling  out  the  opportu- 
nity to  the  highest  bidder,  or  allowing  a personal  friend  to 
take  advantage  of  the  opening  for  his  own  benefit. 

Sometimes  an  enterprising  man,  a little  before  the  time 
when  an  examination  of  candidates  for  the  first  degree  is  to 
commence,  prepares  a room  or  building  near  the  arena,  and  in- 
vites a number  of  talented  men  to  come  there  and  hire  out 
their  services  to  rich  candidates  who  wish  to  obtain  secret  aid. 
The  premises  are  called  a “ horse-shed ” or  a “ horse-stable ,” 
and  the  men  who  come  there  to  write  essays  for  their  employ- 
ers are  called  '■'•horses.'”  Their  employers  are  said  to  '■'■ride 
horses .”  The  “ horses''’  are  necessarily  men  of  superior  gifts 
at  literary  composition,  and  are  often  graduates  of  the  first  or 
the  second  degree,  who  are  needy,  and  willing  to  do  an  unjust 
and  unlawful  action  for  a pecuniary  consideration.  The  head 
man  of  the  horse-shed  employs  men  to  act  the  part  of  gobe- 
tweens,  who  go  around  secretly  to  the  rich  candidates  and  try 
and  find  out  who  are  willing  to  pay  liberally  for  literary  help. 
These  candidates  are  brought  to  the  rendezvous  for  consulta- 
tion and  decision  in  regard  to  price  for  the  aid  to  be  rendered 
and  the  particular  “ horses"  they  are  to  ride.  The  man  whose 
service  is  engaged  then  lays  his  plans,  whether  to  go  into  the 
examination  in  person,  or  remain  outside  and  prepare  the  es- 
say and  the  poem.  He  sometimes  tries  to  get  into  the  arena 
by  hiring  a student  to  stay  out,  taking  his  ticket,  and  assum- 
ing his  name  for  the  time  being,  or  by  finding  out  a competi- 
tor who  has  his  name  recorded  in  two  districts,  and  purchas- 
ing from  him  the  privilege  of  using  his  name  in  one.  All  this 
is  contrary  to  law,  and  the  guilty  parties  are  liable  to  be  pun- 
ished with  severity  in  case  of  detection.  The  head  man  always 
receives  a certain  percentage,  usually  about  ten  per  cent.,  on 
the  sums  agreed  upon  between  the  horses  and  their  riders. 
The  horses,  if  detected,  are  sometimes  put  in  the  cangue  for  a 


TURNING-AROUND-THE-HEAD-CASH. 


485 


(t 


certain  number  of  days,  or,  if  graduates,  they  may  be  degraded 
from  their  literary  rank.  Notwithstanding  the  risk,  there  are 
plenty  who  are  willing  to  engage  in  the  business  provided  the 
pay  offered  is  ampler  If  the  examining  officer  is  very  strict, 
the  “horse”  usually  concludes  to  write  his  composition  outside, 
and  send  it  into  the  place  of  examination  for  his  rider  to  copy. 

In  accordance  with  established  custom,  the  one  who  acted 
as  gobetween  between  the  rich  candidate  and  his  literary 
“ horse,”  in  case  the  former  should  succeed  at  the  examina- 
tion, will  expect  to  receive  a certain  percentage  on  the  sum 
agreed  upon  as  pay  for  the  services  which  he  negotiated,  over 
and  above  what  he  received  at  the  time  of  making  the  con- 
tract, if  he  received  any.  If  the  sum  is  two  hundred  thousand 
cash,  he  would  expect  forty  thousand  cash  as  his  share  of  the 
spoils,  the  usual  proportion  being  twenty  per  cent.,  unless  some 
other  percentage  is  fixed  upon  at  the  time  of  making  the  bar- 
gain. This  is  called  “ turning -around-the-head  cash ,”  refer- 
ring to  cash  which  is  paid  after  some  understood  event  has 
transpired,  and  which  requires  one  to  turn  around,  go  back, 
and  receive  it.  ^The  custom  of  paying  “ turning-arouud-the- 
head  cash”  extends  to  many  other  subjects  besides  those  which 
relate  to  literary  matters.  It  is  a kind  of  bonus  or  present 
given,  in  case  some  very  desirable  event  takes  place,  to  those 
who  have  acted  the  part  of  middle-men  in  negotiations  relating 
to  it.  Sometimes  these  men  who  sell  their  services  are  called 
by  other  names  than  horses , and  their  services  are  frequently 
engaged  for  examinations  before  the  district  magistrate,  pre- 
fect, and  the  literary  chancellor.  It  is  always  understood  that 
if  successful  in  obtaining  a degree  by  the  aid  of  another,  the 
competitor  must  pay  the  one  who  was  his  horse  ten  times  as 
much  as  he  agreed  to  pay  him  whether  successful  or  not.  If 
he  agrees  to  pay  him  one  hundred  taels  whether  he  succeeds 
or  not,  he  is  bound  to  pay  one  thousand  taels  in  the  event  of 
his  graduation  by  his  help.  The  man  gives  his  note  of  hand, 
with  the  signature  of  some  relative  or  friend  as  security,  to  be 
paid  after  the  close  of  the  examinations.  The  sum  paid  for 
aid  at  the  first  examination  before  the  examiners,  as  district 
magistrate  and  prefect,  is  oftentimes  quite  small.  The  nearer 
the  examination  for  which  aid  is  purchased  is  to  the  last  one 
before  the  literary  chancellor,  which  is  generally  the  decisive 


436 


COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 


one,  the  higher  the  sum  demanded  and  promised.  Sometimes 
a particular  sum  is  fixed  upon,  provided  the  competitor’s  name 
should  head  the  list  before  the  lowest  two  examining  officers 
at  their  last  sessions,  as  such  a person  is  almost  sure  of  attain- 
ing the  degree,  in  accordance  with  the  established  custom. 

In  examinations  of  candidates  before  the  imperial  commis- 
sioners for  the  second  degree,  sometimes  aid  is  only  procured 
for  the  composition  of  the  poetry,  or  for  the  third  or  fourth 
prose  essay,  the  competitor  himself  having  succeeded  in  pre- 
paring the  other  essays  to  his  liking.  Such  help  is  usually 
hired  of  those  who  happen  to  occupy  adjoining  cells  or  apart- 
ments, and  who  have  already  finished  their  own  tasks,  and 
have  time  and  strength  to  spare  before  the  doors  open  and  the 
session  closes.  Such  a man  generally  is  willing  to  sell  his  serv- 
ices cheaply,  sometimes  receiving  not  more  than  five  or  ten 
thousand  cash  for  literary  labor  performed  after  his  own  com- 
positions are  completed.  It  is  reported  to  be  seldom  practica- 
ble for  horses  outside  of  the  hall  to  prepare  and  send  in  essays 
and  poems  to  their  riders  inside  to  copy.  Strange  stories, 
however,  are  told  of  compositions  made  in  very  fine  characters, 
and  written  on  very  thin  paper,  being  smuggled  into  the  hall 
by  being  incased  in  a coating  of  wax,  and  put  into  the  water- 
buckets,  which  are  turned  into  the  troughs  or  reservoirs  which 
connect  with  the  inside  of  the  hall.  These  are  picked  out  of 
the  water  by  accomplices  who  act  as  servants  or  watchmen 
inside,  and  conveyed  to  the  owners,  whose  names  or  whose 
seats  are  known  at  once  to  those  who  understand  the  private 
marks  on  the  surface  of  the  wax  balls.  Of  course,  the  marks 
being  unintelligible  to  the  uninitiated,  if  these  balls  should  hap- 
pen to  fall  into  the  hands  of  those  officers  or  servants  who 
are  not  in  the  secret,  the  circumstance  would  not  implicate 
any  assistant,  and  could  not  be  used  as  proof  against  any  par- 
ticular competitor.  He  would  only  lose  the  benefit  he  might 
have  derived  from  the  use  of  the  contents  of  his  hall. 

It  is  also  related  that  outside  accomplices  formerly  used  to 
contrive  to  get  manuscript  essays  and  poems  conveyed  to  their 
friends  inside  the  arena  by  using  underground  communications, 
and  by  sliding  the  manuscripts  up  the  hollow  legs  of  tables  or 
hollow  posts,  which  connected  with  a cellar  or  tunnel,  the  cel- 
lar or  tunnel,  of  course,  connecting  with  some  adjacent  build- 


A DISGRACEFUL  EXPEDIENT  TO  SUCCEBD.  437 


ing  outside  the  premises.  It  was  necessary  in  such  cases  that 
some  person  inside  the  hall  should  be  on  the  look-out  for  the 
appearance  of  the  manuscript,  who  would  convey  it  to  the 
competitor  for  whom  it  was  designed.  This  expedient  only 
avoided  the  danger  and  difficulty  of  employing  a person  con- 
nected with  the  hall  to  carry  the  manuscript  through  the  door 
and  deliver  it  to  the  owner  who  is  inside,  which,  when  the  ex- 
amining officer  is  not  strict,  is  an  easy  thing  to  do.  Bribery 
must  be  resorted  to  in  every  case. 

It  sometimes  occurs  that  the  competitor  at  the  first  and  sec- 
ond examinations  before  the  district  magistrate  and  the  pre- 
fect manages  to  slip  undetected  or  unchallenged  out  of  the 
premises  after  his  name  has  been  called,  and  after  he  has  ob- 
tained his  roll  of  ruled  paper  in  exchange  for  his  ticket  obtain- 
ed from  the  proper  clerk,  but  before  the  doors  are  shut  and 
sealed,  usually  with  the  connivance  of  the  door-keeper.  In 
such  a case,  he  goes  to  a convenient  place,  and  prepares  his  es- 
says and  poem  on  the  themes  given  out,  either  alone  or  with 
the  help  of  friends,  using  all  the  helps  he  pleases  to  use.  The 
themes  are  often  made  known  to  accomplices  or  friends  out- 
side by  servants  or  literary  assistants  connected  with  the  prem- 
ises, who  write  them  on  a piece  of  tile,  or  on  a piece  of  paper 
tied  to  a stone,  which  is  then  thrown  over  the  outside  wall  at 
a particular  place,  or  the  paper  is  thrust  through  a crevice  in 
an  outside  door  or  a hole  in  the  wall.  By  preconcerted  ar- 
rangement, the  themes  are  taken  by  a confederate  and  distrib- 
uted to  those  who  have  bribed  the  clerks  to  procure  them. 
Or  sometimes  the  roll  of  paper  is  taken  outside  after  the  doors 
are  sealed  and  locked,  the  competitor  to  whom  it  belongs  re- 
maining inside,  and  an  accomplice  writes  the  essays  and  poems, 
and  then  delivers  the  roll,  after  the  doors  have  been  opened 
and  a part  of  the  competitors  have  come  out,  to  the  proper 
clerk  or  underling,  who  takes  it  inside  the  hall,  and  hands  it,  as 
though  prepared  in  the  hall,  to  the  proper  literary  assistant  of 
the  examiner,  who  deposits  it  among  other  unexamined  manu- 
scripts, where  it  is  found  in  due  time  by  the  chief.  The  par- 
ticular kind  of  deception  now  described  is  said  to  be  very  un- 
popular and  disgraceful,  even  the  candidates  being  the  judges, 
though  it  is  occasionally  practiced  when  detection  is  not  prob- 
able by  those  who  have  money  to  spare  for  bribing  the  serv- 


COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 


488 

ants  and  assistants  connected  with  the  premises  where  the  ses- 
sions are  held. 

Frequent  allusion  has  been  made  to  the  assistants,  clerks, 
and  servants,  who  allow  themselves  to  be  bribed  to  aid  the 
competitors  by  carrying  in  to  them,  to  copy,  sheets  of  manu- 
scripts received  from  outside  accomplices,  or  scrolls  already 
written  out  on  the  appointed  roll  of  ruled  paper,  or  by  commu- 
nicating information  in  regard  to  the  themes  given  out  by  the 
examiner.  There  is  so  much  of  this  kind  of  deception  done 
that  there  is  a regular  scale  of  charges  for  services  in  ordinary 
cases  rendered  to  competitors  by  these  men.  For  example, 
the  regular  bribe  for  carrying  in  a paper  containing  essays  and 
poems  written  outside  for  a candidate  within,  at  the  first  ex- 
amination before  the  district  magistrate,  is  said  to  be  four 
hundred  cash ; at  the  second  examination,  eight  hundred  cash ; 
at  the  third,  one  thousand  six  hundred  cash ; and  at  the  fifth, 
six  thousand  four  hundred,  doubling  the  rate  at  each  higher 
session.  Sometimes  the  magistrate  suspects  that  deception 
is  being  carried  on  in  regard  to  certain  persons  or  a certain 
class  of  competitors.  He  therefore  requires  them  to  sit  in  a 
more  retired  part  of  the  premises,  or  nearer  him.  In  such  cases 
the  difficulty  of  conveying  secret  dispatches  to  them  is  great- 
ly increased.  The  assistant  or  clerk  who  conveys  manuscripts 
to  such  students  expects  to  receive  at  least  twice  as  much  as 
though  they  occupied  the  seats  that  would  naturally  fall  to 
their  lot.  For  example:  in  another  case,  where  he  would  ex- 
pect to  receive  for  the  sixth  session  only  twelve  thousand  eight 
hundred  cash  for  services,  he  would  now  demand  twenty-five 
thousand  six  hundred  cash,  which  the  person  would  be  re- 
quired, by  the  rules  of  honor  in  force  here,  to  pay  him  with 
promptness,  should  the  manuscript  reach  him  safely  and  with- 
out detection.  When  the  standard  of  the  amount  of  the  bribe 
for  the  first  examination  before  any  examiner  becomes  fixed  or 
settled  upon  for  any  given  year,  the  charge  for  any  subsequent 
examination  can  be  readily  figured  up  by  doubling  that  sum 
for  each  intervening  examination  until  the  number  in  question 
is  reached.  Of  course,  extraordinary  services  are  paid  for  at 
extraordinary  prices,  such  as  are  agreed  upon : for  these  there 
is  no  general  rule  or  regular  sum. 

It  must  be  evident  that  the  lists  of  successful  candidates  at 


MILITARY  COMPETITIVE  EXAMINATIONS. 


439 


examinations  for  the  first  and  the  second  literary  degree  fur- 
nish no  positive  proof  that  the  individuals  concerned  succeed- 
ed by  their  own  merit. 

Military  Competitive  Examinations. 

There  are  regular  competitory  examinations  of  candidates 
for  military  honors  in  China,  conducted  much  after  the  same 
manner  as  the  examinations  for  literary  rank  are  conducted. 
Competitors  for  the  first  military  degree,  a military  bachelor- 
ship, are  examined  by  the  same  officials  as  are  literary  compet- 
itors, but  candidates  for  the  second  military  degree  are  exam- 
ined by  the  provincial  governor  instead  of  special  commission- 
ers from  Peking. 

It  seems  strange  to  those  who  are  accustomed  to  Western 
ideas  that  common  civil  officers,  who  know  nothing  about  the 
practice  of  arms,  should  be  deemed  entirely  competent  in  China 
to  superintend  military  examinations,  and  decide  in  regard  to 
the  relative  merits  and  attainments  of  the  competitors.  It 
seems  also  very  strange  that  in  a land  where  the  use  of  gun- 
powder has  been  known  for  centuries,  no  skill  in  the  employ- 
ment of  guns  and  cannons  should  be  required  in  candidates  for 
military  rank.  Skill  in  archery  and  great  physical  strength  are 
deemed  of  more  importance  than  any  other  attainment  relating 
to  war. 

Those  who  desire  to  compete  for  the  first  military  degree 
are  required  to  present  themselves  before  the  district  magis- 
trate of  the  district  where  they  properly  belong  at  the  time  he 
appoints.  They  must  first  have  their  names  entered  on  the 
list  of  competitors  by  the  clerk  of  a certain  office  connected 
with  his  yamun,  in  order  to  which  they  are  required  to  furnish 
the  clerk  a document  stating  various  particulars  relating  to 
himself,  which  must  be  certified  to  by  some  one  of  the  class  of 
literary  graduates  of  the  first  degree  who  are  appointed  to 
act  as  “securities”  for  candidates  for  the  first  literary  degree. 
Without  this  security  to  their  document  their  names  would  not 
be  recorded  on  the  list  of  candidates,  and  they  would  not  be 
allowed  to  enter  the  arena. 

At  the  first  examination  before  the  district  magistrate  they 
are  exercised  in  the  practice  of  archery,  standing : they  are  ex- 
amined in  regard  to  their  proficiency  in  shooting  at  a mark, 


440 


COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 


each  one  shooting  three  arrows.  At  the  second  examination 
before  this  official  they  are  exercised  in  the  practice  of  archery 
on  horseback.  In  like  manner  they  are  required  to  shoot  three 
arrows  at  a mark,  but  while  the  horse  is  running.  At  the  third 
examination  they  are  all  exercised  with  large  swords,  and  with 
heavy  stones,  and  with  stiff  bows.  There  are  three  kinds  of 
swords  which  they  are  required  to  brandish  ; one,  it  is  said, 
weighs  100  pounds,  the  second  120  pounds,  and  the  other  ISO 
pounds.  The  stones  are  also  of  three  different  sizes ; one  weighs 
100  pounds,  another  120  pounds,  and  the  other  160  pounds. 
These  they  are  required  to  handle  according  to  a certain  rule. 
The  bows  they  are  exercised  in  bending  are  also  of  three  dif- 
ferent degrees  of  stiffness.  It  requires  the  expenditure  of  100 
pounds  of  strength  to  bend  the  smallest,  120  pounds  of  strength 
to  bend  the  second  size,  and  160  pounds  of  strength  to  bend  the 
third  size.  It  is  probable  that,  in  fact,  the  strength  necessary 
to  bend  the  bows,  to  handle  the  stones,  and  to  brandish  the 
swords,  is  considerably  less  than  is  indicated  by  the  above  fig- 
ures, illustrating  the  difference  between  theory  and  practice,  or 


MILITARY  CANDIDATES  CCCUPETINU  WITH  THE  HOW  AND  AUUOW. 


METHOD  OF  CONDUCTING  MILITARY  EXAMINATIONS.  441 

between  law  and  custom.  No  archery  is  exacted  at  the  third 
'session,  but  simply  bending  the  bows,  and  manoeuvring  and 
practicing  with  the  swords  and  stones,  each  man  by  himself 
and  each  man  for  himself. 

The  names  of  the  competitors  who  do  not  fail  entirely,  or 
come  below  the  lowest  standard  of  merit  allowable,  or  violate 
some  of  the  well  understood  rules  of  the  examination,  are  pa- 
raded in  public  on  large  sheets  of  paper,  according  to  their  rel- 
ative attainments  and  worth,  soon  after  the  close  of  each  ses- 
sion. The  one  who  heads  the  list  at  the  end  of  the  third  ex- 
amination it  is  customary  for  the  literary  chancellor  to  gradu- 
ate. A list  of  competitors  is  made  out  by  the  district  magis- 
trate at  the  close  of  his  sessions  for  the  literary  chancellor  to 
examine. 

At  the  proper  time,  these  military  champions  meet  together 
at  the  rendezvous  appointed  by  the  prefect  for  the  candidates 
of  the  different  districts  in  his  prefecture,  where  they  pass 
through  three  sessions  of  examinations  before  him,  in  much  the 
same  order,  and  with  the  same  kind  of  weapons  or  instruments, 
as  they  have  already  passed  through  before  their  respective 
district  magistrates.  In  like  manner,  the  prefect  causes  a list 
to  be  made  out  of  the  candidates  which  have  been  examined 
before  him,  which  he  sends  up  to  the  literary  chancellor.  The 
head  man  on  the  list  at  the  third  examination  before  the  pre- 
fect is  also  sure  of  graduation  provided  he  does  only  tolerably 
well  before  the  chancellor. 

The  literary  chancellor  has  also  three  sessions  before  him, 
which  are  usually  held  at  his  yamun,  or  he  may  have  them  ap- 
pointed on  the  parade-ground  south  of  the  city,  as  he  pleases. 
The  mode  he  employs  to  ascertain  the  merit  of  the  candidates 
is  similar  to  the  course  pursued  by  the  two  lower  examiners. 
At  the  close  of  the  third  session,  a list  of  those  who  are  re- 
garded as  the  most  proficient  and  dexterous,  and  therefore  the 
most  worthy,  is  prepared.  These  competitors  are  required  to 
come  into  the  yamun  for  a fourth  exercise  of  a literary  kind. 
They  are  required  to  copy  from  memory  a certain  short  mili- 
tary treatise.  The  literary  chancellor  can  graduate  as  many 
men  of  the  first  military  degree  for  each  prefecture  as  he  can 
graduate  of  the  first  literary  degree.  The  military  bachelors, 
with  artificial  flowers  in  their  caps  and  with  silk  scarfs  around 

T 2 


442 


COMPETITIVE  LITERARY  EXAMINATIONS. 


their  shoulders,  parade  the  streets,  with  banners  and  with  a 
band  of  music,  in  very  much  the  same  manner  as  do  the  liter-* 
ary  bachelors  after  their  graduation.  A noticeable  difference 
in  the  dress  of  the  two  classes  is  that  the  former  always  have  . 
round-toed  boots,  while  the  latter  have  square-toed  boots. 
They  are  permitted  to  wear  the  button  denoting  their  rank 
on  their  caps,  but  they  have  no  pay  and  no  employment  as 
soldiers  unless  they  enter  the  ranks  of  the  soldiers.  In  such 
a case  they  have  rations,  and  have  the  advantage  over  the 
common  soldier  of  being  able  to  compete  for  military  employ- 
ment as  officers.  Few  of  the  graduates,  however,  enter  the 
ranks  as  common  soldiers. 

The  examination  for  the  second  degree,  or  master  of  arts,  of 
the  military  bachelors  of  all  the  province,  takes  place  at  the 
provincial  capital,  under  the  supervision  of  the  provincial  gov- 
ernor as  chief.  He  usually  has  four  sessions.  The  first  con- 
sists of  shooting  at  a target  with  three  arrows  while  standing 
on  the  ground.  The  second  consists  of  shooting  at  a target 
with  the  same  number  of  arrows  from  horseback  while  the 
horse  is  running.  The  third  consists  of  archery  on  horseback. 
The  target  is  three-sided,  placed  on  the  ground,  and  is  called 
“ the  earth ” or  the  “ earthly  ball.”  It  is  made  out  of  leather, 
and  measures  about  a foot  across  each  of  its  sides.  The  fourth 
consists  of  an  exercise  with  the  three  large  swords,  the  three 
large  stones,  and  the  three  large  bows,  much  as  in  the  lower 
examinations  before  they  attained  their  bachelorships. 

The  number  of  successful  competitors  for  the  second  mili- 
tary degree  for  all  the  province  is  only  about  sixty.  These 
men  engage  with  great  show  and  pomp,  having  banners  and 
music,  in  the  custom  of  calling  upon  their  friends,  to  honor 
them  or  to  receive  their  congratulations,  after  they  have  paid 
their  respects  to  the  higher  mandarins,  whom  law  or  custom 
makes  it  their  duty  to  call  upon  soon  after  they  have  obtained 
their  degree. 

There  is  doubtless  considerable  bribery  employed  by  the 
richer  class  qf  these  military  candidates  in  order  to  secure  a 
degree,  and  considerable  favor  shown  at  times  by  the  examin- 
ers, but  not  nearly  as  much  as  in  the  case  of  literary  competi- 
tors. The  trials  are  more  openly  conducted  than  are  the  tri- 
als for  literary  degrees,  and  success  depends  very  much  on 


MILITARY  LL.D.’S  BECOME  MILITARY  OFFICERS.  443 


personal  skill  and  physical  strength,  which  are  tangible  and 
visible  in  their  developments  at  the  examinations.  There  is 
not  much  room  for  successful  bribery  unless  there  be  also  a 
tolerable  degree  of  attainment  in  the  use  of  the  weapons  em- 
ployed. 

Those  in  the  different  provinces  who  have  attained  to  the 
second  military  degree  must  go  to  Peking  in  order  to  compete 
for  the  third  degree.  The  successful  competitors  there  are  al- 
ways sure  of  finding  immediate  employment  in  the  army  or 
navy  somewhere  in  the  empire.  The  unsuccessful  competitors, 
on  their  return  to  their  own  provinces,  may,  if  they  please,  con- 
nect themselves  with  the  body-guard  of  the  provincial  govern- 
or, and  become  a kind  of  personal  attendants  upon  him.  They 
have  no  regular  salary  while  in  this  position.  After  following 
the  governor  for  three  years,  they  are  entitled,  according  to 
law,  to  employment  by  the  government  as  military  officers  of 
the  rank  and  title  of  a chiliarch  or  colonel.  In  fact,  however, 
it  is  affirmed,  generally  only  those  who  are  special  favorites  of 
the  governor,  or  who  have  money  to  spend  in  the  shape  of 
presents  alias  bribes,  succeed,  even  after  the  expiration  of  three 
years’  attendance  upon  him,  in  becoming  colonels.  Those  who 
use  money  enough  in  the  proper,  or,  rather,  improper  way, 
need  not  wait  three  years  before  they  are  appointed  to  a 
command. 


444 


CHINESE  ANECDOTES. 


CHAPTER  XVin. 

CHINESE  ANECDOTES. 

Precocious  Youth. — Indigent  Students. — Filial  and  Dutiful  Children. 

Precocious  Youth. 

Every  nation  delights  in  recording  the  wise  sayings  and  the 
remarkable  deeds  of  its  precocious  youth.  This  kind  of  read- 
ing, if  it  does  not  afford  much  instruction  to  the  learned  and 
the  adult,  at  least  furnishes  amusement  for  them.  Who  does 
not  enjoy  an  apt  saying  or  a striking  anecdote,  especially  when 
the  early  age  or  some  other  condition  of  its  subject  renders  it 
entirely  unexpected  ? 

The  Chinese  are  not  exceptions  to  the  truth  of  these  remarks. 
They  have  wonderful  stories  to  relate  about  children  in  olden 
times,  who  were  wise  and  gifted  above  their  years.  A few  of 
these  stories  are  subjoined.  Perhaps  it  should  be  first  stated 
that  it  is  sometimes  imjmssible,  and  very  often  exceedingly  dif- 
ficult, to  render  from  the  Chinese  into  English  a smart  saying 
in  such  a manner  as  to  do  it  justice,  on  account  of  th c.'play  on 
the  sound  or  the  meaning  of  the  words  in  the  original.  Some 
one  has  said,  in  substance,  that  “ a pun  can  no  more  be  trans- 
lated than  it  can  be  engraved.” 

During  the  Northern  Sung  dynasty,  which  began  about  421, 
and  ended  479  A.D.,  there  lived  a little  boy  whose  name  was 
Noo.  At  an  early  age  he  was  noted  for  the  versatility  of  his 
talents  and  the  tenacity  of  his  memory.  In  studying  a book, 
it  is  said  he  needed  only  to  read  it  over  once  and  then  he  could 
repeat  it.  One  day,  when  he  was  four  years  old,  a guest  re- 
marked in  the  hearing  of  the  lad  that  “Confucius  had  no  elder 
brother.”  Noo  instantly  replied,  in  the  language  of  the  Classic, 
“ He  took  his  elder  brother’s  daughter  and  gave  her  away  in 
marriage,”  thus  proving  that  Confucius  had  an  elder  brother. 
The  whole  company  greatly  wondered  at  this  extraordinary 
reply. 

In  the  same  dynasty  lived  a little  boy  whose  name  was 


REMARKABLE  STORIES  OF  CHILDREN. 


445 


Kuang.  One  clay,  while  playing  with  a company  of  children, 
one  of  them  happened  to  fall  into  a large  earthen  jar  full  of 
water.  All  of  the  other  boys  except  Kuang  were  too  much 
frightened  to  render  any  assistance,  and  ran  away.  He,  taking 
a stone,  broke  the  jar,  and  saved  his  playmate’s  life  by  letting 
the  water  escape.  Every  one  who  heard  the  circumstances 
admired  the  boy’s  uncommon  wisdom  and  presence  of  mind. 

In  the  same  dynasty  there  lived  another  bright  lad,  wdiose 
name  was  Yenfoh.  While  quite  small,  he  wras  once  playing 
ball  with  some  juvenile  companions.  The  ball  lodging  in  the 
deep  cavity  of  a post,  all  gave  it  up  as  lost  except  Yenfoh.  He 
took  water,  and,  pouring  it  into  the  hole  in  the  post,  the  ball 
floated  to  the  surface. 

During  the  after  Han  dynasty,  between  221  and  265  A.D.,  at 
the  age  of  seven  years,  the  boy  Pa  perfectly  understood  “ Spring 
and  Autumn,”  one  of  the  profound  text-books  studied  by  the 
Chinese,  being  one  of  the  “Five  Classics.”  On  jwoceeding  to 
study  the  remaining  Classics,  his  father  and  mother  endeavored 
to  dissuade  him,  saying  you  are  only  a little  boy ; you  are  not 
able  to  study  them.  He  answered,  “Yes,  I can  study  them, 
and  have  leisure  too.”  He  had  such  extraordinary  abilities 
that  he  was  often  called  Tsang-tsze,  after  one  of  the  most  re- 
nowned of  the  seventy-two  disciples  of  Confucius. 

In  the  time  of  the  same  dynasty  lived  a man  named  Wan, 
who  at  an  early  age  was  distinguished  for  his  ready  wit.  When 
he  was  only  seven  years  old,  his  grandfather  was  prefect  in  the 
country  of  Wei.  An  eclipse  of  the  sun  occurring,  the  prefect 
informed  the  emperor  of  the  fact.  The  queen  dowager  in- 
quired how  much  of  the  sun  was  eclipsed.  The  prefect  did 
not  know  what  to  answer,  when  his  little  grandson,  standing 
by  his  side,  suggested  to  him,  “ Why  not  say  the  part  of  the 
sun  not  eclipsed  is  as  large  as  the  moon  in  the  first  of  the 
month?”  The  old  man  returned  the  indefinite  reply  thus  sug- 
gested, greatly  surprised,  and  wondering  at  the  quick  under- 
standing and  ready  expression  of  his  little  grandson. 

In  the  kingdom  of  Wei,  during  the  third  century,  lived  two 
intimate  friends,  whose  ancestral  names  were  Yang  and  Kung. 
Kung  is  the  first  character  of  the  expression  in  the  Chinese  lan- 
guage for  peacock,  and  Yang  is  the  first  of  the  two  characters 
which  denote  the  fruit  arbutus.  One  day  Mr.  Kung  called  to 


446 


CHINESE  ANECDOTES. 


see  Mr.  Yang,  but  not  finding  him  at  home,  called  his  little  boy 
Sew,  a very  bright  and  intelligent  lad  of  nine  years,  to  come 
and  talk  with  him.  In  the  room  were  some  of  the  first  arbu- 
tus of  the  season,  provided  for  the  entertainment  of  company. 
Mr.  Kung,  wishing  to  jest  with  the  boy  on  his  name,  pointing 
to  the  arbutus,  playfully  remarked,  “I  suppose  this  is  a family 
fruit,  a relative  of  yours  ?”  Sew  immediately  rejoined,  “I  nev- 
er before  heard  that  the  peacock  was  a member  of  your  fam- 
ily!” 

In  the  same  country  lived  a little  boy  whose  name  was  Lin. 
One  day  a friend  of  his  father  came  to  the  door  of  his  house, 
and  inquired  of  Lin,  “ Is  Pehtsin  (mentioning  the  given  name 
of  his  father)  at  home?”  The  lad  did  not  answer,  nor  did  he 
make  the  customary  bow  of  respect.  The  man,  surprised, 
said,  “ Why  do  you  not  make  a bow  to  me  ?”  Lin  replied, 
“ I ought,  indeed,  to  make  a bow  to  you ; but  if  jrou  speak  to 
me  about  my  father,  using  his  given  name,  for  what  reason 
should  I be  polite  to  you?”  According  to  the  rules  of  Chi- 
nese etiquette,  using  the  given  name  of  one’s  father  in  address- 
ing his  son  indicates  a lack  of  good-breeding.  He  should  be 
referred  to  as  the  Distinguished  Great  Man,  or  the  Venerable 
Gentleman,  etc.  The  little  boy  meant,  if  you  are  not  polite  in 
speaking  to  me  of  my  father,  why  should  I be  polite  in  speak- 
ing to  you  or  in  recognizing  you  ? You  are  yourself  impolite, 
why  insist  on  my  being  polite  ? 

During  the  Ming  dynasty,  which  began  1368  and  ended 
1643  A.D.,  lived  the  lad  Tapin,  who  was  a youth  of  uncom- 
mon intelligence  and  propriety.  Having  studied  the  Four 
Books  and  the  Five  Classics  only  once,  it  is  affirmed,  he  did 
not  forget  them.  When  eight  years  old,  he  called  on  a liter- 
ary man  of  high  rank,  and  conducted  himself  with  the  self-pos- 
session and  propriety  of  an  elderly  gentleman.  His  host,  point- 
ing to  a chair  as  the  subject  of  an  impromptu  verse,  in  Chinese 
style  giving  out  the  first  line,  said,  “ With  a cushion  made  of 
tiger’s  skin  to  cover  the  student’s  chair.”  Tapin,  being  ex- 
pected to  pronounce  the  second  line,  all  the  words  of  which 
were  to  have  certain  correspondence  to  the  words  found  in  the 
first  line,  immediately  answered,  “With  a pencil  made  of  rab- 
bits’ hair  to  write  the  graduate’s  tablet.”  The  gentleman 
struck  the  table  before  him  in  delight,  and  rewarded  the  boy. 


STORY  OF  WANG  YOOCHING. 


447 


At  the  age  of  thirteen  he  graduated  Master  of  Arts  the  sec- 
ond in  the  list.  At  an  examination  in  the  capital  for  Doctor 
of  Laws,  during  the  reign  of  Ching-tik,  his  name  was  second 
among  the  successful  competitors.  In  a trial  before  the  em- 
peror the  same  year,  he  came  out  number  third,  and  became 
a member  of  the  Han  Lin,  the  imperial  college,  at  a very  early 
age. 

During  the  Southern  Sung  dynasty  (960-1280  A.D.),  the 
famous  commentator  on  the  Chinese  Classics,  Chufutze,  when 
only  eight  years  old,  was  master  of  the  doctrines  of  the  treat- 
ise on  Filial  Piety.  He  wrote  on  the  cover,  using  eight  char- 
acters, “ He  who  does  not  comply  with  this  is  not  a perfect 
man.”  While  engaged  with  other  boys  in  juvenile  plays,  he 
was  accustomed  to  take  sand,  and,  having  arranged  it  in  lines 
on  the  ground,  like  the  eight  diagrams  invented  by  Fuh  Hi 
and  now  commonly  used  in  divination,  he  would  then  sit  down 
and  gaze  at  them  in  perfect  silence,  as  though  absorbed  in 
study. 

In  the  time  of  the  Northern  Sung  dynasty  lived  Wang  Yoo- 
ching,  who  at  the  age  of  seven  years  could  compose  literary 
essays  with  correctness.  A certain  assistant  prefect,  who  aft- 
erward became  prime  minister,  hearing  that  the  lad’s  father 
was  a miller,  and  desirous  of  trying  his  genius,  one  day  asked 
him  to  pronounce  an  impromptu  verse  about  the  mill.  He 
pronounced  without  hesitation  four  lines,  which  not  only  were 
admirable  specimens  of  Chinese  poetry,  but  also  indicated  the 
lad’s  high  ambition.  The  assistant  prefect  was  so  delighted 
that  he  took  the  boy  home,  and  allowed  him  to  study  with  his 
own  children.  On  a certain  day  the  prefect  invited  his  assist- 
ant to  dinner.  While  at  dinner  he  gave  out,  as  the  first  line 
of -an  impromptu  stanza,  the  sentence,  “The  parrot,  though  it 
talks,  can  not  compare  with  the  phoenix.”  None  of  the  guests 
were  able  properly  to  match  it  with  a line.  On  returning 
home  the  assistant  prefect  inscribed  it  on  a flower-vase.  Yoo- 
ching,  happening  to  see  it,  immediately  wrote  underneath, 
“ The  spider,  though  skillful,  can  not  compare  with  the  silk- 
worm.” The  assistant  prefect  was  greatly  delighted,  and 
caused  the  lad  to  dress  himself  in  clothing  made  after  the 
fashion  worn  by  adults,  and  afterward  addressed  him  as  his 
“ little  friend.” 


448 


CHINESE  ANECDOTES. 


Indigent  Students. 

The  following  anecdotes  are  perhaps  as  fair  specimens  as 
any  which  can  be  selected  from  the  history  of  this  people,  to 
show  what  examples  are  held  up  for  the  imitation  and  encour- 
agement of  the  student  in  his  endeavors  to  pursue  study  un- 
der unpropitious  circumstances.  It  is  worthy  of  notice  that 
the  heroes  of  these  stories  almost  always  succeeded  in  their 
efforts  to  acquire  literary  fame  and  official  employment. 

lie  fastened  his  hair  hy  a cord  to  the  top  of  the  house  ichen 
he  studied.  In  the  feudal  state  of  T‘su,  during  the  Chau  dy- 
nasty, several  hundred  years  before  Christ,  Sun  King  was  in 
the  habit  of  shutting  himself  up  in  his  house  when  he  studied, 
in  order  to  prevent  his  mind  from  being  diverted  from  his 
books.  For  the  purpose  of  keeping  awake  when  he  was 
drowsy,  he  tied  one  end  of  a cord  to  the  hair  of  his  head,  and 
fastened  the  other  end  to  a beam  in  the  top  of  his  house. 
Whenever  he  appeared  in  the  streets,  the  people  were  accus- 
tomed to  call  out  as  with  one  accord,  '''■The  teacher  who  shuts 
himself  up  (to  study)  is  coming .” 

lie  traced  the  characters  on  the  sand  with  a reed.  During 
the  Southern  Sung  dynasty,  Ngan  Yaugsui,  when  only  four 
years  old,  lost  his  father.  His  mother,  vowing  never  to  marry 
again,  taught  her  son  how  to  read  ; but  the  family  were  so 
poor  as  to  be  unable  to  procure  paper  and  pencils,  and  she 
therefore  -wrote  the  characters  on  the  sand  with  a reed,  and 
thus  instructed  him.  The  lad  was  quicker  at  learning  than 
lads  usually  are.  By  reading  any  thing  only  once  he  could 
immediately  repeat  it.'  After  he  arrived  at  manhood  he  ob- 
tained the  third  degree.  In  three  examinations  at  the  capital 
he  came  off  with  the  very  highest  honors,  and  became  a mem- 
ber of  the  Han  Lin  college. 

He  studied  by  the  light  reflected  from  snow.  During  the 
Sung  dynasty,  Sun  Kang’s  family  was  poor  and  destitute  of 
oil.  In  the  winter  evenings  he  was  accustomed  to  study  by 
the  light  reflected  from  snow.  When  young,  he  was  regarded 
as  of  correct  principles,  and  would  not  associate  with  men  of 
unworthy  habits.  Afterward  he  became  an  officer  of  the  high 
rank  of  imperial  censor. 

He  studied  by  the  light  of  a bag  full  of  glow-worms.  In  the 


GRINDING  THE  PESTLE  DOWN  TO  MAKE  A NEEDLE.  449 

dynasty  of  Tsin,  which  began  about  265,  and  ended  419  A.D., 
Che  Yin,  while  only  a boy,  was  very  sedate  and  courteous,  as 
well  as  a diligent  student.  In  consequence  of  the  poverty  of 
his  family  he  was  not  able  always  to  obtain  oil ; so,  during  the 
summer  months,  he  collected  a large  number  of  glow-worms 
in  a white  gauze  bag,  and  by  their  light  was  able  to  pursue  his 
studies  in  the  evening,  as  it  were  lengthening  out  the  day. 
He  afterward  became  an  officer  of  a very  high  rank,  and  had 
the  title  of  president  of  one  of  the  six  boards. 

He  did  not  open  his  family  letters.  In  the  Sung  dynasty, 
Hu  Yuen,  before  he  had  attained  his  first  degree  at  the  liter- 
ary examinations,  in  company  with  two  friends,  went  to  the 
celebrated  mountain  of  Tai  to  pursue  his  studies.  He  applied 
himself  with  great  diligence,  and  ate  very  poor  food.  It  is 
said  he  did  not  sleep  during  the  night,  nor  for  ten  years  did  he 
return  home.  As  soon  as  he  saw  the  two  words  “peace  and 
health,”  which  were  written  on  the  outside  of  his  letters  from 
home,  he  would  throw  them  aside.  He  did  not  open  them 
and  read  them,  lest  his  attention  should  be  diverted  from  his 
books. 

She  cut  the  web  of  cloth  in  order  to  incite  him  to  study. 
During  the  Chau  dynasty  (B.C.  1122-255),  Mencius,  at  the  age 
of  three  years,  lost  his  father.  His  mother,  whose  name  was 
Siu,  was  a woman  of  distinguished  worth  and  virtue.  Men- 
cius went  to  school,  but  soon  threw  aside  his  books  and  re- 
turned home.  His  mother  was  very  much  incensed  at  this 
course,  and  taking  a knife,  cut  the  web  of  cloth  she  was  weav- 
ing, saying,  “My  son,  your  desisting  from  your  studies  is  like 
my  cutting  this  web.”  Mencius,  trembling  with  apprehension, 
returned  to  school,  and  studied  with  diligence ; nor  did  he  in- 
termit his  literary  pursuits  until  he  became  a worthy,  next  in 
rank  to  the  sage  Confucius. 

She  teas  yrindiny  the  pestle  down  to  make  a needle.  In  the 
time  of  the  Tang  dynasty  (620-906  A.D.),Lei  Peh,  while  yet 
young,  and  before  he  had  completed  his  studies,  left  school 
and  started  for  home.  On  the  road  he  saw  an  old  woman  en- 
gaged in  grinding  away  an  iron  pestle.  Peh  inquired  why 
she  was  thus  grinding  the  pestle  ? She  answered,  UI xoant  to 
make  a needle.’1'1  He  was  surprised  at  her  words,  and,  influ- 
enced by  them,  returned  to  school,  and  studied  with  most  as- 


450 


CHINESE  ANECDOTES. 


siduous  application.  He  finally  became  a member  of  the  Im- 
perial college  at  the  capital. 

He  concealed fire  to  light  his  lamp.  Probably  between  419- 
501  A.D.  lived  T‘su  Yung,  who,  when  he  was  only  eight  years 
old,  was  so  fond  of  study  that  his  parents  were  afraid  he 
would  impair  his  eyes  by  his  diligence.  They  therefore  for- 
bade him  the  use  of  books,  but  he  would  not  obey  them.  Con- 
stantly he  hid  fire  until  his  parents  had  retired  to  rest,  when 
he  would  light  his  lamp  and  study.  He  took  his  clothes  and 
the  coverlet  of  his  bed,  and  hung  them  up  over  the  window  of 
his  room,  lest  the  light,  escaping  through  it,  should  be  seen  by 
some  one  of  the  family.  In  this  way  his  name  became  very 
widely  celebrated  as  a scholar.  At  home  and  abroad  the  peo- 
ple called  him  “ the  little  sage”  At  the  age  of  twelve  he  be- 
came a high  officer  of  government,  and  was  afterward  pro- 
moted to  the  Superintendency  of  the  Offering  of  Wine. 

His  curtains  retained  the  traces  of  the  smoke  of  his  lamp. 
In  the  Sung  dynasty,  Fan  Shun  Jin  day  and  night  was  diligent 
in  study.  He  was  in  the  habit  of  placing  his  lamp  within  the 
curtains  of  his  bed,  and  thus  study  until  past  midnight.  Aft- 
erward he  became  a very  distinguished  officer.  His  wife  pre- 
served the  curtain,  which  at  the  top  was  sooted  over  as  black 
as  ink.  Occasionally  she  would  bring  it  forth,  and  show  it  to 
her  children  and  grandchildren,  saying,  “ Your  father  and 
grandfather , when  he  was  a boy , teas  very  studious.  Here  are 
the  marks  of  the  smoke  of  his  lamp.” 

He  used  a round  stick  of  wood  as  a pillow  to  prevent  deep 
sleep.  During  the  Sung  dynasty,  Sie  Ma  Wan,  when  a boy, 
whether  he  was  moving  about  or  at  rest,  in  all  his  conduct 
was  dignified  and  decorous,  like  a perfect  old  gentleman.  At 
seven  years  of  age  he  heard  an  explanation  of  the  volume 
called  “ Spring  and  Autumn.”  He  was  very  much  pleased, 
and,  having  returned  home,  conversed  with  the  members  of 
his  family  in  such  a manner  as  to  show  that  he  understood  its 
principles.  He  was  accustomed  to  use  a round  block  of  wood 
for  a pillow.  When  he  became  sleepy  and  fell  into  a doze, 
this  pillow  would  roll  a little  and  awaken  him.  Once  awak- 
ened, he  would  apply  himself  to  his  studies  again  with  vigor. 
Ho  finally  became  an  object  of  worship,  his  tablet  being  placed 
in  the  temple  of  Confucius. 


STOEY  OF  KWANG  HUNG. 


451 


He  teas  stimulated  by  the  'pomp  of  a magistrate  to  make 
the  study  of  books  his  calling.  In  the  time  of  the  Sung  dy- 
nasty lived  Chang  Yih.  It  so  happened  that  when  he  was 
young  his  parents  wmre  poor,  and  he  was  not  even  taught  to 
read.  Pie  was  obliged  to  hire  himself  out  to  work  for  others. 
One  day  he  suddenly  heard  the  heralds  of  the  district  magis- 
trate proclaiming  his  approach,  and  clearing  the  road  for  him 
to  pass.  His  mind  was  greatly  excited  and  interested,  and  he 
asked,  “ How  did  this  man  arrive  at  such  a place  of  dignity 
and  honor?”  “By  the  study  of  books,”  was  the  answer. 
From  this  time  he  put  forth  all  his  energies  in  the  acquisition 
of  knowledge.  He  afterward  received  instruction  from  the 
famous  commentator  Clung.  He  became  his  disciple,  and  sub- 
sequently taught  and  handed  down  the  deep  and  abstruse 
doctrines  of  his  master.  Ching  used  to  speak  to  others  in  this 
manner:  “In  my  old  age  I have  begotten  two  children” — re- 
ferring to  his  disciple  Yih  and  his  own  son  I-Teen. 

He  lived  on  vegetables , and  on  gruel  made  of  coarse  rice. 
In  the  same  dynasty,  Fan  Chung  Yen,  when  a young  man, 
lodged  with  a friend  in  a Buddhistic  monastery,  situated  on 
the  Long  White  Mountains.  They  pursued  their  studies  to- 
gether. They  made  congee,  or  a thick  kind  of  gruel,  out  of 
two  measures  of  coarse  rice  or  millet,  or  (as  some  explain  the 
original)  out  of  unshelled  rice,  by  boiling  it  in  water,  after- 
ward pouring  it  into  a vessel,  where  they  let  it  stand  over 
night.  By  mouning  it  had  congealed.  They  then  cut  it  with 
a knife  into  four  pieces.  Morning  and  night  they  ate  two 
pieces.  They  took  ten  or  more  of  a certain  vegetable,  resem- 
bling onions  or  chives,  and,  having  cooked  them,  ate  them. 
They  lived  in  this  Avay  for  three  years.  Afterward  Chung 
Yen  became  a graduate  of  the  third  degree  at  the  examina- 
tions, and  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  President  of  the  Board 
of  War.  After  death  he  had  an  honorary  title  conferred  on 
him. 

He  chiseled  a hole  in  the  partition  to  get  the  light  through. 
In  the  Han  dynasty,  which  began  about  205  B.C.,  and  ended 
about  25  A.D.,  lived  Kwang  Hung,  who  was  very  indigent. 
Though  very  fond  of  books,  he  was  destitute  of  the  means 
of  purchasing  oil.  Plis  neighbor  in  the  adjoining  house  had 
candles,  but  the  light  could  not  penetrate  through  the  Avail. 


452 


CHINESE  ANECDOTES. 


Hung  therefore  made  a hole  in  it,  in  order  to  procure  rays 
of  light  by  which  he  could  prosecute  his  studies.  In  the  city 
a wealthy  man,  whose  surname  was  Great,  had  a large  num- 
ber of  books.  Hung  was  anxious  to  work  for  him,  though 
not  for  the  purpose  of  receiving  wages ; he  only  desired  the 
privilege  of  reading  the  rich  man’s  books  as  his  pay.  Mr. 
Great  was  so  much  interested  in  the  proposal  and  in  the  man 
that  he  gave  him  some  of  his  books  as  his  wages.  Hung  be- 
came a very  learned  man,  and  finally  obtained  the  office  of 
pi’ime  minister. 

He  cast  an  iron  inJc-slab  as  an  index  of  his  resolution. 
During  the  Sung  dynasty  lived  a literary  man  named  Sang 
Wi  Hang,  who  was  very  ugly  looking,  being  deformed.  His 
body  was  remarkably  short,  and  his  face  very  long.  He  would 
often  look  in  a mirror,  and,  wondering  at  his  odd  appearance, 
say,  “A  man  seven  feet  high  would  not  have  a face  one  foot 
long.”  His  essays  were  frequently  selected  as  worthy  of  pro- 
curing him  the  third  degree  at  the  examinations ; but  when 
the  judges  knew  his  name  they  erased  it  from  the  list,  because 
the  character  for  it,  which  meant  “ mulberry,”  was  of  the  same 
sound  as  the  character  for  “funeral.”  Some  friends  of  Wi 
Ilang  advised  him  to  turn  his  attention  to  some  other  pursuit, 
but  he  caused  an  ink-slab  to  be  made  of  iron,  and,  showing  it 
to  them,  said,  “ When  by  grinding  my  ink  I have  made  a hole 
through  this  ink-slab,  then  I will  change  my  calling.”  He  aft- 
erward graduated  at  the  head  of  the  class  winch  obtained  the 
third  degree,  or  Doctor  of  Laws. 

Filial  and  dutiful  Children. 

The  Chinese  have  a favorite  proverb  that  “ of  the  hundred 
virtues,  filial  duty  is  the  chief.”  There  is,  perhaps,  no  maxim 
more  early  and  more  carefully  instilled  into  the  minds  of  the 
youth  of  both  sexes  among  this  people  than  that  of  implicit 
obedience  to  parental  authority.  To  illustrate  the  nature  and 
to  inculcate  the  importance  of  this  virtue  or  duty,  as  well  as 
to  indicate  the  rewards  which  attend  its  performance,  seems 
to  be  the  object  of  a small  book  called  “ Twenty-four  Exam- 
ples of  Filial  Piety.”  It  is  published  with  coarse  wood-cuts, 
twenty-four  in  number,  each  story  being  illustrated  by  a pic- 
ture of  its  hero  engaged  in  the  act  commemorated.  Some  edi- 


HEAVEN  MOVED  BY  THE  FILIAL  LOVE  OF  YU  SHUN.  453 


tions,  besides  the  pictures,  have  a piece  of  poetry  relating  to 
the  incident,  giving  other  particulars,  and  making  what  the 
Chinese  deem  suitable  reflections.  The  incidents  related  in 
this  little  volume  have  probably  influenced  in  no  small  degree 
the  minds  of  the  Chinese  youth.  Teaching  by  historical  ex- 
ample is  always  interesting  and  impressive,  and  this  book  il- 
lustrates, by  examples  drawn  from  ancient  Chinese  history,  the 
meaning  of  the  popular  maxim  above  quoted ; for,  incredible 
as  it  may  appear,  the  Chinese  generally  regard  the  examples 
given  in  this  book  as  real  facts,  as  actual  occurrences.  They 
are  loth  to  admit  that  there  may  have  been  an  exaggeration 
or  misunderstanding  of  the  truth.  Are  not  the  incidents  re- 
lated to  be  found  in  the  history  of  China?  and,  if  recorded  in 
the  history  of  the  nation,  they  must  be  true  ! 

A translation  of  some  of  these  notable  examples  of  filial  de- 
votion will  be  given,  with  occasional  remarks  or  explanations. 
Different  editions,  while  agreeing  in  the  main,  have  various  dis- 
crepancies in  the  narration  of  particulars  about  these  ancient 
worthies.  Where  such  variations  occur,  the  edition  which 
seemed  to  give  the  best  story  has  been  followed. 

The  filial  devotion  which  moved  Heaven.  Yu  Shun,  the 
son  of  Ku  Lau,  had  a very  filial  disposition.  His  father  wras 
stupid,  his  mother  depraved,  and  his  younger  brother  proud. 
Shun  cultivated  the  Leih  hills.  He  had  elephants  to  plow  for 
him,  and  birds  to  weed  for  him.  In  such  a manner  did  his 
filial  devotion  influence  heaven  ! The  Emperor  Yaou  heard 
of  him,  and  sent  nine  of  his  sons  to  serve  him,  and  gave  him 
two  of  his  daughters  in  marriage,  and  finally  resigned  the 
throne  to  him. 

These  events,  according  to  Chinese  chronology,  transpired  more  than  2200 
years  before  Christ.  It  is  elsewhere  stated  more  fully  that  Shun  suffered 
much  from  the  enmity  of  his  younger  brother,  and  from  the  harshness  of  his 
parents.  His  father  commanded  him  once  to  go  down  into  a well,  and  then 
his  brother  threw  large  stones  down.  At  another  time  a granary  was  set  on 
fire  when  he  was  in  it.  But  he  escaped  without  injury  from  his  many  perils. 
He  labored  with  all  his  ability  either  on  the  farm,  or  in  fishing,  or  in  burn- 
ing earthenware.  He  continued  to  reverence  and  obey  his  parents,  though 
they  did  not  love  him.  At  length,  assured  of  the  rectitude  of  his  conduct, 
he  invoked  Heaven  with  tears.  Heaven  was  moved  by  his  sincerity.  The 
elephants  and  the  birds  volunteered  their  services,  the  former  in  rooting  up 
the  ground  with  their  probosces,  and  the  latter  in  exterminating  the  weeds 
with  their  bills.  The  emperor  having  learned  his  ability  to  govern  his 


454 


CHINESE  ANECDOTES. 


household  by  means  of  two  daughters  sent  to  be  his  wives,  as  well  as  by  the 
concurring  testimony  of  nine  sons  sent  to  be  his  servants,  hence  inferred  his 
ability  to  govern  the  nation.  Accordingly,  he  resigned  the  empire  to  him 
rather  than  to  any  of  his  own  children.  The  example  of  Shun  in  obeying 
his  parents  is  declared  “worthy  of  being  handed  down  to  posterity  through 
myriads  of  ages.” 

She  bit  her  finger  and  it  pained  his  heart.  During  the 
Chau  dynasty,  Tsang  Tsan  served  his  mother  very  obediently. 
He  often  went  to  the  hills  to  get  wood.  Once,  when  thus  ab- 
sent, some  guests  came  to  his  house,  and  his  mother  knew  not 
what  to  do.  She  was  expecting  Tsan ; hut  he  not  arriving, 
she  bit  her  finger.  Suddenly  his  heart  was  pained,  and,  taking 
the  wood  on  his  back,  he  returned  home.  Kneeling  down  be- 
fore his  mother,  he  inquired  the  reason  of  her  perplexity.  She 
answered,  “ Suddenly  some  guests  came,  and  I bit  my  finger 
to  arouse  you.” 

According  to  Chinese  etiquette,  it  is  improper  for  a female  to  receive  male 
guests,  and  wait  upon  them  herself.  In  this  case  the  son,  whose  place  it  was 
to  meet  and  entertain  company,  was  absent,  and  his  mother  induced  him  to 
return  home  by  gnawing  her  finger.  The  idea  is,  that  he  was  so  filial,  and 
loved  his  mother  with  such  tender  devotion,  that  he  sympathized  with  her 
grief  of  mind,  the  pain  in  her  finger  being  felt  in  his  heart.  The  hearts  of 
mother  and  son  are  mutually  affected,  one  influencing  the  other  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  amber  draws  the  small  strands,  and  the  loadstone  attracts  the 
slender  needle.  From  the  remotest  period  sages  have  been  able  to  control 
their  dispositions,  and  in  the  deepest  silence  have  revolved  their  actions  as  in 
a breath.  The  moving  influence  that  such  minds  have  on  each  other  the 
generality  of  men  can  not  understand.  The  devotedness  with  which  they 
serve  their  parents,  and  the  respect  with  which  they  cherish  them,  who  can 
comprehend?  Behold  how  perfect  a medium  between  mother  and  child  is 
filial  piety.  This  youth  afterward  became  one  of  the  most  illustrious  of  the 
disciples  of  Confucius,  and  author  of  one  of  the  “Four  Books”  studied  by 
Chinese  pupils. 

He  furnished  his  parents  with  deer's  milk.  During  the 
Chau  dynasty  there  was  a man  named  Yen,  whose  disposition 
was  very  filial.  His  father  and  mother  were  old,  and  troubled 
with  sore  eyes.  They  desired  to  obtain  some  deer’s  milk  to 
use.  Yen  clothed  himself  in  the  skin  of  a deer,  and,  going  far 
away  into  the  mountains,  entered  into  the  herd  of  deer  and 
obtained  some  milk,  which  he  gave  his  parents.  The  hunters 
saw  him  in  disguise,  and  desired  to  shoot  him  with  their  ar- 
rows. But  Yen  explained  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  and 
thus  escaped. 


A FEELING  INSTANCE  OF  FILIAL  PIETY. 


455 


This  narrative  is  accompanied  by  a cut  representing  Yen  with  a fawn’s 
skin  on  his  back,  in  the  act  of  disclosing  his  character,  and  explaining  his  ob- 
ject to  a couple  of  hunters.  It  would  seem  that  he  endeavored  to  imitate 
on  all-fours  the  appearance  of  a fawn.  How  fortunate  that  the  hunters  did 
not  shoot  the  supposed  deer  with  their  deadly  arrows  ! for,  had  that  mourn- 
ful event  occurred,  his  aged  parents  would  not  only  have  failed  to  obtain  the 
milk  with  which  they  hoped  to  cure  their  sore  eyes,  but  posterity  would  also 
have  been  deprived  of  the  wholesome  influence  of  this  impressive  example 
of  filial  affection.  It  is  to  be  deeply  regretted  that  no  account  is  given  in 
the  records  of  history  of  the  effect  of  deer’s  milk  in  this  case  of  sore  eyes. 
Still,  this  omission  ought  not  to  detract  from  the  praise  due  to  Yen,  for  he 
performed  his  part  most  devotedly  and  most  successfully.  Though  over  two 
thousand  years  have  elapsed  since  these  events  occurred,  one  with  a lively 
fancy  can  imagine  how  the  faint  echo  of  the  fawn-like  cry,  Yew , Yew,  rever- 
berated in  the  deep  forest ! for  it  is  affirmed  that  the  hero  closely  imitated 
the  cry  of  the  fawns  while  searching  for  the  tracks  of  the  deer. 

He  put  the  oranges  in  his  bosom  to  give  his  mother.  In  the 
time  of  the  After  Han  dynasty,  Luh  Tseih,  when  he  was  six 
years  old,  went  to  Kew  Keang  to  see  Yuen  Shuh.  Shuh 
brought  out  some  oranges  and  gave  him.  Tseih  hid  two  of 
them  in  his  bosom.  When  about  to  return  home,  while  he 
was  bowing  and  taking  leave  of  his  host,  the  oranges  fell  to 
the  ground.  Shuh  said  to  him,  “ Do  you,  sir,  while  my  guest, 
conceal  oranges  in  your  bosom  ?”  Tseih,  kneeling  down  be- 
fore him,  answered,  “My  mother  loves  oranges  very  much.  I 
desired  to  give  them  to  mother.”  Shuh  greatly  wondered  at 
this  reply. 

Shuh  and  the  father  of  Tseih  were  officers  of  high  rank.  This  incident 
occurred  during  a visit  of  the  boy  in  the  family  of  his  father’s  friend.  Its  in- 
terest consists  in  the  filial  desire  cherished  by  a son  only  six  years  old  to  con- 
tribute to  the  enjoyment  of  his  mother. 

He  fed  the  musquitoes  to  satiety  on  his  blood.  During  the 
Tsin  dynasty,  Wu  Mang,  when  only  eight  years  old,  served  his 
parents  very  dutifully.  The  family  were  so  poor  that  they 
had  no  musquito  curtains  to  their  beds.  Every  summer,  at 
night,  the  musquitoes  were  very  numerous,  piercing  the  soft 
flesh.  Mang  allowed  them  to  feed  without  restraint  on  his 
blood  till  they  were  satisfied.  Although  exceedingly  numer- 
ous, he  did  not  drive  them  off,  fearing  that,  leaving  him,  they 
would  go  to  his  parents  and  bite  them. 

Mang  is  represented  as  lying  on  a bed  a passive  victim  for  the  bloodthirsty 
musquitoes.  What  a feeling  instance  of  filial  duty  ! How  profoundly  must 
he  have  been  affected  by  the  restlessness  of  his  parents,  as  they,  stung  by  the 


456 


CHINESE  ANECDOTES. 


musquitoes,  tossed  from  side  to  side.  How  courageous  must  have  been  his 
little  heart  yo  invite  and  sustain  the  attacks  of  so  many  enemies ; for,  it  is 
said,  he  went  early  to  bed,  hoping  that  the  musquitoes  would  become  satis- 
fied before  his  parents  should  retire.  A Chinese  poet  represents  him  to  have 
discoursed  thus  when  he  felt  their  bills  : “ I have  no  dread  of  you,  nor  have 
you  any  reason  to  fear  me.  Although  I have  a fan,  I will  not  use  it,  nor 
will  I strike  you  with  my  hand.  I will  lie  very  quietly,  and  let  you  gorge  to 
the  full.”  History  does  not  state  what  effect  his  filial  devotion  had  on  the 
minds  of  the  musquitoes. 

He  slept  on  the  ice  to  obtain  the  carp.  During  the  Tsin  dy- 
nasty, Wang  Liang,  at  an  early  age,  mourned  the  death  of  his 
mother.  His  stepmother,  Chu,  did  not  like  him.  In  the  pres- 
ence of  his  father  she  was  repeatedly  faulting  him,  and  conse- 
quently she  lost  the  affection  of  his  father.  She  was  fond  of’ 
eating  fresh  fish,  hut  in  the  cold  winter  time  the  rivers  were 
covered  with  ice.  Liang  took  off  his  clothes,  and  went  to 
sleep  on  the  ice  to  procure  the  fish.  Suddenly  the  ice  opened 
of  itself,  and  a couple  of  carp  sprang  forth.  He  seized  them, 
and,  returning  home,  gave  them  to  his  mother.  His  neighbors, 
wondered  at  the  fact,  and  admired  him.  His  filial  affection 
had  caused  what  had  taken  place. 

This  remarkable  instance  of  filial  devotion  is  represented  by  the  picture  of 
a lad  apparently  asleep  on  the  ice,  and  of  a brace  of  fish  with  their  heads 
just  protruding  above  it.  It  is  a little  surprising  that  if  his  body  was  so 
warm  as  to  melt  the  ice  at  a distance  from  it,  so  as  to  allow  the  fish  to  jump 
out,  it  should  not  also  thaw  the  ice  under  him,  thus  endangering  his  precious 
life,  or,  at  least,  giving  him  a cold  bath  by  falling  into  the  water.  But  an 
answer  entirely  satisfactory  to  the  sincere  disciples  of  Confucius  is  ready 
to  all  skeptical  objections  or  curious  questions : Heaven,  moved  by  his  filial 
love,  preserved  him,  and  enabled  the  fish  to  come  forth.  A poet  has  beauti- 
fully said,  “A  thousand  ages  can  not  efface  the  remembrance  of  the  crack  in 
the  ice,  nor  obliterate  the  fragrant  traces  of  so  worthy  an  action.” 

On  account  of  his  mother  he  buried  his  child.  During  the 
Han  dynasty,  Ko  Keu,  whose  family  was  very  poor,  had  a 
child  three  years  old.  Keu’s  mother  usually  took  some  of  her 
food  and  gave  to  the  child.  One  day  he  spoke  to  his  wife 
about  it,  saying,  “We  are  so  poor  that  we  can  not  even  sup- 
port mother.  Moreover,  the  little  one  shares  mother’s  food. 
Why  not  bury  this  child?  We  may  have  another;  but,  if 
mother  should  die,  we  can  not  obtain  her  again.”  His  wife 
did  not  dare  to  oppose.  Keu,  when  he  had  dug  a hole  more 
than  two  feet  deep,  suddenly  saw  a vase  of  gold.  On  the  top 


THE  BUBBLING  FOUNTAIN  AND  THE  LEAPING  CARP.  457 

of  the  vase  was  an  inscription,  saying,  “ Heaven  bestows  this 
gold  on  Ko  Keu,  the  dutiful  son.  The  officers  shall  not  seize 
it,  nor  shall  the  people  take  it.” 

In  the  picture,  the  wife,  holding  the  little  one  in  her  arms,  stands  looking 
on,  while  the  father  digs  what  he  intends  to  be  the  grave  of  his  living  child. 
It  seems  strange  that  the  Chinese  should  so  plainly  teach  that  Heaven  re- 
wards one  who,  ignoring  the  affection  of  a father  for  his  child,  and  mindful 
only  of  his  duty  as  a son,  deliberately  plans  murder,  and  proceeds  to  commit 
it,  till  supernaturally  prevented.  “The  end  justifies  the  means,”  say  some. 
This  example  illustrates,  perhaps  as  forcibly  as  any  of  the  twenty-four,  the 
exceedingly  eminent  position  which  affection  for  one’s  parents  sustains 
among  the  virtues  cherished  by  this  people. 

He  fanned  the  pillow  and  warmed  the  coverlet.  During  the 
Han  dynasty,  Hwang  Hiang  at  nine  years  of  age  lost  his  moth- 
er. His  mind  was  so  constantly  and  so  intensely  occupied  in 
thinking  of  her  that  the  neighbors  praised  him  as  very  filial. 
Employing  himself  in  assiduous  and  fatiguing  work,  he  served 
his  father  with  perfect  obedience.  In  summer,  when  the 
weather  was  hot,  with  his  fan  he  cooled  his  father’s  pillow 
and  bed.  In  winter,  when  the  weather  was  cold,  with  his 
own  body  he  warmed  his  father’s  coverlet  and  mat.  The  pre- 
fect Tein  presented  him  with  a banner  as  a token  of  distinc- 
tion. 

A piece  of  poetry  referring  to  this  example  of  filial  piety  has  been  transla- 
ted in  prose  in  the  following  manner:  “When  the  heat  of  snmmer  made  it 
difficult  to  sleep  quietly,  the  lad  knew  what  would  be  for  the  comfort  of  his 
venerated  parent.  Taking  a fan,  he  slowly  moved  it  about  the  silken  cur- 
tains, and  the  cool  air,  expanding,  enveloped  and  filled  the  pillow  and  the 
bed.  In  winter,  when  the  snow  threatened  to  crush  in  the  roofs,  and  the 
fierce  winds  shook  the  fences,  and  the  cold  penetrated  to  the  bodies,  making 
it  hazardous  to  unloose  the  girdle,  then  Hiang  warmed  his  father’s  bed,  that 
he  might  not  fear,  because  of  the  cold,  to  enter  the  place  of  dreams.” 

The  bubbling  fountain  and  the  leaping  carp.  In  the  Han 
dynasty,  Iviang  She  served  his  mother  very  dutifully.  His 
wife  Pang  obeyed  her  with  even  greater  assiduity  than  he. 
Their  mother  loved  to  drink  the  water  of  a river  distant  from 
the  house  six  or  seven  li.  Pang  was  in  the  habit  of  going  aft- 
er it  to  give  to  the  old  lady.  She  was  also  exceedingly  fond 
of  minced  fish,  and,  moreover,  did  not  like  to  eat  it  alone. 
Husband  and  wife  managed,  though  with  great  expense  of 
strength,  to  provide  her  with  the  fish,  and  she  always  invited 
in  a neighbor  to  eat  with  her.  By  the  side  of  the  house  sud- 

Vol.  I.— U 


458 


CHINESE  ANECDOTES. 


denly  there  bubbled  forth  a spring,  the  water  of  which  tasted 
like  the  river  water,  and  every  day  a brace  of  carp  leaped  out, 
which  they  took  and  gave  their  mother. 

The  cut  represents  two  ladies  seated  at  a table  enjoying  the  fish,  while  the 
son  and  daughter-in-law  stand  by  in  the  most  respectful  manner,  ready  to 
wait  upon  their  dear  mother  and  her  guest.  It  would  seem  that  they  never 
tasted  of  the  fish.  Filial  piety  among  the  Chinese  requires  compliance, 
without  displeasure  or  the  exhibition  of  reluctance,  with  the  wishes  or  com- 
mands of  the  parents.  On  account  of  serving  their  mother  thus  dutifully, 
though  she  was  unmindful  of  their  comfort  and  appetites  to  a very  unreason- 
able degree,  Heaven  rewarded  She  and  Pang  with  “the  gushing  fountain  and 
the  leaping  carp.”  This  and  several  other  of  these  examples  of  filial  duty, 
however,  appear  to  be  calculated  to  teach  that  Heaven  approved  the  con- 
duct of  the  parents  as  much  as  of  the  children. 

With  sports  and  gayly-colored  garments  lie  diverted  his 
parents.  In  the  Chau  dynasty,  the  venerable  Lae  obeyed  his 
parents  very  dutifully.  He  provided  them  with  the  sweetest 
and  most  delicate  food.  When  he  had  arrived  at  the  age  of 
seventy  years,  still  he  did  not  call  himself  old.  He  was  accus- 
tomed to  dress  himself  in  clothing  variegated  with  five  difiei1- 
ent  colors,  and  would  act  like  a little  child,  playing  by  the  side 
of  his  parents.  He  would  also  take  a pail  of  water,  and,  while 
going  up  into  the  house  with  it,  would  pretend  to  slip,  and, 
falling  down  to  the  ground,  would  cry  like  a child.  He  did 
these  things  in  order  to  amuse  his  parents. 

According  to  Chinese  notions,  of  politeness,  one  must  not  represent  him- 
self as  old  in  the  presence  of  his  parents,  or  even  while  they  are  living,  lest 
the  remark  should  excite  in  them  unpleasant  reflections,  thinking,  If  our  son 
is  old,  how  much  more  are  we ! It  is  said  that  Lae’s  parents  were  peevish 
and  fretful ; consequently,  in  order  to  please  them,  though  he  was  seventy 
years  old,  and  had  lost  almost  all  his  teeth,  he  called  himself  their  little  boy, 
dressed  in  garments  which,  both  in  regard  to  fashion  and  gaudy  colors,  were 
worn  only  by  children,  adopted  boyish  manners,  and  indulged  in  childish 
sports. 

Hearing  the  thunder , he  wept  at  her  grave.  In  the  country 
of  Wei,  Wang  Shwai  served  his  parents  very  dutifully.  His 
mother,  while  living,  was  exceedingly  frightened  whenever  it 
thundered,  and,  having  died,  she  was  buried  in  the  hilly  forest. 
Afterward,  when  there  happened  wind  and  rain,  and  he  heard 
the  noise  of  Iloheang  rumbling  and  thundering  along,  he  im- 
mediately ran  to  the  grave,  and,  reverently  kneeling  down, 
wept,  saying,  “ Shwai  is  here,  dear  mother,  do  not  fear.” 


BAMBOO  SPROUTS  VERSUS  WEEPING. 


459 


Hoheang  is  the  name  of  the  female  demon  or  goddess  who  manages  the 
chariot  of  thunder.  Shwai  refused  to  take  office  because  it  would  interfere 
with  his  frequently  visiting  the  tomb  of  his  mother  in  the  forest.  When  he 
came  to  the  passage  in  the  Book  of  Odes,  “Alas!  alas!  my  parents  have 
borne  and  nourished  me  with  much  trouble  and  care,”  he  always  read  it 
three  times,  each  reading  being  accompanied  with  a gush  of  tears.  His  pu- 
pils often  took  the  precaution  to  tear  out  this  passage  from  the  book,  in  order 
to  prevent  their  teacher  from  being  so  deeply  affected. 

He  wept  by  the  bamboos , and  they  produced  sprouts.  In 
the  Tsin  dynasty,  Mang  Tsung,  when  young,  mourned  the 
death  of  his  father.  His  mother,  when  aged,  was  taken  very 
sick.  During  the  winter  season  she  wanted  some  bamboo 
shoots  made  up  into  soup  to  eat,  but  Tsung  had  no  means  to 
obtain  any.  Finally,  he  went  into  the  bamboo  forest,  and, 
grasping  a bamboo  with  his  hands,  burst  into  tears.  Such  fil- 
ial devotion  moved  Heaven  and  Eai'th,  and  in  a little  while  the 
earth  opened  and  shot  forth  several  bamboo  sprouts.  These 
he  took,  and,  returning  home,  made  soup,  which  he  gave  his 
mother.  As  soon  as  she  had  finished  eating  it  she  became 
perfectly  well. 

It  is  said  that,  previous  to  this  filial  conduct  of  Mang  Tsung,  the  bamboos 
did  not  put  forth  their  sprouts  till  spring,  but  that,  having  begun  to  do  it  for 
the  benefit  of  his  mother  in  the  winter  time,  they  have  kept  up  the  laudable 
practice  until  the  present  time.  It  should  be  remarked  that  they  continue  to 
grow  as  late  in  the  spring  as  they  did  formerly,  notwithstanding  they  sprout 
so  much  earlier  in  the  season  than  they  did  before  his  day.  Taking  this 
view  of  the  subject,  it  is  but  just  that  the  Chinese  should  celebrate  the  praises 
of  Tsung,  who  thus  not  only  cured  his  venerable  parent  with  his  soup  made 
of  bamboo  sprouts,  but  influenced  Heaven  and  Earth  to  cause  that  vegetable 
to  shoot  forth  some  months  every  year  sooner  than  it  was  in  the  habit  of 
doing.  Behold  the  power  of  a single  act  of  sincere  filial  piety ! 


END  OF  VOL.  I. 


DS721  .D68  v.l 

Social  life  of  the  Chinese  : with  some 

Princeton  Theological  Seminary-Speer  Library 


1 1012  00135  3996 


